OF CHIVALRY AND BARBARIAN MANNERS, IN THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE CONDITION
OF WOMEN.
An indefatigable zeal for the sanctity of marriage, and an anxious
solicitude to carry the principle of modesty to the highest degree
of delicacy, are the two rules which have guided Catholicity in her
efforts for the elevation of woman. These are the two great means she
has employed in attaining her object, and hence comes the influence
and importance of women in Europe. M. Guizot is, therefore, wrong in
saying that "it is to the development, to the necessary preponderance
of domestic manners in the feudal system, that this change, this
improvement in their condition is chiefly owing." I will not discuss
the greater or less influence of the feudal system on the development
of European manners. Undoubtedly when the feudal lord "shall have his
wife, his children, and scarcely any others in his house, they alone
will form his permanent society; they alone will share his interests,
his destiny. It is impossible for domestic influence not to acquire
great power." (_Leçon 4._) But if the lord, returning to his castle,
found one wife there, and not many, to what was that owing? Who forbade
him to abuse his power by turning his house into a harem? Who bridled
his passions and prevented his making victims of his timid vassals?
Surely these were the doctrines and morals introduced into Europe,
and deeply rooted there by the Catholic Church; it was the strict
laws which she imposed as a barrier to the invasions of the passions;
therefore, even if we suppose that feudality did produce this good, it
is still owing to the Catholic Church.
That which has no doubt tended to exaggerate the influence of feudality
in all that raises and ennobles women, is a fact that appears very
evidently at that period, and is dazzling at first sight. This is the
brilliant spirit of chivalry, which, rising out of the bosom of the
feudal system, and rapidly diffusing itself, produced the most heroic
actions, gave birth to a literature rich in imagination and feeling,
and contributed in great measure to soften and humanize the savage
manners of the feudal lords. This period is particularly distinguished
for the spirit of gallantry; not the gallantry which consists generally
in the tender relations of the two sexes, but a greatly exaggerated
gallantry on the part of man, combining, in a remarkable way, the most
heroic courage with the most lively faith and the most ardent religion.
God and his lady; such is the constant thought of the knight; this
absorbs all his faculties, occupies all his time, and fills up all
his existence. As long as he can obtain a victory over the infidels,
and is supported by the hope of offering at the feet of his lady the
trophies of his triumph, no sacrifice costs him any thing, no journey
fatigues, no danger affrights, no enterprise discourages him. His
excited imagination transports him into a world of fancy; his heart
is on fire; he undertakes all, he finishes all; and the man who has
just fought like a lion on the plains of Spain, or of Palestine, melts
like wax at the name of the idol of his heart; then he turns his eyes
amorously towards his country, and is intoxicated with the idea that
one day, sighing under the castle of his beloved, he may obtain a
pledge of her affection, or a promise of love. Woe to any one who is
bold enough to dispute his treasure, or indiscreet enough to fix his
eyes on those battlements. The lioness who has been robbed of her cubs
is not more terrible, the forest torn to pieces by the hurricane is
not more agitated than his heart; nothing can stop his vengeance, _he
must destroy his rival or die_. In examining this mixture of mildness
and ferocity, of religion and passion, which, no doubt, has been
exaggerated by the fancies of chroniclers and troubadours, but which
must have had a real type, we shall observe that it was very natural
at that time, and that it is not so contradictory as it appears at
first sight. Indeed, nothing was more natural than violent passions
among men whose ancestors, not long before, had come from the forests
of the north to pitch their bloody tents on the site of ruined cities;
nothing was more natural than that there should be no other judge than
strength of arm among men whose only profession was war, and who lived
in an embryo society, where there was no public law strong enough to
restrain private passions. Nothing, too, was more natural to those
men than a lively sense of religion, for religion was the only power
which they acknowledged; she had enchanted their imaginations by the
splendour and magnificence of her temples, by the majesty and pomp of
her worship. She had filled them with astonishment, by placing before
their eyes the most sublime virtue, by addressing them in language as
lofty as it was sweet and insinuating; language, no doubt, imperfectly
understood by them, but which, nevertheless, convinced them of the
holiness and divinity of the Christian mysteries and precepts, inspired
them with respect and admiration, and also exercising a powerful
influence on their minds, enkindled enthusiasm and produced heroism.
Thus we see that all that was good in this exalted sentiment emanated
from religion; if we take away faith, we shall find nothing but the
barbarian, who knew no other law than his spear, and no other rule of
conduct than the inspirations of his fiery soul.
The more we penetrate into the spirit of chivalry and examine in
particular the feelings which it professed towards women, the more
we shall see that, instead of raising them, it supposes them already
raised and surrounded by respect. Chivalry does not give a new place
to women; it finds them already honoured and respected; and indeed,
if it were not so, how could it imagine a gallantry so exaggerated,
so fantastical? But if we imagine to ourselves the beauty of a virgin
covered by the veil of Christian modesty; if we imagine this charm
increased by illusion, we shall then understand the madness of the
knight. If we imagine, at the same time, the virtuous matron, the
companion of man, the mother of a family, the only woman in whom were
concentrated all the affections of husband and children, the Christian
wife, we shall understand why the knight was intoxicated at the mere
idea of obtaining so much happiness, why his love was more than a
sensual feeling, it was a respect, a veneration, a worship.
It has been attempted to find the origin of this kind of worship in
the manners of the Germans; on the strength of some expressions of
Tacitus, the social amelioration of woman's lot has been attributed
to the respect with which the barbarians surrounded her. M. Guizot
rejects this assertion, and justly combats it by observing that what
Tacitus tells us of the Germans was not exclusively applicable to
them, since "phrases similar to those of Tacitus, and sentiments and
customs analogous to those of the ancient Germans, are met with in the
statements of many observers of savage or barbarous nations." Yet in
spite of this wise remark, the same opinion has been maintained: it is
necessary, then, to combat it again.
The passage of Tacitus is this: "Inesse quin etiam sanctum aliquid
et providum putant, nec aut consilia eorum aspernantur, aut responsa
negligunt. Vidimus sub Divo Vespasiano Velledam diu apud plerosque
numinis loco habitare." (_De Mor. Germ._) "They go so far as to think
that there is in women something holy and prophetical; they do not
despise their counsels, and they listen to their predictions. In the
time of the divine Vespasian, we have seen the greater part of them
for a long time regard Velleda as a goddess." It seems to me that it
is mistaking the passage of Tacitus, to extend its meaning to domestic
manners, and to see in it a trait of married life. If we attend to
the historian's words, we shall see that such an explanation is far
from his idea. His words only relate to the superstition which made
the people attribute to some women the prophetic character. Even the
example chosen by Tacitus serves to show the truth and justness of
this observation. "Velleda," he says, "was regarded as a goddess." In
another part of his works, Tacitus explains his idea by telling us, of
this same Velleda, "that this girl of the nation of Bructeres enjoyed
great power, owing to an ancient custom among the Germans, which made
them look upon many women as prophetesses, and, in fine, with the
progress of superstition, as real divinities." "Ea virgo nationis
Bructeræ late imperitabat, vetere apud Germanos more quo plerasque
fœminarum fatidicas et augescente superstitione arbitrantur deas."
(_Hist. 4._) The text which I have just quoted proves to demonstration
that Tacitus speaks of superstition and not of family regulations,
very different things; as it might easily happen that some women were
regarded as divinities, while the rest of their sex only occupied a
place in society inferior to that which belonged to them. At Athens,
great importance was given to the priestesses of Ceres; at Rome to the
Vestals, the Pythonesses; and the history of the Sibyls shows that it
was not peculiar to the Germans to attribute the prophetical character
to women. It is not for me now to explain the cause of these facts;
it is enough for my purpose to state them; perhaps, on this point,
physiology might throw light on the philosophy of history.
When Tacitus, in the same work, describes the severity of the manners
of the Germans with respect to marriage, it is easy to observe that
the order of superstition and the order of the family were among them
very different. We have no longer here any thing of the _sanctum et
providum_; we find only a jealous austerity in maintaining the line
of duty; and we see woman, instead of being regarded as a goddess,
given up to the vengeance of the husband, if she has been unfaithful.
This curious passage proves that the power of man over woman was not
much limited by the customs of the Germans. "Accisis crinibus," says
Tacitus, "nudatam coram propinquis expellit domo maritus, ac per omnem
vicum verbere agit." "After having cut off her hair, the husband drives
her from his house in presence of her relations, and beats her with
rods ignominiously through the village." Certainly this punishment
gives us an idea of the infamy which was attached to adultery among
the Germans; but it was little calculated to increase the respect
entertained for them publicly; this would have been greater had they
been stoned to death.
When we read in Tacitus the description of the social state of the
Germans, we must not forget that some traits of their manners are
purposely embellished by him, which is very natural for a writer of his
sentiments. We must not forget that Tacitus was indignant and afflicted
at the sight of the fearful corruption of manners at that time in Rome.
He paints, it is true, in glowing colours, the sanctity of marriage
among the Germans; but who does not see that, when doing so, he had
before his eyes matrons who, according to Seneca, reckoned their years
not by the succession of consuls, but by change of husbands, and women
without a shadow of modesty, given up to the greatest profligacy?
We can easily see to whom he alludes when he makes these severe
remarks: "Nemo enim illic vitia ridet, nec corrumpere et corrumpi
sæculum vocatur." "There vice is not laughed at, and corruption is
not called the fashion." A strong expression, which describes the
age, and explains to us the secret joy with which Tacitus cast in the
face of Rome, so refined and so corrupted, the pure image of German
manners. That which sharpened the raillery of Juvenal andenvenomed
his bitter satires, excited the indignation of Tacitus, and drew from
his grave philosophy these severe reprimands. Other information which
we possess shows us that the pictures of Tacitus are embellished, and
that the manners of this people were far from being as pure as he
wishes to persuade us. Perhaps they may have been strict with respect
to marriage; but it is certain that polygamy was not unknown among
them. Cæsar, an eye-witness, relates, that the German king Ariovistus
had two wives (_De Bello Gallico_, l. i.); and this was not a solitary
instance, for Tacitus himself tells us that a few of them had several
wives at once, not on account of sensuality, but for distinction.
"Exceptis admodum paucis, qui non libidine, sed ob nobilitatem,
pluribus nuptiis ambiuntur." This distinction, _non libidine sed ob
nobilitatem_, is amusing; but it is clear that the kings and nobles,
under one pretence or another, allowed themselves greater liberty than
the severe historian would have approved of.
Who can tell what was the state of morality among those forests? If we
may be allowed to conjecture by analogy, from the resemblance which
may naturally be supposed to exist among the different nations of
the North, what an idea might we conceive of it from certain customs
of the Britons, who, in bodies of ten or twelve, had their wives in
common; chiefly brothers with brothers, and fathers with sons; so
that they were compelled to distinguish the families conventionally,
by giving the children to him who had first married the woman! It is
from Cæsar, an eye-witness, that we also learn this: "Uxores habent
(Britanni) deni duodenique inter se communes, et maxime fratres cum
fratribus et parentes cum liberis; sed si qui sunt ex his nati, eorum
habentur liberi a quibus primum virgines quæque ductæ sunt." (_De Bello
Gallico_, l. v.)
However this may have been, it is at least certain that the principle
of monogamy was not so much respected among the Germans as people
have been willing to suppose; an exception was made in favour of the
nobles, that is, of the powerful; and that was enough to deprive the
principle of all its force, and to prepare its ruin. In such a matter,
to establish an exception to the law in favour of the powerful, is
almost to abrogate it. It may be said, I admit, that the powerful
will never want means of violating it; but it is one thing for the
powerful to violate the law, and another for the law itself to retire
before them, leaving the way open: in the first case, the employment
of force does not destroy the law--the very shock which breaks it,
makes its existence felt, and visibly shows the wrong and injustice;
in the second case, the law prostitutes itself, if I may so speak; the
passions have no need of force to open for themselves a passage, the
law itself opens the door for them. From that time it remains degraded
and disgraced; its own baseness has undermined the moral principle
on which it was founded; and, owing to its own fault, it becomes
itself the subject of animadversion to those who are still compelled
to observe it. Thus the right of polygamy, once recognised among the
Germans in favour of the great, must, with time, have become general
among the other classes of the people; and it is very probable that
this was the case when the conquest of more productive countries, the
enjoyment of more genial climates, and some improvement in their social
condition furnished them more abundantly with the means of gratifying
their inclinations. An evil so great could only be withstood by the
inflexible severity of the Catholic Church. Nobles and kings still had
a strong inclination towards the privileges which we have seen their
predecessors enjoying before they embraced the Christian religion.
Thence it came that, in the first centuries after the irruption of
the barbarians, the Church had so much trouble in restraining their
violent inclinations. Would not those who have endeavored to find among
the Germans so large a portion of the constitutive elements of modern
civilization have shown more wisdom, if they had recognised, in the
manners which we have been examining, one of the causes which made the
struggles between the secular princes and the Church so frequent?
I do not see why we should seek in the forests of the barbarians for
the origin of one of the finest attributes of our civilization, or why
we should give to those nations virtues of which they showed so little
evidence when they invaded the countries of the south.
Without monuments, without history--almost without any index as to
their social condition--it is difficult, not to say impossible, to
know any thing certain with respect to their manners; but I ask, what
must have been their morality, in the midst of such ignorance, such
superstition, and such barbarism?
The little that we know about these nations has been necessarily taken
from the Roman historians; and unfortunately this is not one of the
purest sources. It almost always happens that observers, especially
when they are conquerors, only give some slight notions with regard
to the political state of a people, and are almost silent as to their
social and domestic condition. In order to form an idea of this part of
the condition of a nation, it is necessary to mingle with them, and be
intimate with them; now this is generally prevented by their different
states of civilization, especially when the observers and the observed
are exasperated against each other by long years of war and slaughter.
Add to this, that, in such cases, the attention is particularly
attracted by what favors or opposes the designs of the conquerors,
who for the most part attach no great importance to moral subjects;
this will show us how it is that nations who are observed in this way
are only superficially known, and why such statements with respect to
religion and manners are unworthy of much confidence.
The reader will judge whether these reflections are out of place in
estimating the value of what the Romans have told us about the state
of the barbarians. It is enough to fix our eyes on the scenes of blood
and horror prevailing for centuries, which show us, on the one hand,
the ambition of Rome, which, not content with the empire of the then
known world, wished to extend its power over the most distant forests
of the North; and, on the other, the indomitable spirit of barbarian
independence, breaking in pieces the chains which were attempted
to be imposed upon them, and destroying, by their bold incursions,
the ramparts which the skill of the Roman generals labored to raise
against them. See, then, what we ought to think of barbarian society,
as described by Roman historians. What shall we think, if we consult
the few traits which the barbarians themselves have left us, of
their manners and maxims with respect to their social condition? It
is always risking much to seek in barbarism for the origin of one
of the most beautiful results of civilization, and to attribute to
vague and superstitious feelings what, during centuries, forms the
normal state of the most advanced nations. If these noble sentiments,
which are represented to us as emanating from the barbarians, really
existed among them, how did they avoid perishing in the midst of their
migrations and revolutions? How did they alone remain, when every thing
relating to the social condition of the barbarians disappeared?
These sentiments would not have been preserved in a stationary state,
but we should have seen them stripped of their superstition and
grossness, purified, ennobled, and made reasonable, just, salutary,
chivalrous, and worthy of civilized nations. Such assertions have,
from the first sight, the character of bold paradoxes. Certainly, when
we have to explain great phenomena in the social order, it is rather
more philosophical to seek for their origin in ideas which for a long
time have exercised a powerful influence on society, in manners and
institutions emanating from them, in laws, in fine, which have been
recognised and respected for many centuries as established by Divine
power.
Why, then, attempt to explain the respect in which women are held in
Europe, by the superstitious veneration which barbarous nations offered
in their forests to Velleda, Aurinia, and Gauna? Reason and good sense
tell us that the real origin of this wonderful phenomenon is not to
be found there, and that we must seek elsewhere for the causes which
have contributed to produce it. History reveals to us these causes,
and renders them palpable to us, by showing us facts which leave no
doubt as to the source whence this powerful and salutary influence
emanated. Before Christianity, woman, oppressed by the tyranny of man,
was scarcely raised above the rank of slavery; her weakness condemned
her to be the victim of the strong. The Christian religion, by its
doctrines of fraternity in Jesus Christ, and equality before God,
destroys the evil in its root, by teaching man that woman ought not
to be his slave, but his companion. From that moment the amelioration
of woman's lot was felt wherever Christianity was spread; and woman,
as far as the degradation of ancient manners allowed, began to gather
the fruit of a doctrine which was to make a complete change in her
condition, by giving her a new existence. This is one of the principal
causes of the amelioration of woman's lot: a sensible, palpable cause,
which is easily shown without making any gratuitous supposition, a
cause which is not founded on conjecture, but which appears evident on
the first glance at the most notorious facts of history.
Moreover, Catholicity, by the severity of its morality, by the lofty
protection which it affords to the delicate feeling of modesty,
corrected and purified manners; thus it very much elevated woman, whose
dignity is incompatible with corruption and licentiousness. In fine,
Catholicity itself, or the Catholic Church, (and observe, I do not say
Christianity,) by its firmness in establishing and preserving monogamy
and the indissolubility of the marriage tie, restrained the caprices
of man, and made him concentrate his affections on one wife, who could
not be divorced. Thus woman passed from a state of slavery to that of
the companion of man. The instrument of pleasure was changed into the
mother of a family, respected by her children and servants. Thus was
created in the family identity of interests; thus was guarantied the
education of children, which produced the close intimacy which among
us unites husband and wife, parents and children. The atrocious right
of life and death was destroyed; the father had not even the right
to inflict punishments too severe; and all this admirable system was
strengthened by ties strong but mild, was based on the principles
of sound morality, sustained by prevailing manners, guarantied and
protected by the laws, fortified by reciprocal interests, sanctioned by
time, and endeared by love. This is the truly satisfactory explanation
of the enigma; this is the origin of the honor and dignity of woman
in Europe; thence we have derived the organization of the family,--an
inestimable benefit which Europeans possess without appreciating it,
without being sufficiently acquainted with it, and watching over its
preservation as they ought.
In treating of this important matter, I have purposely distinguished
between Christianity and Catholicity, in order to avoid a confusion in
words, which would have entailed a confusion in things. In reality,
the true, the only Christianity is Catholicity; but, unfortunately,
we cannot now employ these words indiscriminately, not only on
account of Protestantism, but also on account of the monstrous
philosophico-Christian nomenclature which ranks Christianity among
philosophical sects, as if it were nothing more than a system imagined
by man. As the principle of charity plays a great part wherever the
religion of Jesus Christ is found, and as this principle is evident
even to the eyes of the incredulous, philosophers who have wished
to persevere in their incredulity without incurring the scandalous
epithet of disciples of Voltaire, have adopted the words fraternity
and humanity, to make them the theme of their instructions; they have
consented to give to Christianity the chief glory of originating
its sublime ideas and generous sentiments: thus they appear not to
contradict the history of the past as the philosophy of the age gone by
in its madness did; but they pretend to accommodate all to the present
time, and prepare the way for a greater and happier future. For these
philosophers Christianity is not a divine religion; by no means. With
them it is an idea, fortunate, magnificent, and fruitful in grand
results, but purely human; it is the result of long and painful human
labors. Polytheism, Judaism, the philosophy of the East, of Egypt,
of Greece, were all preparatory to that great work. Jesus Christ,
according to them, only moulded into form an idea which was in embryo
in the bosom of humanity. He fixed and developed it, and, by reducing
it to practice, made the human race to take a step of great importance
in the path of progress into which it has entered. But, He is always,
in the eyes of these philosophers, nothing more than a philosopher
of Judea, as Socrates was of Greece, and Seneca of Rome. Still we
should rejoice that they grant to Him this human existence, and do not
transform Him into a mythological being, by considering the Gospel
narrative as a mere allegory.
Thus, at the present time, it is of the first importance to distinguish
between Christianity and Catholicity, whenever we have to bring
to light and present to the gratitude of mankind the unspeakable
benefits for which they are indebted to the Christian religion. It is
necessary to show that what has regenerated the world was not an idea
thrown at hazard among all those who have struggled for preference
and pre-eminence; but that it was a collection of truths sent from
Heaven, transmitted to the human race by a God made Man, by means of
a society formed and authorized by Himself, in order to perpetuate to
the end of time the work which His word had established, which His
miracles had sanctioned, and which He had sealed with His blood. It is
consequently necessary to exhibit this society, that is, the Catholic
Church, realizing in her laws and institutions the inspirations and
instructions of her Divine Master, and accomplishing the lofty mission
of leading men towards eternal happiness, while ameliorating their
condition here below, and consoling them in this land of misfortune. In
this way we form a correct idea of Christianity, if we may so speak,
or rather we show it as it really is, not as men vainly represent it.
And observe, that we ought never to fear for the truth, when the facts
of history are fully and searchingly examined. If in the vast field
into which our investigations lead us, we sometimes find ourselves in
obscurity, walking for a long time in dark vaults which the rays of
the sun do not visit, and where the soil under our feet threatens to
swallow us up, let us fear nothing, let us advance with courage and
confidence; amid the darkest windings we shall discover at a distance
the light that shines upon the end of our journey; we shall see truth
seated on the threshold, placidly smiling at our terrors and anxieties.
To philosophers, as well as to Protestants, we would say, if
Christianity were not realized in a visible society, always in contact
with man, and provided with the authority necessary for teaching and
guiding him, it would be only a theory, like all others that have
been and still are seen on the earth; consequently it would be either
altogether sterile, or at least unable to produce any of those great
works which endure unimpaired for ages. Now one of these is undoubtedly
Christian marriage, and the family organization which has been its
immediate consequence. It would have been vain to advance notions
favorable to the dignity of woman and tending to improve her lot, if
the sanctity of marriage had not been guarantied by a power generally
acknowledged and revered. That power is continually struggling against
the passions which labor to overcome it; what would have happened if
they had had to contend with no other obstacle than a philosophic
theory, or a religious idea without reality in society, and without
power to obtain submission and obedience?
We have, then, no need of recurring to that extravagant philosophy
which seeks for light in the midst of darkness, and which, on seeing
order arise out of chaos, has conceived the singular notion of
affirming that it was produced by it. If we find in the doctrines, in
the laws of the Catholic Church the origin of the sanctity of marriage
and the dignity of woman, why should we seek for it in the manners of
brutal barbarians, who had no veil for modesty and the privacy of the
nuptial couch? Let us hear Cæsar speaking of the Germans: "Nulla est
occultatio, quod et promiscui in fluminibus perluuntur, et pellibus aut
rhenorum tegumentis utuntur, magna corporis parte nuda." (_De Bello
Gall._, l. vi.)
I have been obliged to oppose authority to authority; I was under the
necessity of destroying the fantastical systems into which men have
been seduced by an over love of subtilty, by the mania of finding
extraordinary causes for phenomena, the origin of which may easily
be discovered when we have recourse, in good faith and sincerity, to
the concurring instructions of philosophy and history. It was highly
necessary, in order to clear up one of the most delicate questions in
the history of the human race, and to find the source of one of the
most fruitful elements of European civilization. My task was nothing
less than to explain the organization of families, that is, to fix one
of the poles on which the axis of society turns.
Let Protestantism boast of having introduced divorce, of having
deprived marriage of the beautiful and sublime character of a
sacrament, of having withdrawn from the care and protection of the
Church the most important act of human life; let it rejoice in having
destroyed the sacred asylums of virgins consecrated to God; let it
declaim against the most angelic and heroic virtue; let us, after
having defended the doctrine and conduct of the Catholic Church at
the tribunal of philosophy and history, conclude by appealing to
the judgment, not indeed of high philosophy, but of good sense and
feeling.[18]