city, most respectfully give to understand, that it is a truth, as
melancholy, as it is universally known, that the declension of
manufactures, which all the well-disposed citizens have remarked with
the most lively grief, from the beginning of this century, has increased
more and more for several years; and that this principal branch of the
subsistence of the good citizens, has fallen into such a state of
languor, that our city, once so flourishing, so populous, so celebrated,
on account of its commerce and of its trades, appears to be threatened
with total ruin; that the diminution of its merchants houses, on the one
hand, and on the other, a total loss, or the sensible decrease of
several branches of commerce, furnish an evident proof of it; which the
petitioners could demonstrate by several examples, if there were need of
them to convince. Your noble and grand Lordships, to whom the increase
of the multitude of the poor, the deplorable situation of several
families, heretofore in easy circumstances, the depopulation of the
city, which one cannot observe without emotion in the ruins of several
streets, once neat and well inhabited, are fully known, will recollect
no doubt upon this occasion, with grief, that this state of languor must
appear so much the more desperate, if your noble and grand lordships
will take into consideration, that in this decay of trades and
manufactures, we find a new reason of their farther fall, considering,
that from the time there is not continual employment, and an
uninterrupted sale, the workmen desert in such manner, that when
considerable commissions arrive, we cannot find capable hands, and we
see ourselves entirely out of a condition to execute these orders.
That the petitioners, with all the true friends of their country,
extremely affected with this alarming situation of so rich a source of
the public prosperity, have indeed sought the means of a remedy, in
amending some defects, from which it seemed to arise, at least in part;
but that the measures taken in this view, as is well know to your noble
and grand Lordships, have not had the desired effect; at least, that
they have not produced a re-establishment so effectual, that we have
been able to observe a sensible influence in the increase of the sales
of the manufactures of Leyden, as appears most evidently, by a
comparison of the pieces fabricated here, which have been heretofore
carried to the divers markets of this city, with those which are carried
there at this day; a comparison which a true citizen cannot of consider
without regret.
That experience has also taught the petitioners, that the principal
cause of the decay of the manufactures of Holland, particularly those of
Leyden, is not to be found in any internal vice, either in the capacity,
or the oeconomy of the inhabitants, but in circumstances which have
happened abroad; and to which it is, consequently, beyond the power of
the petitioners, or of any citizen whatsoever, to provide a remedy. That
we might cite, for example, the commerce of our manufactures with
Dantzic; and, through that commercial city, with all Poland; a commerce
which was carried on with success and advantage heretofore in our city,
but is absolutely interrupted at this day, and vanished, by the
revolution which has happened in that kingdom, and by the burthensome
duties to which the navigation of the Vistula has been subjected. But
that, without entering into a detail of similar particular shackles, of
which we might reckon a great number; the principal cause of the
languishing state of our manufactures consists in the jealous emulation
of the neighbouring nations, or rather of all the people of Europe;
considering that, in this age, the several princes and governments,
enlightened in the real sources of the public prosperity, and the true
interests of their subjects, attach themselves with emulation to revive
in their kingdoms and states the national industry, commerce, and
navigation; to encourage them, and promote them even by exclusive
privileges, or by heavy impositions upon foreign merchandizes;
privileges and impositions, which tend equally to the prejudice of the
commerce and the manufactures of our country, as your noble and grand
Lordships will easily recollect the examples in the Austrian states and
elsewhere.
That in the midst of these powers and nations, emulous or jealous, it is
impossible for the citizens of our Republic, however superior their
manufactures may be in quality and fineness, to resist a rivalry so
universal; especially considering the dearness of labour, caused by that
of the means of subsistence; which, in its turn, is a necessary
consequence of the taxes and imposts which the inhabitants of this State
pay in a greater number, and a higher rate, than in any other country,
by reason of her natural situation, and of its means to support itself;
so that by the continual operation of this principal, but irreparable
cause of decline, it is to be feared, that the impoverishment and the
diminution of the good citizens increasing with the want of employment,
the Dutch nation, heretofore the purveyor of all Europe, will be obliged
to content itself with the sale of its own productions in the interior
of the country; (and how much does not even this resource suffer by the
importation of foreign manufactures?) and that Leyden, lately so rich
and flourishing, will exhibit desolated quarters in its declining
streets; and its multitude, disgraced with want and misery; an affecting
proof of the sudden fall of countries formerly overflowing with
prosperity.
That, if we duly consider these motives, no citizen, whose heart is
upright, (as the petitioners assure themselves) much less your noble and
grand Lordships, whose good dispositions they acknowledge with
gratitude, will take it amiss, that we have fixed our eyes on the
present conjuncture of affairs, to enquire whether these times might not
furnish them some means of reviving the languishing manufactures of
Leyden; and that after a consideration well matured, they flatter
themselves with the hope (a hope which unprejudiced men will not regard
as a vain chimera) that in fact, by the present circumstances, there
opens in their favour an issue for arriving at the re-establishment
desired.
That from the time when the rupture between Great Britain and the
Colonies upon the continent of North America appeared to be irreparable,
every attentive spectator of this event perceived, or at least was
convinced, that this rupture, by which there was born a republic, as
powerful as industrious, in the new world, would have the most important
consequences for commerce and navigation; and that the other commercial
nations of Europe would soon share in a very considerable commerce,
whereof the kingdom of Great Britain had reserved to itself, until that
time, the exclusive possession by its Act of Navigation, and by the
other acts of parliament prescribed to the Colonies; that in the time of
it, this reflection did not escape your petitioners; and they foresaw,
from that time, the advantage which might arise, in the sequel, from a
revolution so important for the United Provinces in general, and for
their native city in particular. But that they should have been afraid
to have placed this favourable occasion before the eyes of your noble
and grand Lordships, at an epoch when the relations which connected our
Republic with Great Britain, her neighbour, seemed to forbid all
measures of this nature, or at least ought to make them be considered as
out of season.
That, in the mean time, this reason of silence has entirely ceased, by
the hostilities which the said kingdom has commenced against our
Republic, under pretences, and in a manner the injustice of which has
been demonstrated by the supreme government of the State, with an
irrefragable evidence, in the eyes of impartial Europe; whilst the
petitioners themselves, by the illegal capture of so large a number of
Dutch ships, and afterwards by the absolute stagnation of navigation,
and of voyages to foreign countries, have experienced in the most
grievous manner, the consequences of this hostile and unforeseen attack,
and feel them still every day, as is abundantly known to your noble and
grand Lordships. That since that epoch, a still more considerable number
of workmen must have remained without employment, and several fathers of
families have quitted the city, abandoning, to the farther expense of
the treasury of the poor, their wives and their children plunged in
misery.
That during this rupture, which has subsisted now for fifteen months,
there has occurred another circumstance, which has encouraged the
petitioners still more, and which to them appears to be of such a
nature, that they would be guilty of an excessive indifference, and an
unpardonable negligence towards the city, towards the lower class of
inhabitants, towards their own families, and towards themselves, if
they should delay any longer to lay open their interests to your noble
and grand Lordships, in a manner the most respectful, but the most
energetic; to wit, that the United States of America have very
rigorously forbidden, by a resolution of Congress, agreed to in all the
Thirteen States, the importation of all English manufactures, and in
general, all the merchandizes fabricated in the dominions which yet
remain to Great Britain. That the effect of this prohibition must
necessarily be a spirit of emulation between all the commercial nations
to take place of the British merchants and manufacturers in this
important branch of exportation, which is entirely cut off from them at
this day. That nevertheless, among all the nations there is none which
can entertain a hope, better founded, and more sure, in this respect,
than the citizens of this free Republic, whether on account of the
identity of religion, the fashion of living, and the manners, whether
because of the extent of its commerce, and the convenience of its
navigation, but above all, by reason of the activity and good faith,
which still distinguishes (without boasting too much) the Dutch nation
above all other people; qualities in consideration of which, the
citizens of United America are inclined even at present, to prefer, in
equal circumstances, the citizens of our free States, to every other
nation.
That, nevertheless, all relations and connections of commerce between
the two people, cannot but be uncertain and fluctuating, as long as
their offers and reciprocal engagements are not fixed and regulated by a
treaty of commerce. That at this day, if ever, (according to the
respectful opinion of the petitioners) there exists a necessity the most
absolute for the conclusion of a similar treaty of commerce, there,
where we may say with truth, that there arises for the Republic, for our
Leyden especially, a moment, which once escaped, perhaps never will
return; since the national assembly of Great Britain, convinced, by a
terrible and fatal experience, of the absolute impossibility of
re-attaching united America to the British crown, has laid before the
throne its desire to conclude a necessary peace with a people, free as
this day at the price of their blood: So that if this peace should be
once concluded, the Dutch nation would see itself perhaps excluded from
all advantages of commerce with this new Republic, or at least would be
treated by her with an indifference, which the small value which we
should have put upon its friendship in former times, would seem to
merit.
That, supposing, for a moment, that a peace between England and United
America were not so near as we have reason to presume, not without
probability, there would be found in that case nations enough who will
be jealous of acquiring, after the example of France, the earliest right
to commerce with a country, which already peopled by several millions of
inhabitants, augments every day in population, in a manner incredible;
but, as a new people, unprovided as yet with several necessary articles,
will procure a rich, even an immense outlet, for the fabricks and
manufactures of Europe.
That, however manifest the interest which the petitioners and all the
citizens of Leyden would have in the conclusion of such a treaty of
commerce, they would however have made a scruple to lay before the
paternal eyes of your noble and grand Lordships the utility, or rather
the necessity of such a measure, in respect to them, if they could
believe, that their particular advantage would be, in any wise, contrary
to the more universal interests of all the Republic. But, as far as the
petitioners may judge, as citizens, of the situation, and the political
existence of their country, they are ignorant of any reasons of this
kind: but, on the contrary, they dare appeal to the unanimous voice of
their fellow-citizens, well intentioned, in the other cities and
provinces, even of the Regents the most distinguished; since it is
universally known that the Province of Friesland has already preceded
the other confederates, by a resolution for opening negotiations with
America; and that in other Provinces, which have an interest less direct
in commerce and manufactures, celebrated Regents appear to wait merely
for the example of the commercial Provinces, for taking a similar
resolution.
That the petitioners will not detain the attention of your noble and
grand Mightinesses by a more ample detail of their reasons and motives,
since, on one hand, they assure themselves, that these reasons and
motives will not escape the enlightened and attentive judgment of your
grand and noble Lordships; and on the other, they know by experience,
that your grand and noble Lordships are disposed not to suffer any
occasion to pass for promoting the well-being of their city, for
advancing the prosperity of the citizens, to render their names dear to
their contemporaries, and make them blessed by posterity.
In which firm expectation, the petitioners address themselves to this
grand Council with the respectful but serious request, that it may
please your noble and great Lordships, to direct, by their powerful
influence, thing in such sort, that, in the Assembly highly respected of
their noble and grand Mightinesses the Lords the States of Holland and
West Friesland, there be opened deliberations, or if already opened,
carried as speedily as possible to an effectual conclusion, such as they
shall find the most proper for obtaining the lawful end, and fulfilling
the desires of the petitioners, or as they shall judge conformable to
the general interest.
So doing, &c.
LEYDEN.
_AN ADDRESS of Thanks, with a farther Petition_.
To the noble, great, and venerable lords, the great council of the city
of Leyden,
The undersigned manufacturers, merchants, and other traders, interested
in the manufactures and fabrics of this city, give respectfully to
understand,
That a number of the undersigned, having taken, the 18th of March, the
liberty to present to your noble and great Lordships, a respectful
request to obtain the conclusion of connections of commerce with United
America, "the petitioners judge that they ought to hold it for a duty,
as agreeable as indispensible, to testify their sincere gratitude, not
only for the gracious manner in which your noble and great Lordships
have been pleased to accept that request, but also for the patriotic
resolution that your noble and great Lordships have taken upon its
object; a resolution, in virtue of which the city of Leyden (as the
petitioners have the best reasons to suppose) hath been one of the first
cities of this province, from whose unanimous co-operation has
originated the resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses, of the
date of the 28th of March last, to direct things on the part of their
noble and grand Mightinesses, in the assembly of the States General, and
to make there the strongest instances, to the end that Mr. Adams may be
admitted and acknowledged as Minister of the United States of America."
That the petitioners regard, with all honest-hearted citizens, the
present epoch as one of the most glorious in the annals of our dear
country, seeing that there has been manifested, in a most signal manner,
on the one hand, a confidence the most cordial of the good citizens
towards their regents, and on the other hand a paternal attention and
deference of the regents to the respectful but well-founded prayers of
their faithful citizens; and, in general, the most exemplary unanimity
throughout the whole nation, to the confusion of those who, having
endeavoured to sow the seeds of discord, would have rejoiced if they
could say, with truth, that a dissention so fatal had rooted itself to
the ruin of the country and of the people.
That the petitioners, feeling themselves penetrated with the most
pleasing emotions, by an harmony so universal, cannot pass over in
silence the reflection that your noble and great Lordships, taking a
resolution the most favourable upon the said request, have discovered
thereby, that they would not abandon the footsteps of their ancestors,
who found, in the united sentiments of magistrates and citizens, the
resources necessary to resist a powerful oppressor, who even would not
have undertaken that difficult, but glorious task, if they had not been
supported by the voice of the most respectable part of the nation.
That encouraged by this reflection, the petitioners assure themselves,
that your noble and great Lordships will honour, with the same
approbation, the step which they take to day, to recommend to your noble
and great Lordships, in a manner the most respectful, but at the same
time the most pressing, the prompt and efficacious execution of the
aforesaid resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses of the 28th
of March last, with every thing which depends thereon; a proceeding
which does not spring from a desire, on the part of the petitioners, to
raise themselves above the sphere of their duties and vocations, or to
interfere, indiscreetly, in the affairs of government, but only from a
conviction that it cannot but be agreeable to well intentioned regents
(such as your noble and great Lordships have shewn yourselves by deeds
to your good citizens) to see themselves applauded in their salutary
efforts and patriotic designs, and supported against the perverse views,
and secret machinations of the ill-disposed, who, however small their
number, are always found in a nation.
That although the petitioners may be convinced that their noble and
grand Mightinesses, having taken a resolution so agreeable to all true
patriots, will not neglect to employ means to carry it to an efficacious
conclusion among the other confederates, and to procure to the good
citizens the real enjoyment of the commerce with United America, they
cannot, nevertheless, dissemble that, lately, some new reasons have
arisen, which make them conceive some fears respecting the prompt
consummation of this desirable affair.
That the probability of an offer of peace, on the part of Great-Britain,
to United America, whereof the petitioners made mention in their former
request, having at present become a full certainty by the revolution
arrived since in the British ministry, they have not learned without
uneasiness the attempt made, at the same time, by the new ministers of
the court of London, to involve this state in a negociation for a
separate peace, the immediate consequence of which would be (as the
petitioners fear) a cessation of all connections with the American
Republic, whilst that in the mean time our Republic, deprived on the one
hand of the advantages which it reasonably promises itself from these
connections, might, on the other hand, be detained by negociations, spun
out to a great length, and not effect till late, perhaps after the other
belligerent powers, a separate peace with England.
That, in effect, the difficulties which oppose themselves to a like
partial pacification are too multiplied for one to promise himself to
see them suddenly removed, such as the restitution of the possessions
taken from the state, and retaken from the English by France, a
restitution which is become thereby impracticable, the indemnification
of the immense losses that the unexpected and perfidious attack of
England hath caused to the Dutch nation in general, to the petitioners
in particular; the assurance of a free navigation for the future, upon
the principles of the armed neutrality, and conformably to the law of
nations; the dissolution of the bonds which, without being productive of
any utility to the two nations, have been a source of contestations,
always springing up, and which, in every war between Great-Britain and
any other power, have threatened to involve our Republic in it, or have
in effect done it; the annihilation, if possible, of the act of
navigation, an act which carries too evident marks of the supremacy
affected by England over all other maritime people, not to attract
attention at the approaching negociation of peace; finally, the
necessity of breaking the yoke that Great-Britain would impose on our
flag, to make her's respected in the Northern Ocean, as the seat of her
maritime empire; and other objects of this nature, which, as the
petulant proceedings of the court of London have given rise to them,
will certainly furnish matter for claims and negociations.
That as, by these considerations, a speedy consummation of a separate
peace with England is out of all probability, especially when one
compares with them the dubious and limited manner in which it is
offered; on the other hand, a general peace appears not to be so far
distant, as that to obtain a more prompt reconciliation with England,
the Republic hath occasion to abandon its interests relative to North
America, seeing that the British government hath resolved, upon the
request of the national assembly, even to discontinue offensive
hostilities against the new Republic; and that, even under the present
administration of the new ministers, it appears ready to acknowledge
positively its independence; an acknowledgment which, in removing the
principal stumbling block of a negociation of a general peace, will pave
the way to a prompt explication of all the difficulties between the
belligerent powers.
That the petitioners should exceed much the bounds of their plan, if
they entered into a more ample detail of the reasons which might be
alleged upon this subject, and which certainly will not escape the
political penetration of your noble and great Lordships; among others,
the engagements recently entered into with the Court of France, and
which will not be violated by our Republic, which acknowledges the
sanctity of its engagements, and respects them: but which will serve
much rather to convince the Empress of Russia of the impossibility of
entering, in the present juncture of affairs, into such a negociation as
the court of London proposes, when even it will not be permitted to
presume but that Sovereign will feel herself the change of circumstances
which have happened with regard to America since the offer of her
mediation, by the revolution in the British ministry, and that she ought
even to regard a separate peace between our State and England, as the
most proper mean to retard the general tranquillity, that she hath
endeavoured to procure to all the commercial nations now in war.
That from these motives the petitioners respectfully hope that the
aforesaid offer of England will occasion no obstacle which may prevent
that the resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses to acknowledge
the independence of North America, and to conclude with that power a
treaty of commerce, may not have a prompt execution, nor that even one
only of the other confederates will suffer itself to be diverted thereby
from the design of opening unanimously with this Province, and the
others which have declared themselves conformably with Holland,
negociations with the United States, and of terminating them as soon as
possible.