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A
COLLECTION
OF
STATE-PAPERS.
[Price Two Shillings.]
A
COLLECTION
OF
STATE-PAPERS,
Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the
SOVEREIGNTY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
And the Reception of their
Minister Plenipotentiary, by their High Mightinesses the
STATES GENERAL OF THE UNITED NETHERLANDS
To which is prefixed, the Political Character of
JOHN ADAMS,
Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to their
High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the
Netherlands.
BY AN AMERICAN.
LIKEWISE,
AN ESSAY ON CANON AND FEUDAL LAW,
BY JOHN ADAMS, ESQ;
LONDON:
Printed for JOHN FIELDING, No. 23, Pater-noster-row; JOHN DEBRETT,
opposite Burlington-House, Piccadilly; and JOHN SEWELL, No. 32,
Cornhill. 1782.
[Entered at Stationers-Hall.]
INTRODUCTION
As the States General of the United Provinces have acknowledged the
independency of the United States of North America, and made a treaty of
commerce with them, it may not be improper to prefix a short account of
John Adams, Esq; who, pursuing the interests of his country, hath
brought about these important events.
Mr. Adams is descended from one of the first families which founded the
colony of the Massachusets Bay in 1630. He applied himself early to the
study of the laws of his country; and no sooner entered upon the
practice thereof, but he drew the attention, admiration, and esteem of
his countrymen, on account of his eminent abilities and probity of
character. Not satisfied with barely maintaining the rights of
individuals, he soon signalized himself in the defence of his country,
and mankind at large, by writing his admirable Dissertation on the Canon
and Feudal Laws; a work so well worth the attention of every man who is
an enemy to ecclesiastical and civil tyranny, that it is here subjoined.
It showed the author at an early period capable of seconding
efficaciously the formation of republics on the principles of justice
and virtue. Such a man became most naturally an object of Governor
Barnard's seduction. The perversion of his abilities might be of use in
a bad cause; the corruption of his principles might tarnish the best.
But the arts of the Governor, which had succeeded with so many, were
ineffectual with Mr. Adams, who openly declared he would not accept a
favour, however flatteringly offered, which might in any manner connect
him with the enemy of the rights of his country, or tend to embarrass
him, as it had happened with too many others, in the discharge of his
duty to the public. Seduction thus failing of its ends, calumny,
menaces, and the height of power were made use of against him. They lost
the effect proposed, but had that, which the show of baseness and
violence ever produce on a mind truly virtuous. They increased his
honest firmness, because they manifested, that the times required more
than ordinary exertions of manliness. In consequence of this conduct,
Mr. Adams obtained the highest honours which a virtuous man can receive
from the good and the bad. He was honoured with the disapprobation of
the Governor, who refused his admission into the council of the
province; and he met with the applause of his countrymen in general, who
sent him to assist at the Congress in 1774, in which he was most active,
being one of the principal promoters of the famous resolution of the 4th
of July, when the colonies declared themselves FREE AND INDEPENDENT
STATES.
This step being taken, Mr. Adams saw the inefficacy of meeting the
English Commissioners, and voted against the proposition; Congress,
however, having determined to pursue this measure, sent him, together
with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Rutledge, to General Howe's head quarters.
These Deputies, leading with them, in a manly way, the hostages which
the general had given for their security, marched to the place of
conference, in the midst of twenty thousand men ranged under arms.
Whether this military shew was meant to do honour to the Americans, or
to give them an high idea of the English force, is not worth enquiry. If
its object was to terrify the Deputies of Congress, it failed; making no
more impression on them, than the sudden discovery of elephants did upon
certain embassadors of old. The utmost politeness having passed on both
sides, the conference ended, as had been foreseen, without any effect.
Mr. Adams having been fifteen months one of the Commissioners of the War
department, and a principal suggestor of the terms to be offered to
France, for forming treaties of alliance and commerce, he was sent to
the court of Versailles, as one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the
United States. After continuing some time invested with this important
trust, he returned to America; where he no sooner appeared, than he was
called upon by the State of Massachusets Bay, to assist in forming a
system of government, that might establish the rights of all on clear,
just, and permanent grounds. He was never employed in a business more
agreeable to himself; for, the happiness of his Fellow-Citizens is his
great object. He sought not honour in this arduous undertaking, but it
fell ultimately upon _Him_. He has gained it all over Europe. If he
endeavoured to obtain by it the esteem and love of his countrymen, he
has succeeded; for they know they are chiefly indebted to him for the
constitution of the State of Massachusets Bay, as it stands at this day.
This important business being completed to the satisfaction of all, he
came back to Europe, with full powers from Congress to assist at any
conferences which might be opened for the establishment of peace; and
had sent him, soon after, other powers to negociate a loan of money for
the use of the United States; and to represent them, as their Minister
Plenipotentiary, to their High Mightinesses the States General of the
United Provinces. Such important trusts shew, in what estimation he is
held by his country; and his manner of executing them, that confidence
is well placed.
On his arrival in Holland, nothing could have been more unpromising to
the happy execution of his mission, than were the affairs of that
country. The influence of the Court of St. James's over a certain set of
men, the interest that many had in the funds and commerce of England,
and the dread of her power, which generally prevailed throughout the
Provinces, obliged him to act with the utmost circumspection. Unknown,
and at first unnoticed, (at least but by a few) he had nothing to do but
to examine into the state of things, and characters of the leading men.
This necessary knowledge was scarcely acquired, when the conduct of the
British Ministry afforded him an opportunity of shewing himself more
openly. The contempt, insult and violence, with which the whole Belgic
nation was treated, gave him great advantages over the English
Embassador at the Hague. He served himself of his rivals rashness and
folly with great coolness and ability; and, by consequence, became so
particularly obnoxious to the prevailing party, that he did not dare to
go to a village scarcely a day's journey from his residence, but with
the utmost secrecy: the fate of Dorislaus was before his eyes. Having
been therefore under the necessity of making himself a Burgher of
Amsterdam, for protection against the malice of the times, he soon
gained the good opinion of the Magistrates by his prudent conduct as a
private Citizen. The bad policy of England, enabled him to step forward
as a public character. As such he presented to the States General his
famous Memorial, dated the 19th of April, 1781, wherein the declaration
of the independency of America on the 4th of July, 1776, was justified;
the unalterable resolution of the United States to abide thereby
asserted; the interest that all the powers of Europe, and particularly
the States General, have in maintaining it, proved; the political and
natural grounds of a commercial connection between the two Republics
pointed out; and information given that the Memorialist was invested
with full powers from Congress to treat with their High Mightinesses for
the good of both countries.
The presenting this Memorial was a delicate step; Mr. Adams was
sensible, that he alone was answerable for its consequences, it being
taken not merely from his own single suggestion, but contrary to the
opinion and advice of some of great weight and authority. However,
maturely considering the measure, he saw it in all its lights, and
boldly ventured on the undertaking. The full and immediate effect of it
was not expected at once. The first object was, that the nation should
consider the matter thoroughly; it being evident, that the more it was
ruminated on, the more obvious would be the advantages and necessity of
a connection between the two countries. When, therefore, the Memorial
was taken by the States General _ad referendum_, the first point was
gained; the people thought of, and reasoned on the matter set before
them; many excellent writings appeared, and they made the greatest
impression; a weekly paper in particular, entitled Le Politique
Hollandois, drew the attention of all, on account of its information,
the soundness of its argument, and its political judgment and
patriotism. At length the time came when the work was to be compleated:
the generality of the people of Holland, seeing the necessity of opening
a new course to their trade, which the violent aggression of England,
and the commercial spirit of other nations tended to diminish, demanded
an immediate connection with the United States of America, as a means of
indemnifying themselves for the loss which a declared enemy had brought
on them, and the rivalship of neighbouring nations might produce.
Mr. Adams seized the occasion which the public disposition afforded him,
and presented his Ulteriour Address of the 9th of January, 1782;
referring therein to his Memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, and
demanding a categorical answer thereto. The Towns, Cities, Quarters, and
States of the several Provinces took the whole matter into immediate
deliberation, and instructed their several Deputies, in the States
General, to concur in the admission of Mr. Adams in quality of Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of North America. This was done by
a resolution, passed by their High Mightinesses the 19th of April, 1782;
and on the 22d of the same month, Mr. Adams was admitted accordingly,
with all the usual ceremonies.
This event seems to have been as great a blow as any that has been given
to the pride and interests of England during the war. It shewed the
Dutch were no longer over-awed by the power of their enemy, for they
dared to brave him to his teeth. It set an example to other nations, to
partake of the commerce of those countries, which England had lost by
her inconsiderate conduct. It confounded at once the English partisans
in Holland, and proved that Sir Joseph Yorke was not the great minister
he had hitherto been supposed to be. It gave occasion to an ambassador
of one of the greatest monarchs of Europe to say to Mr. Adams: _Vous
avez frappe, Monsieur, le plus grand coup de tout l' Europe. C'est le
plus grand coup, qui a ete frappe dans le cause Americain. C'est vous
qui a effraye et terrasse les Anglomannes. C'est vous qui a rempli
cette nation d'enthousiasme._ And then turning to another gentleman, he
said, _Ce n'est pas pour faire compliment a Monsieur Adams, que je dis
cela: c'est parcequ'en verite, je crois que c'est sa due._
This diplomatic compliment has been followed by others. I transcribe
with pleasure a convivial one contained in the following lines, which an
ingenious and patriotic Dutchman addressed to his excellency Mr. Adams,
on drinking to him out of a large beautiful glass, which is called a
_baccale_, and had inscribed round its brim, _Aurea Libertas_:
AUREA LIBERTAS! _gaude! pars altera mundi
Vindice te renuit subdere colla jugo.
Haec tibi legatum quem consors Belga recepit
Pectore sincero pocula plena fero.
Utraque gens nectet, mox suspicienda tyrannis,
Quae libertati vincula sacra precor!_
They who have an opportunity of knowing his Excellency Mr. Adams trace
in his features the most unequivocal marks of probity and candour. He
unites to that gravity, suitable to the character with which he is
invested, an affability, which prejudices you in his favour. Although of
a silent turn, as William the Prince of Orange was, and most great men
are, who engage in important affairs, he has nevertheless a natural
eloquence for the discussion of matters which are the objects of his
mission, and for the recommending and enforcing the truths, measures,
and systems, which are dictated by sound policy. He has neither the
corrupted nor corrupting principles of Lord Chesterfield, nor the
qualities of Sir Joseph Yorke, but the plain and virtuous demeanor of
Sir William Temple. Like him too he is simple in negociation, where he
finds candour in those who treat with him. Otherwise he has the severity
of a true republican, his high idea of virtue giving him a rigidness,
which makes it difficult for him to accommodate himself to those
intrigues which European politics have introduced into negociation. "_Il
sait que l'art de negocier n'est pas l'art d'intriguer et de tromper;
quil ne consiste pas a corrompre; a se jouer des sermens et a semer les
alarmes et les divisions; qu'un negociateur habile peut parvenir a son
but sans ces expediens, qui sont la triste ressource des intriguans,
sans avoir recours a des manoeuvres detournes et extraordinaires. Il
trouve dans la nature meme des affaires quil negocie des incidens
propres a faire reussir tous ses projets._"
MEMORIAL
TO THEIR
HIGH MIGHTINESSES
THE
STATES GENERAL
OF THE
United Provinces of the Low Countries.
_High and Mighty Lords_;
The Subscriber has the honour to propose to your High Mightinesses, that
the United States of America, in Congress assembled, have lately thought
fit to send him a commission (with full powers and instructions) to
confer with your High Mightinesses concerning a treaty of amity and
commerce, an authentic copy of which he has the honour to annex to this
memorial.
At the times when the treaties between this Republic and the Crown of
Great Britain were made, the people, who now compose the United States
of America, were a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the
Republic, and parties to those treaties; entitled to all their benefits,
and submitting chearfully to all their obligations.
It is true, that when the British Administration, renouncing the ancient
character of Englishmen for generosity, justice, and humanity, conceived
the design of subverting the political systems of the Colonies;
depriving them of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and reducing
them to the worst of all forms of government; starving the people by
blockading the ports, and cutting off their fisheries and commerce;
sending fleets and armies to destroy every principle and sentiment of
liberty, and to consume their habitations and their lives; making
contracts for foreign troops, and alliances with savage nations to
assist them in their enterprise; casting formally, by act of parliament,
three millions of people at once out of the protection of the Crown:
Then, and not till then, did the United States of America, in Congress
assembled, pass that memorable act, by which they assumed an equal
station among the nations.
This immortal declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was
invaded by an hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid
before parliament, by 55,000 of veteran troops, was not the effect of
any sudden passion or enthusiasm; but a measure which had been long in
deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in some hundreds of
popular assemblies, and by public writings in all the states. It was a
measure which Congress did not adopt, until they had received the
positive instructions of their constituents in all the States: It was
then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all its members,
transmitted to the assemblies of the several States, and by them
respectively accepted, ratified, and recorded among their archives; so
that no decree, edict, statute, placart, or fundamental law of any
nation was ever made with more solemnity, or with more unanimity or
cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole people, than
this: And it has been held sacred to this day by every state, with such
unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever been induced to
depart from it; although the English have wasted many millions, and vast
fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to invalidate it. On the
contrary, each of the Thirteen States has instituted a form of
government for itself, under the AUTHORITY OF THE PEOPLE; has erected
its legislature in the several branches; its executive authority with
all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges; its army,
militia, revenue, and some of them their navy: And all those departments
of government have been regularly and constitutionally organized under
the associated superintendency of Congress, now these five years, and
have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity equal to the oldest
and most established governments. It is true, that in some speeches and
writings of the English it is still contended that the people of America
are still in principle and affection with them: But these assertions are
made against such evident truth and demonstration, that it is surprising
they should find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal
to the writings and recorded speeches of the English for the last
seventeen years, to shew that similar misrepresentations have been
incessantly repeated through that whole period; and that the conclusion
of every year has in fact confuted the confident assertions and
predictions of the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say
from his own knowledge of the people of America, (and he has a better
right to obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know,
than any Briton whatsoever) that _they are unalterably determined to
maintain their Independence_. He confesses, that, notwithstanding his
confidence through his whole life in the virtuous sentiments and
uniformity of character among his countrymen, their unanimity has
surprised him. That all the power, arts, intrigues, and bribes which
have been employed in the several States, should have seduced from the
standard of virtue so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could
have been expected. This independence stands upon so broad and firm a
bottom of the people's interests, honour, consciences, and affections,
that it will not be affected by any successes the English may obtain
either in America, or against the European powers at war, nor by any
alliances they can possibly form; if indeed, in so unjust and desperate
a cause they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although compelled by
necessity, and warranted by the fundamental laws of the colonies, and of
the British constitution, by principles avowed in the English laws, and
confirmed by many examples in the English history; by principles
interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great
examples of the Helvetic and Belgic confederacies, and many others; and
frequently acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body; principles
founded in eternal justice, and the laws of God and nature, to cut
asunder for ever all the ties which had connected them with Great
Britain: Yet the people of America did not consider themselves as
separating from their allies, especially the Republic of the United
Provinces, or departing from their connections with any of the people
under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same
affection, esteem and respect, for the Dutch nation, in every part of
the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained.
When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution of sending persons
to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a failure in
respect that they did not send a minister to your High Mightinesses,
with the first whom they sent abroad: but, instructed in the nature of
the connections between Great Britain and the Republic, and in the
system of peace and neutrality, which she had so long pursued, they
thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to embroil her
with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation, or lay
embarrassments before it. But, since the British administration, uniform
and persevering in injustice, despising their allies, as much as their
colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith of treaties, as
much as that of royal charters; violating the law of nations, as they
had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies and the inherent
rights of British subjects, have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties
between the Crown and the Republic, declared war and commenced
hostilities, the settled intentions of which they had manifested long
before; all those motives, which before restrained the Congress, cease:
and an opportunity presents itself of proposing such connections, as the
United States of America have a right to form, consistent with the
treaties already formed with France and Spain, which they are under
every obligation of duty, interest and inclination, to observe sacred
and inviolate; and consistent with such other treaties, as it is their
intention to propose to other sovereigns.
If there was ever among nations a natural alliance, one may be formed
between the two Republics. The first planters of the four northern
States found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided
here from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years preceding their
migration. They ever entertained and have transmitted to posterity, a
grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality, and especially
of that religious liberty they found here, having sought it in vain in
England.
The first inhabitants of two other States, New-York and New-Jersey, were
immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their
religion, language, customs, manners and character: And America in
general, until her connections with the House of Bourbon, has ever
considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose history, and
the great characters it exhibits, in the various arts of peace, as well
as atchievements of war by sea and land, have been particularly
studied, admired and imitated in every State.
A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential in this
as in former ages to the alliance of nations, is still, as it ever will
be thought, a desirable circumstance. Now it may be said with truth,
that there are no two nations, whose worship, doctrine and discipline,
are more alike than those of the two Republics. In this particular
therefore, as far as it is of weight, an alliance would be perfectly
natural.
A similarity in the forms of government, is usually considered as
another circumstance, which renders alliances natural: And although the
constitutions of the two Republics are not perfectly alike, there is yet
analogy enough between them, to make a connection easy in this respect.
In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those
momentous points, the freedom of enquiry, the right of private judgment
and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be supported in
the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this hour are in
more danger from Great Britain and that intolerant spirit which is
secretly fomenting there, than from any other quarter, the two nations
resemble each other more than any others.
The originals of the two Republics are so much alike, that the history
of one seems but a transcript from that of the other: so that every
Dutchman instructed in the subject, must pronounce the American
revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest
actions of his immortal ancestors: actions which have been approved and
applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of Heaven.
But the circumstance, which perhaps in this age has stronger influence
than any other in the formation of friendships between nations, is the
great and growing interest of commerce; of the whole system of which
through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect masters for me
to say any thing that is not familiarly known. It may not, however, be
amiss to hint, that the central situation of this country, her extensive
navigation, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the
intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the
riches of her funds, render a connection with her very desirable to
America: and, on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the
productions of America, the materials of manufactures, navigation and
commerce; the vast demand and consumption in America of the manufactures
of Europe, of merchandises from the Baltic, and from the East Indies,
and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot
admit of a doubt, that a connection with the United States would be
useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible of this, that
notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, they have ever
considered this nation as their rival in the American trade; a sentiment
which dictated and maintained their severe act of navigation, as
injurious to the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was
both to the trade and the rights of the Colonists. There is now an
opportunity offered to both, to shake off this shackle for ever. If any
consideration whatever could have induced them to have avoided a war
with your High Mightinesses, it would have been the apprehension of an
alliance between the two Republics: and it is easy to foresee, that
nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace, than such a
connection once completely formed. It is needless to point out,
particularly, what advantages might be derived to the possessions of the
Republic in the West Indies from a trade opened, protected and
encouraged, between them and the Continent of America; or what profits
might be made by the Dutch East India Company, by carrying their effects
directly to the American market; or how much even the trade of the
Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America;
which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more for hemp,
cordage, sail-cloth, and other articles of that commerce: how much the
national navigation would be benefited by building and purchasing ships
there: how much the number of seamen might be increased, or how much
more advantageous it would prove to both countries, to have their ports
mutually opened to their men of war and privateers, and to their prizes.
If, therefore, an analogy of religion, government, origin, manners, and
the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground
and an invitation to political connections, the subscriber flatters
himself that, in all these particulars, the union is so obviously
natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of
Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.
It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High
Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that
the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American
cause, (and where is one to be found that is not?) should make haste to
acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable
treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of
the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late marine treaty
concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can
be established against Great Britain, who will never adopt it, nor
submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America?
Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen and
magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination
and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put
the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that
enormous empire, which has been long governed wholly by the feeling of
its own power, at least without a proportional attention to justice,
humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain that the Americans
are not inclined to submit again to the British government, on the one
hand, and that the powers of Europe ought not and could not with safety
consent to it, if they were so inclined, on the other; why should a
source of contention be left open, for future contingencies to involve
the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive
step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in
possession of sovereignty by right and in fact, it might be closed?
The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is, hoped, be followed
by all the maritime powers, especially those which are parties to the
late marine treaty: nor can the apprehension that the independence of
America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any objection.
This jealousy is so groundless that the reverse would happen. The
freight and insurance in voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and
the price of labour in America so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and
ship-timber never can be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate, as it
has been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic. This
commerce was supported by the English before the revolution with
difficulty, and not without large parliamentary bounties. Of hemp,
cordage, and sail-cloth there will not probably be a sufficiency raised
in America for her own consumption in many centuries, for the plainest
of all reasons, because these articles may be imported from Amsterdam,
or even from Petersburg and Archangel, cheaper than they can be raised
at home. America will therefore be for ages a market for these articles
of the Baltic trade.
Nor is there more solidity in another supposition, propagated by the
English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interests,
that the colonies of other nations will follow the example of the United
States. Those powers, who have as large possessions as any beyond seas,
have already declared against England, apprehending no such
consequences. Indeed there is no probability of any other power of
Europe following the example of England, in attempting to change the
whole system of the government of colonies, and reducing them by
oppression to the necessity of governing themselves: and, without such
manifest injustice and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is
no danger of colonies attempting innovations. Established governments
are founded deep in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations and
understandings of the people; and without some violent change from
without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is
not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain happiness
for very precarious benefits.
It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, whether
the system of the United States, which was minutely considered and
discussed, and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the year 1776, in
planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable
commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without
being governed or monopolized by any: a system which was afterwards
approved by the king, and made the foundation of the treaties with his
majesty: a system to which the United States have hitherto constantly
adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by some
powers declaring against them, which is not expected, is not the only
means of preventing this growing country from being an object of
everlasting jealousies, rivalries, and wars among the nations. If this
idea be just, it follows, that _it is the interest of every state in
Europe to acknowledge American independency immediately_. If such
benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a
proportional blessing to every part of the old.
The subscriber has the farther honour of informing your High
Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress assembled,
impressed with an high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity of your High
Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the rights and
liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship
of a nation, eminent for its wisdom, justice, and moderation, have
appointed the subscriber to be their minister plenipotentiary to reside
near you, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great
respect they entertain for your High Mightinesses; beseeching your High
Mightinesses to give entire credit to every thing, which their said
minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure
you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter
of credence, under the seal of Congress, the subscriber is ready to
deliver to your High Mightinesses, or to such persons as you shall
direct to receive it. He has also a similar letter of credence to his
most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.
All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High
Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person, or
persons, to treat on the subject of his mission, by
LEYDEN 19 April 1781.
J. ADAMS
GUELDERLAND.
In the assembly of the States of Guelderland, holden in October 1781, to
consider of the requisition of the king of France, of a negotiation of
five millions of florins, under the warranty of the Republic, some were
for an alliance with France. The Baron Nagel, Seneschal of Zutphen,
avoided putting of the question, and said among other things, "That he
had rather acknowledge the independence of the Americans, than contract
an alliance with France."
The Baron van der Capellen de Marsch was for an alliance with France and
America too. He observed, "That nothing being more natural than to act
in concert with the enemies of our enemy, it was an object of serious
deliberation, to see, if the interest of the Republic did not require to
accept, without farther tergiversations, the invitations and offers of
the Americans: that no condescension for England could hinder us, at
present, from uniting ourselves against a common enemy, with a nation so
brave and so virtuous: a nation, which, after our example, owes its
liberty to its valour, and even at this moment is employed in defending
itself from the tyranny of the enemy of the two nations: that,
consequently, nothing could restrain us from acknowledging the
independence of this new Republic: that our conduct differed very much
from that holden by our ancestors, who allied themselves with the
Portuguese, as soon as they shook off the yoke of the Spaniards: that
there was no doubt, that the said alliances with the enemies of our
enemy would soon restrain his fury, and operate a general peace
advantageous for us."
The QUARTER
of
OOSTERGO.
_The Quarter of Oostergo, in the Province of Friesland, in December,
1781, was the first public Body which proposed a Connection with the
United States of America in these Words._
Every impartial Patriot has a long time perceived that, in the direction
of affairs relative to this war with England, there have been manifested
an inconceivable lukewarmness and sloth; but they discover themselves
still more, at this moment, by the little inclination which, in general,
the Regencies of the Belgic Provinces testify to commence a treaty of
commerce and friendship with the new Republic of the Thirteen United
States of North America; and to contract engagements, at least during
the continuance of this common war with the Crowns of France and Spain.
Nevertheless, the necessity of these measures appears clearly, since,
according to our judgments, nothing was more natural, nor more
conformable to sound policy, founded upon the laws of the nature the
most precise, than that this Republic, immediately after the formal
declaration of war by the English (not being yet able to do any thing by
military exploits, not being in a state of defence sufficiently
respectable to dare, at sea, to oppose one fleet or squadron, to our
perfidious enemy) should have commenced by acknowledging, by a public
declaration, the Independence of North America. This would have been
from that time the greatest step to the humiliation of England, and our
own re-establishment; and by this measure, the Republic would have
proved her firm resolution to act with vigour. Every one of our
inhabitants, all Europe, who have their eyes fixed upon us, the whole
World expected, with just reason, this measure from the Republic. It is
true, that before the formal declaration of war by England, one might
perhaps have alleged some plausible reason, to justify, in some degree,
the backwardness in this great and interesting affair. But, as at
present Great Britain is no longer our secret, but declared enemy, which
dissolves all the connections between the two nations; and as it is the
duty, not only of all the Regencies, but also of all the Citizens of
this Republic, to reduce, by all imaginable annoyances, this enemy so
unjust to reason, and to force him, if possible, to conclude an
honourable peace; why should we hesitate any longer, to strike, by this
measure so reasonable, the most sensible blow to the common enemy? Will
not this delay occasion a suspicion that we prefer the interest of our
enemy to that of our country? North America, so sensibly offended by the
refusal of her offer; France and Spain, in the midst of a war supported
with activity, must they not regard us as the secret friends, and
favourers of their and our common enemy? Have they not reason to
conclude from it, that our inaction ought to be less attributed to our
weakness, than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion
destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned in this
respect? And our allies, at this time natural, must they not imagine,
that it is better to have in us declared enemies than pretended friends?
And shall we not be involved in a ruinous war, which we might have
rendered advantageous, if it had been well directed? While on the other
hand it is evident, that by a new connection with the States of North
America, by engagements at least during this war with France and Spain,
we shall obtain, not only the confidence of these formidable powers,
instead of their distrust, but by this means we shall moreover place our
colonies in safety against any insult; we shall have a well grounded
hope, of recovering, with the aid of the allied powers, our lost
possessions, if the English should make themselves masters of them; and
our commerce at present neglected, and so shamefully pillaged, would
reassume a new vigour; considering that in such case, as it is
manifestly proved by solid reasons, this Republic would derive from this
commerce the most signal advantages. But, since our interest excites us
forcibly to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy; since the
United States of America invited us to it long ago; since France
appears inclined to concert her military operations with ours (although
this power has infinitely less interest to ally itself with us, whose
weakness manifests itself in so palpable a manner, than we have to form
an alliance, the most respectable in the universe) it is indubitably the
duty of every Regency, to promote it with all their forces, and with all
the celerity imaginable. To this end, we have thought it our duty, to
lay it before your noble Mightinesses, in the firm persuasion that the
zeal of your noble Mightinesses will be as earnest as ours, to concur to
the accomplishment of this point, which is for us of the greatest
importance; that, consequently, your noble Mightinesses will not delay
to co-operate with us, that, upon this important subject, there may be
made to their High Mightinesses, a proposition so vigorous, that it may
have the desired success: and that this affair, of an importance beyond
all expression for our common country, may be resolved and decided by
unanimous suffrages, and in preference to every particular interest.
ULTERIOUR ADDRESS.
_On the 9th January, 1782, Mr. ADAMS waited on the President VAN DEN
SANDHEUVEL, and addressed him as follows._
On the fourth of May, I had the honour of a conference with the
President of their High Mightinesses, in which I informed him, that I
had received from the United States of America a commission, with full
powers and instructions to propose and conclude a treaty of amity and
commerce, between the said United States of America and the United
Provinces of the Netherlands.
At the same conference, I had the honour to demand an audience of their
High Mightinesses, in order to present to them my letters of credence
and full powers.
The President assured me, that he would make report of all that I had
said to him to their High Mightinesses, in order that it might be
transmitted to the several members of the sovereignty of this country,
for their deliberations and decisions.--I have not yet been honoured
with an answer. I now do myself the honour to wait on you, Sir, to
demand, as I do, a categorical answer, that I may be able to transmit it
to the United States of America.
GUELDERLAND.
In an extraordinary assembly of the county of Zutphen, held at Nimeguen
the 23d of February, 1782, the following measures were taken.
After the report of the Committee of this Province to the Generality,
laid this day upon the table, relative to what passed in the precedent
assembly, and after the examination of an extract of the register of the
resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States General of the Low
Countries, of the ninth of last month, in relation to the Ulteriour
Address of Mr. Adams to the President of their High Mightinesses,
concerning the presentation of his letters of credence to their High
Mightinesses, in behalf of the United States of America, demanding a
categorical answer, whereof the Lords the Deputies of the respective
Provinces have taken copies; the Baron Robert Jasper van der Capellen de
Marsch, first by word of mouth, and afterwards in writing, proposed, and
insisted, at the assembly of this Quarter, that, at present, and without
delay, we should make a point of deliberation, and that we should make
upon the table the necessary overture, conceived more at length, in the
advice of this nobleman, inserted in these terms:
NOBLE AND MIGHTY LORDS!
The subscriber judges, upon good grounds, and with out fear of being
contradicted, that he is able to affirm, that it is more than time that
we should give a serious attention to the offer and the invitation, in
every sense honourable and advantageous for this Republic, of
friendship, and reciprocal connections with the Thirteen American
Provinces, now become free _at the point of the sword_, in such sort,
that the categorical answer demanded by their Minister Mr. Adams, may
become a subject of the deliberations of your Grand Mightinesses, and
that you may decide as soon as possible, concerning their respective
interests. He judges, that he ought not to have any farther scruple in
this regard; and that the uncertain consequences of the mediation
offered by Russia cannot, when certain advantages for this Republic are
in question, hinder that, out of regard for an enemy, with whom we
(however salutary the views of her Imperial Majesty are represented)
cannot make any Peace, at the expence of a negligence so irreparable:
that a longer delay, to unite ourselves to a nation already so powerful,
will have for its consequence, that our inhabitants will lose the means
of extending, in a manner the most advantageous, their commerce and
their prosperity: That by the vigorous prohibition to import English
manufactures into America, our manufactures, by means of precautions
taken in time, will rise out of their state of languor: and that, by
delaying longer to satisfy the wishes of the nation, her leaders will
draw upon them the reproach of having neglected and rejected the
favourable offers of Providence: that, on the contrary, by adopting
these measures, the essential interests of this unfortunate people will
be taken to heart.
The subscriber declaring, moreover, that he will abandon this
unpardonable negligence of an opportunity favourable for the Republic,
to the account of those whom it may concern; protesting against all the
fatal consequences that a longer refusal of these necessary measures
will certainly occasion: whereupon he demanded, that for his discharge,
this note should be inserted in the registers of the Quarter.
_Signed_
R. J. VAN DER CAPELLEN.
This advice having been read, Mr. Jacob Adolf de Heekeren d'Enghuisen,
Counsellor and first Master of Accounts in Guelderland, President at
this time of the Assembly of the Quarter, represented to the said Robert
Jasper van der Capellen de Marsch, that "Although he must agree to the
justice of all that he had laid down, besides several other reasons,
equally strong, which occurred to his mind, the deliberation upon the
point in question appeared to him premature, considering that the Lords
the States of Holland and West Friesland, and of Zealand, as the
principal commercial Provinces, who are directly interested, had not
nevertheless as yet explained themselves in this regard; consequently
that it would not be so convenient for the States of this Duchy and
County, who are not interested in it, but in a consequential and
indirect manner, to form the first their resolutions in this respect:
for this reason he proposed to consideration, whether it would not be
more proper to postpone the deliberations upon this matter to a future
opportunity."
Nevertheless, the before-mentioned Robert Jasper van der Capellan de
Marsch insisting, that the voices should be collected upon the
proposition and advice in question, and thereupon having deliberated,
their noble Mightinesses have thought fit to resolve, that although the
motives alledged by this Nobleman in his advice, appear to merit a
serious consideration, nevertheless, for the reasons before alleged,
they judge, that they ought to suspend the decision of it, until the
commercial Provinces have formed their resolutions concerning it: and
that, upon the requisition of Robert Jasper van der Capellan de Marsch,
there be delivered to him an extract of the present, upon one as well
the other.
_Signed_
HERM. SCHOMAKER.
PETITION OF LEYDEN.
To the noble, great, and venerable Lords of the Grand Council of the
city of Leyden.