[THE presidential election of 1840 having terminated in the
complete and triumphant success of the whigs, and the overthrow
of the administration of Mr. Van Buren; the party of the latter,
retaining a majority, from former elections, in both houses
of congress, endeavored to use their power for the benefit of
their party, before surrendering their authority to the whigs
on the coming fourth of March. They therefore introduced a new
preëmption bill, by which the interests of the United States in
the sales of public lands were to be sacrificed for the benefit
of that class of settlers called _squatters_. It being proposed
by Mr. Crittenden to amend the bill by providing for the
distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the lands, Mr. Clay
embraced the opportunity to deliver his sentiments on the
subject which had before engaged his deliberations.]
WITH the measure of the distribution of the proceeds of the sales
of the public lands among the states of the union, I have been so
associated for the last eight or ten years, that, although it had not
been my original purpose to say one word in respect to that measure at
the present session of congress, the debate on my colleague’s motion
has taken such a wide range, that my silence might be construed into
indifference, or an abandonment, on my part, of what I conscientiously
believe to be one of the most important and beneficial measures
ever submitted to the consideration of an American congress. I did
not intend to move in the matter at this session, because of the
extraordinary state of parties and of public affairs. The party against
which the people of the United States had recently pronounced decisive
judgment, was still in power, and had majorities in both houses of
congress. It had been always opposed to the distribution bill. The
new administration, to which a majority of the people of the United
States had given its confidence, had not yet the possession of power,
and, prior to the fourth of March next, can do nothing to fulfil
the just expectations of the country. The treasury is exhausted, and
in a wretched condition. I was aware, that its state would be urged
as a plausible plea against present distribution; urged even by a
party, prominent members of which had heretofore protested against
any reliance whatever on the public lands as a source of revenue. Now,
although I do not admit the right of congress to apply the proceeds
of all the public lands, consistently with the terms of the deeds of
cession from Virginia and the other ceding states, to the purposes
of ordinary revenue of government, yet congress being in the habit
of making such an application, I was willing to acquiesce in the
continuation of the habit until, I hope at some early day, a suitable
provision can be made for the exchequer out of some more appropriate
and legitimate source than the public lands.
The distribution proposed by my colleague can be made, and, if no
other senator does, I will propose to make it, to commence on the first
day of January next, leaving the proceeds of the lands of the current
year applicable to the uses of the treasury. This will avoid the
financial objection, as I hoped, prior to that day, that some permanent
and adequate provision will be made to supply government with the
necessary revenue. I shall, therefore, vote for the proposition with
that qualification, since it has been introduced, although I had not
intended to move it myself at this session.
I came to the present session of congress under the hope, that it would
dedicate itself earnestly to the urgent and necessary work of such a
repair of the shattered vessel of state as would put it in a condition
to perform the glorious voyage which it will begin on the fourth of
March next. I supposed, indeed, that all new and doubtful measures
of policy would be avoided; but persuaded myself that a spirit of
manliness, of honor, and of patriotism, would prompt those who yet
linger in power and authority at least to provide the necessary
ways and means to defray the expenses of government in the hands of
their successors, during the present year, if not permanently. But
I confess with pain, that my worst fears are about to be realized. The
administration not only perseveres in the errors which have lost it the
public confidence, but refuses to allow its opponents to minister, in
any way, to the sufferings of the community, or the necessities of the
government. Our constitution is defective, in allowing those to remain
in authority three or four months after the people have pronounced
judgment against them; or rather the convention did not foresee
the possibility of the existence of an administration, which would
deliberately treat with neglect and contempt the manifest sentiments
of their constituents. It did not imagine that an administration could
be so formed, as that, although smarting under a terrible but merited
defeat, it would, in the spirit of the ancient fable, doggedly hold on
to power, refusing to use it, or to permit others to use it, for the
benefit of the people.
We have just had read to us a lecture from the honorable and highly
respectable senator from New Hampshire, (Mr. Pierce,) which ought to
have been exclusively addressed to his own friends. He tells us that we
are wasting our time in party debate, and that a measure is always got
up at the commencement of every session, on which a general political
battle is fought, to the exclusion of all important public business.
There is some truth in the charge; and, if it be wrong, who ought to
be held responsible for it? Clearly, those to whom the administration
of the government has been intrusted, and who have majorities in
both houses of congress. What has been the engrossing subject of this
session? The permanent preëmption bill. Who introduced it, and why
was it introduced? Not my friends, but the senator’s. And it has been
brought up when there is an operating preëmption law in existence,
which has a long time to run. After the debate had been greatly
protracted, and after one administration senator had notified the
officers of the chamber, that they might get their lamps in order, and
another had declared that they were ready to encamp on the ground until
the bill was passed, why has the debate been permitted to continue
weeks longer, without explanation, and to the surprise of every one
on this side of the senate? Why has more than half the session been
consumed with this single and unnecessary subject? I would ask that
senator, who assumes the right to lecture us all, why he concurred in
pressing on the senate this uncalled-for measure? Yes, sir, my worst
fears are about to be realized. Nothing will be done for the country
during this session. I did hope that, if the party in power would not,
in some degree, atone for past misdeeds during the remnant of their
power, they would at least give the new administration a fair trial,
and forbear all denunciation or condemnation of it in advance. But
has this been their equitable course? Before the new president had
entered upon the duties of his office, gentlemen who have themselves
contributed to bring the country to the brink of ruin, (they will
pardon me for saying it, but the truth must be spoken,) these very
gentlemen are decrying beforehand those measures of the coming
administration which are indispensable, and which they must know to
be indispensable, to restore the public happiness and prosperity! The
honorable senator in my eye, (Mr. Wright,) said, in so many words,
that he meant to condemn this measure of distribution _in advance_.
(Mr. Wright shook his head.)