=THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF MCKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897–1909.=
THE BEGINNING OF McKINLEY’S ADMINISTRATION.
=656. Character of the Administration.=—McKinley soon proved himself to
possess great tact as an executive. Some of his Cabinet appointments
were not good, and he showed weakness in his attitude toward Civil
Service reform; but as time went on his courtesy and amiability won him
many friends, even among his political opponents. His administration was
strong through the presence of a Republican majority in both houses of
Congress, and important tariff and other legislation was made possible.
But before long domestic affairs were overshadowed by issues growing out
of the war with Spain and the acquisition of outlying territories.
=657. Modification of the Tariff.=—Two days after McKinley’s
inauguration he summoned an extra session of Congress, and in his
message called attention to the fact that for some years the
expenditures of the government had exceeded the income, and that the
tariff should be so modified as to remedy this deficiency. A tariff bill
was soon presented by Representative Dingley, Chairman of the Ways and
Means Committee of the House, and was duly passed. It increased duties
markedly, but to a less extent than the McKinley Bill. For many months
the Dingley Bill failed to furnish the needed additional revenue, and to
supply the deficiency, the bill was supplemented by an additional tax on
beer and a few other articles. The questions with regard to the currency
and to banking which the party platform had promised to settle were
reserved for later Congressional action.
THE WAR WITH SPAIN.
[Illustration: WILLIAM MCKINLEY.]
=658. Early Spanish Difficulties in Cuba.=—Spanish rule in the West
Indies had, ever since the discovery of America, been characterized by
rapacity and cruelty. Revolts were never uncommon; but outbreaks were
particularly frequent during the latter part of the nineteenth century.
As many as eight organized efforts to throw off the Spanish yoke
occurred between 1823 and the “Ten Years’ War,” which desolated Cuba
from 1868 to 1878. Instead of taking a lesson from experience, and
improving the condition of affairs, the Spanish authorities doubled the
discontent by the imposition of taxes designed to reimburse the mother
country for the cost of the long war. The result was a rapid
reorganization of the Cuban forces and a fresh outbreak of revolt in
1895.
=659. Later Policy of Spain.=—The Spanish government now adopted a
harsher policy than ever. Captain-General Campos was thought to be too
lenient, and he was replaced by General Weyler, who had gained notoriety
for harshness as Governor-General of the Philippines. The new governor
took hold of his work in Cuba with brutal energy. His policy was simply
to starve the people into submission. With a large army he overran the
island, burning houses and crops and driving the women and children into
villages and pens, called “trochas,” where their numbers were rapidly
reduced by starvation. President Cleveland attempted to intercede in
behalf of the Cubans, but his approaches were repelled by the government
at Madrid as an unwarranted interference, and nothing was accomplished.
=660. Sympathies of Americans.=—As the Cuban situation came to be more
thoroughly understood in the United States, public opinion was outraged
and finally raised to a high pitch of indignation. Money and supplies
were privately sent to assist the insurgents, and the United States
government was obliged to police its ports in order to preserve the
international obligations of neutrality. The temper of the country and
the representations of our government soon convinced Spain that
concessions must be made or immediate war was inevitable. Weyler was
removed and a promise of some measure of self-government was given.
Notwithstanding these assurances, however, there was little public faith
in Spanish promises, and no plain evidence of improvement followed.
=661. Destruction of the “Maine.”=—Such being the state of affairs, war
was rendered almost inevitable by a disastrous event that took place on
the 15th of February, 1898. The United States battleship _Maine_ was
anchored in the harbor of Havana. Late in the evening, after most of the
crew had gone to their hammocks, a terrific explosion occurred, which
destroyed not only the ship, but also the lives of two hundred and
sixty-six of the officers and crew. The horror of the disaster thrilled
the civilized world. A court consisting of naval officers was appointed
by the President to investigate the matter and report. They employed
divers, as well as other experts, and reported that all the evidence
tended to show that a mine beneath the keel had exploded first and that
the concussion had an instant later exploded two of the magazines of the
vessel. A Spanish court denied the correctness of the American report.
There was no evidence whatever that any mine had been exploded with the
knowledge of the Spanish authorities, and the captain-general and other
officials disavowed all knowledge of the cause of the disaster. The
government at Madrid, moreover, made haste to express its regrets and
sympathy.
=662. Outburst of Public Sentiment.=—When the report of the
investigation was made public, the people of the United States,
stimulated by the pulpit and the press, seemed to take the matter into
their own hands. Flags suddenly flew out from public buildings and
schoolhouses in all parts of the land. In theaters and cafés audiences
cheered and sprang to their feet whenever the flag was displayed or the
“Star Spangled Banner” was sung. The nation throbbed with an indignant
enthusiasm. “Remember the Maine” was printed and shouted everywhere. No
such outburst of public feeling had been seen since 1861; nor was it
confined to any one section of the country. The South was not behind the
North and West in demanding prompt action.
=663. Action of Congress and of the President.=—Members of Congress,
especially of the House of Representatives, were the first to feel the
significance of the public demand, and they proceeded at once to urge
decisive action upon the President. President McKinley used the
resources of diplomacy to induce the Spanish government to withdraw from
the island. They made promises not fully credited or published,[295] and
on the 8th of March, 1898, the President requested from Congress an
appropriation of fifty million dollars for national defense. The
appropriation was made without a dissenting vote. With this sum coast
fortifications were strengthened, vessels and naval supplies were
purchased in various parts of the world, and a number of fast vessels
were leased to form an auxiliary fleet. On the 11th of April the
President sent a special message to Congress, in which he recited the
practices of the Spanish government in Cuba, and referred to the
destruction of the _Maine_ as evidence of Spanish inability to restrain
lawlessness and misrule. His conclusion was, that forcible interference
would now be justified. Congress immediately responded, and on the 19th
of April, the anniversary of the battles of Lexington and Concord,
adopted resolutions declaring that Cuba ought to be independent. This
was practically a declaration of war.[296]
=664. Delay in the Opening of the War.=—The opening of the war on land
was delayed by the fact that the regular army was small, and the
fighting force had to be made up largely of volunteers. During April and
May the President called for two hundred thousand men. The regular army
was also increased from twenty-seven thousand to sixty-two thousand.
Besides these, there were enlisted ten thousand immunes, or men who had
already had yellow fever, thirty-five hundred engineers, and three
thousand special cavalrymen, known as “Rough Riders,” consisting largely
of “cow-boys” and such others as had had experience in daring
horsemanship.
[Illustration: ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWEY.]
=665. General Character of the War.=—The war was a short one. In
advance it was popularly supposed that the Spanish navy was somewhat
stronger than the American. Accordingly, there was not a little fear on
the part of the cities along the Northern coast. But as soon as
hostilities began it was found that the Spanish service was honeycombed
with inefficiency and corruption. On their war vessels nothing seemed to
be in good fighting order. Beyond the fact that the army was equipped
with Mauser rifles and smokeless powder, nothing in the Spanish service
seemed what it should be for the vigorous prosecution of war. The
consequence was, that on land and on sea the American forces found
victory comparatively easy.
=666. The First Great Victory.=—At the outbreak of the war the American
Asiatic fleet, in command of Commodore George Dewey,[297] was stationed
at Hong Kong. Under international rules Dewey was obliged to withdraw
from that neutral port within eight days. He received orders from the
President to proceed to the Spanish archipelago of the Philippines and
capture or destroy the Spanish fleet. Dewey found the fleet in Manila
Bay, at daybreak of May 1, 1898, and opened fire at once. The result was
a victory almost unique in naval warfare. The Americans’ fire was
terribly effective. It is said that a single shot which exploded in the
Spanish flag-ship, struck down the captain and sixty men. The Spaniards
fought with great bravery, but finally lost ten war vessels and a
transport. On the American side not a man was killed and only eight were
slightly wounded.
[Illustration: GENERAL W. R. SHAFTER.]
=667. The Investment of Santiago.=—On the day after the declaration of
war, the President ordered the fleet at Key West to sail at once to
blockade the coast of Cuba. Preparations for invasion were made with all
possible rapidity; but it was not until the 22d of June that the
advance, under Major General William R. Shafter,[298] landed for an
attack upon Santiago, the principal city in the eastern part of the
island. On the 23d, a forward movement was made by the First and Tenth
Cavalry, and by the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly
known as the “Rough Riders,” under Colonel Leonard Wood and Lieutenant
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. The lines were rapidly extended toward the
north and west. On July 1, a severe battle took place and the outworks
of the city were reached. El Caney and San Juan Hill were taken by
storm, after desperate charges and heavy losses. The investment of the
city was then practically complete.
[Illustration: ADMIRAL W. T. SAMPSON.
[Copyright by E. Chickering, 1900.]]
=668. Admiral Cervera’s Movement.=—Before the outbreak of the war, a
Spanish squadron under Admiral Cervera assembled at the Cape Verde
Islands, and in April sailed for the Caribbean Sea. Its destination was
for some days in doubt, and an attack on the New England coast was
feared; but on the 19th of May it secretly entered the harbor of
Santiago de Cuba. The North Atlantic Squadron, under Commodore William
T. Sampson,[299] was searching for the enemy, and soon discovered his
hiding place.[300] In order to prevent the Spanish army and navy from
concentrating their forces at Santiago, attacks had been made on several
cities on the coast of Cuba; but these had produced no important
results. To prevent Cervera’s escape, Lieutenant R. P. Hobson, with
seven volunteers, attempted, early in the morning of the 3d of June, by
sinking the coaling ship _Merrimac_ under the guns of the forts, to
block the narrow passage in the mouth of Santiago harbor. Though this
exploit did not accomplish what was hoped for, owing to the fact that
the rudder of the _Merrimac_ was shot away, it was perhaps the most
gallant and daring single exploit of the war. The members of the party
were showered with shot, but received no serious wounds, and all were
picked up by the Spaniards, Hobson being helped into the launch by
Admiral Cervera himself.
=669. The Decisive Engagement of the War.=—The Spanish government saw
clearly that Cervera must either escape from the harbor of Santiago, or
be taken prisoner with all his ships. Accordingly, the admiral was
ordered to leave the harbor on the first practicable opportunity. He
chose the morning of Sunday, July 3. The resulting battle was as
remarkable as the battle of Manila.[301] In less than three hours all
the Spanish ships, besides the torpedo boats, were either destroyed or
run ashore. The Spanish admiral and thirteen hundred of his men were
taken prisoners, while about six hundred were either killed or drowned.
On the American side but one man was killed and one man wounded. The
capitulation of Santiago and the entire eastern end of Cuba followed,
the Spaniards surrendering twenty-three thousand men,—a force
considerably larger than that of the besieging army. The work of the
navy was generally conceded to have been admirable; but the conduct of
the campaign on land was harshly criticised in many quarters.
[Illustration: THE “OREGON.”]
[Illustration: GENERAL NELSON A. MILES.]
=670. Concluding Scenes of the War.=—General Nelson A. Miles,[302] with
a force of about seventeen thousand men, landed on the island of Porto
Rico (July 28), as soon as it became known that his troops would not be
needed at Santiago. The Porto Ricans offered very slight resistance, and
before the middle of August the island was in the possession of the
Americans. Manila, the capital city of the Philippine Islands, was also
assaulted by the land and naval forces, and after a brief resistance
surrendered unconditionally, on the 13th of August. In every engagement
of the war, the American soldiers and sailors behaved with great
gallantry. But the management of affairs by the War Department was, to
say the least, unfortunate in many respects. There was great confusion
in the matter of furnishing the troops with supplies, and the quality of
the food provided was in some instances so bad that influential officers
had to remonstrate against a condition of affairs that demoralized the
soldiers and exposed them to disease. Even in camps situated within the
United States, sickness and disorder were common; and so loud an outcry
was raised against official mismanagement that the President appointed a
commission to investigate the matter. The commission, in its report, was
unexpectedly, and many thought unduly, favorable to the War Department.
CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR.
=671. The Treaty of Peace.=—On the 26th of July, the Spanish government
made overtures for peace. After various delays, a preliminary agreement,
or protocol, was signed, August 12. President McKinley at once issued a
proclamation, suspending hostilities. It was agreed: (1) that Spain
should withdraw its troops from Cuba and renounce its authority over
that island; (2) that it should cede the island of Porto Rico to the
United States; (3) that it should transfer to the United States one of
the Caroline Islands; and (4) that the future of the Philippine Islands
should be determined by a joint commission of the two powers appointed
to arrange the details of the treaty. According to the provisions of
this protocol, the joint commission met in Paris, on the 1st of October,
1898, and, after long discussion of different points, signed the final
treaty on the 10th of December, 1898. This was ratified by the United
States on the 6th of February, and by Spain on the 17th of March, 1899.
By the terms of the treaty, the United States assumed a protectorate
over Cuba; came into complete possession of Porto Rico; received all
right and title to the Philippine Islands, in consideration of twenty
million dollars; and received the island of Guam in the Ladrones
Islands.
=672. The Annexation of Hawaii.=—In the summer of 1898 it became
apparent to the government that certain naval advantages would be
derived from the annexation of Hawaii. The long passage from San
Francisco to the Philippine Islands called for an intermediate station
for coal and other naval stores. Accordingly, on the recommendation of
the President and as a military measure, Congress acceded to the wishes
of the Hawaiian government, and annexed the islands by means of a
resolution, as had been done in the case of Texas.
=673. Revolt in the Philippines.=—Before the outbreak of the Spanish
War, the inhabitants of the Philippines, like those of Cuba, had been in
a chaotic state of discontent. Uprisings against the Spanish government
had been frequent, but these had generally been put down with great
severity. A struggle for independence had been going on just before the
Spanish-American war broke out; but the leader, Aguinaldo, had given up
the task, in consideration of a large sum of money, and had gone to Hong
Kong. Imagining that American success would result in the freedom of the
Philippines, he returned to Manila on the American fleet and coöperated,
with his followers, in the operations against Manila. Soon after peace
was assured between the United States and Spain, he raised the standard
of independence, in consequence of disappointment at the transfer of the
Philippines to the United States and of the terms used by President
McKinley in a proclamation issued to the inhabitants of the islands. As
might have been expected from the fact that the opposing lines of forces
were stationed close to one another, hostilities were not long avoided.
Aguinaldo’s extemporized government and authority were in the main
limited to the island of Luzon, and his chief reliance was upon the
single tribe of the Tagals. The natives were never able to resist
successfully the advances of the American troops, but they had
possession of a large number of towns and villages, and these had to be
taken, often at the point of the bayonet. Hostilities were protracted by
the rainy season, and by the fact that the Filipinos were divided into
many inaccessible bands. No battle of any great importance was fought;
but it was not until the spring of 1900 that the revolt dwindled into
guerrilla warfare. A year later (March, 1901), Aguinaldo was captured
through stratagems devised by General Frederick Funston. The Filipino
chieftain then issued a manifesto, urging submission to American
authority.
=674. Pacification of the Philippines.=—His advice was largely
followed, and the Philippine Commission, under the presidency of Judge
William H. Taft of Ohio, was soon able to report great progress in
pacification. Many hundreds of American school teachers were sent to the
islands, and American energy was at once shown in improving sanitary
conditions and in exploiting natural resources. But spasmodic fighting
has not ceased, and it is believed by many persons that the Filipinos
are far from really pacified. This is probably more true of outlying
islands like Samar, where a small detachment of troops was almost
exterminated, than of Luzon, the center of administration. The
authorities at Washington have expressed their determination to put an
end to every form of barbarism existing in the Philippines, and, owing
to charges of cruel conduct that have been brought against American
officers and troops, have instituted courts-martial for the purpose of
trying officers and soldiers charged with countenancing or inflicting
unusual punishments, such as the mode of torture known as the “water
cure.” It seems clear that although there has been among the American
troops some of that demoralization which always shows itself when war is
conducted in tropical countries and against weaker races, the great mass
of the American forces in the Philippines have performed their duties
satisfactorily. The exact status of the islands with regard to the
United States is still unsettled, and it is not certain that permanent
possession of them is desired by a majority of the American people.
=675. Opposition to the War.=—It should not be supposed that the course
of the government in the Spanish War met with the approval of the entire
people. There were not a few who more or less vigorously opposed the
declaration of war in behalf of the Cuban sufferers, and the number was
increased when it was seen that victory involved territorial enlargement
and an increase of political responsibilities. The most active
opposition had its center in Boston. The claim was made that the
acquisition of new territory showed a tendency to imperialism that was
not justified either by the United States Constitution or by the
political principles or customs of the country. Attention was repeatedly
called to the clause in the Declaration of Independence which declares
that the basis of just government is the “consent of the governed.” It
was further asserted that the new possessions would increase the
tendencies to political corruption, and would exert an unwholesome
influence on the government at home. In opposition to these views, the
President, and apparently a large majority of the people, held that
there was no more constitutional objection to the acquisition of insular
territory than there had been to the acquisition of Louisiana,
California, or Alaska. The advocates of the so-called “expansion
policy,” furthermore, would not admit that added political
responsibilities would increase a tendency to corrupt government, and
they claimed that, in view of international tendencies, the country
needed the newly acquired territory, in order to protect its interests
in the far East.
=676. Government of Newly Acquired Territories.=—On the recommendation
of the President, Congress provided territorial governments not only for
Hawaii, Guam, and Porto Rico, but also for Alaska. These governments
were framed with the intention of developing free institutions as
rapidly as the intelligence and character of the inhabitants would
admit. Cuba was temporarily put under the control of a military
government, which was instituted in order to set the wheels of a
competent local government in motion. The President proclaimed his
purpose to turn over the government of the island to the Cubans as soon
as order and a prospect of peace had been established.
THE CLOSE OF McKINLEY’S FIRST ADMINISTRATION.
=677. Financial Reform.=—The second Congress of McKinley’s first
administration early took into consideration the vexed question of the
currency, and also discussed banking laws and refunding the national
debt. The legislation finally adopted, which went into effect March 14,
1900, placed the entire currency of the country on a gold basis,
provided for the establishment of national banks in the smaller towns
and villages, and authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue
long-time two per cent bonds, with the income of which the shorter-time
three, four, and five per cent bonds were to be called in and paid. The
success of the refunding measure was a remarkable evidence of the firm
basis on which the credit of the country was now established. Though the
new bonds sold at par, within two months of the passage of the bill more
than two hundred and sixty millions of the old bonds had been refunded
at the lower rate. The significance of this success is shown by the fact
that, while this process of refunding with a two per cent bond was going
on, the lowest Russian bonds were bearing four per cent; the lowest
French bonds, three and a half per cent; the lowest bonds of the German
Empire, three per cent; and the lowest bonds of Great Britain, two and
three-fourths per cent. For the first time in its history, it might
fairly be claimed that the credit of the United States was the best in
the world.
[Illustration: THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
[Copyright by Pach Brothers, New York.]]
=678. Presidential Candidates in 1900.=—As the end of McKinley’s term
approached, it became evident that there would be no opposition in the
Republican party to his renomination. The Convention met in
Philadelphia, June 19, and adopted a platform which indorsed McKinley’s
policy of government in Porto Rico, in Cuba, and in Hawaii, and also
advocated the retention of the Philippine Islands under conditions that
would secure for them local self-government as rapidly as the condition
and spirit of the people would permit. Interest was chiefly centered in
the nomination of a candidate for the Vice Presidency. There were three
prominent candidates, each with strong local support, in different parts
of the country. But as soon as the delegates assembled, it became
apparent that there was a great popular sentiment in favor of the
nomination of Governor Theodore Roosevelt,[303] of New York. He was not
only not a candidate, but with great earnestness besought the
delegations from the different states not to put forward his name. But
he had distinguished himself by his work on the Civil Service
Commission, as a police commissioner of New York City, as a brave and
picturesque commander of the Rough Riders in the Spanish war, and as an
honest and intelligent governor of New York, and his energetic
opposition to being put forward as a candidate was of no avail. McKinley
received every vote in the convention, on the first ballot; and
Roosevelt, who sat in the convention, received every vote excepting his
own. On the 5th of July the Democratic Convention, at Kansas City,
nominated, with equal unanimity, William J. Bryan for President, and
ex-Vice President Adlai Stevenson of Illinois, for Vice President. The
Democratic platform was vigorous in its expressions of opposition to
McKinley’s policy of expansion, promised legislation against trusts, and
declared anew its advocacy of free coinage of silver at a ratio of
sixteen to one. The impossibility of uniting all interests in these two
candidates for the Presidency was shown by the fact that ten other
candidates were, in the course of the summer, put in the field by
various small parties.
=679. Reëlection of McKinley.=—After an interesting but not exciting
campaign, in which the maintenance of the financial standing of the
country, rather than the approval or disapproval of the so-called
“imperial” system, became the paramount question, McKinley and Roosevelt
were elected over Bryan and Stevenson by the large majority of two
hundred and ninety-two electoral votes to one hundred and fifty-five.
McKinley’s popular majority was even greater than that received by him
in 1896.
=680. Foreign Affairs.=—During the summer of 1900, public attention was
distracted from the Philippines to China, where the Boxer uprising put
foreign residents, especially missionaries, in great jeopardy. The
United States joined the chief nations of Europe in sending forces to
China. These troops behaved well; and in the subsequent diplomatic
negotiations, President McKinley and his Secretary of State, John Hay,
won much praise for their moderate and statesmanlike course of action.
The latter gained great credit also for his efforts to secure an
agreement between Great Britain and the United States with regard to the
control of any interoceanic canal that might be undertaken in Central
America. The treaty, as modified by the Senate, was rejected by Great
Britain; but after concessions on both sides, a new Hay-Pauncefote
treaty was finally ratified (December 16, 1901), which secured to
America complete control of any such canal.
=681. Domestic Affairs.=—Among the most important domestic events of
the close of McKinley’s first term were the exclusion from Congress of
the polygamist Representative Roberts of Utah; the unfortunate contest
for the governorship of Kentucky, which resulted in the assassination of
the Democratic contestant, Mr. Goebel; and the terrible storm which
devastated the city of Galveston, Texas. The completion of the twelfth
census in 1900 showed a total population of 76,303,387, and an increase
of wealth and industrial power so marvelous as to promise almost
incredible achievements in the near future. On February 28, 1901, an act
was passed reducing the taxes that had been levied to defray the
expenses of the Spanish War.
McKINLEY’S SECOND ADMINISTRATION.
=682. Second Inauguration of McKinley.=—President McKinley entered upon
his second term of office on March 4, 1901, and retained the Cabinet as
it stood at the close of his first term. His inaugural address
emphasized the material prosperity of the country and the need of
securing foreign markets by wise treaties of reciprocity. This liberal
policy was consistently advocated by him in speeches delivered during a
summer tour of the country, and especially in one made at the
Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, New York.
=683. The Assassination of President McKinley.=—Immediately after this
noteworthy speech, President McKinley was taken from the nation whose
affairs he was guiding with an ever steadier hand. On September 6, 1901,
while he was holding a reception in the Temple of Music at the Buffalo
Exposition, he was shot by an anarchist who had concealed a revolver
under a handkerchief that apparently covered a wounded hand. The
President bore himself with remarkable dignity and courage, both at the
time of the shooting and during the eight days of suffering that
followed. At first it seemed as if he would recover; but on September 14
he died, and Vice President Roosevelt at once took the oath of office as
President. The whole world was profoundly shocked by the tragedy, and
the manifestations of popular grief, as the body was conveyed to
Washington and from there to Canton, Ohio, were extraordinary. On
September 19, while the interment was taking place at Canton, all labor
was suspended throughout the country. Popular indignation was naturally
directed against anarchists and political agitators of all sorts; but,
in the main, the people restrained themselves in a most praiseworthy
manner. The trial and execution of the assassin were conducted with
great promptitude and decorum.
ROOSEVELT’S ADMINISTRATION.
=684. The New President and His Policies.=—Upon taking office,
President Roosevelt announced that he would continue the policies and
retain the Cabinet of his predecessor. It was not to be expected that
such a pledge would be kept to the letter, since the new Executive
differed greatly from President McKinley in temperament and in training,
and was soon confronted with a new combination, if not precisely a new
set of problems. He was more direct and vigorous in his methods of
conducting the nation’s business, more impetuous and less politic in his
relations with men and in his appeals to the people for support of his
measures. His honest, fearless, aggressive personality soon made him the
most popular of modern Presidents and enabled him to secure a
considerable amount of good legislation and to put his own stamp, not
only upon the national administration, but upon the general course of
politics throughout the country. He stood for an efficient civil
service, clean if somewhat partisan politics, and a resolute enforcement
of such laws as affected the methods of business employed by monopolies
and great corporations. He soon seemed to be the representative of the
interests of the many as opposed to those of the few, and, as a result,
he was praised by radicals and censured by conservatives. In
consequence, party lines began to be broken, and it may be that Mr.
Roosevelt’s greatest service to the country will be found to lie in the
personal influence he has brought to bear upon the task of wresting his
own party from the control of capital, and of awakening the masses of
the people to the importance of preventing the chief agencies of
production and transportation from falling into the hands of
monopolists. Perhaps the criticism most often urged against his
administration is his failure to use his great power in support of the
protests made throughout the country against the excessive protective
tariff, which has fostered unfair monopolies and a corrupt use of money
in politics.
[Illustration: ADMIRAL W. S. SCHLEY.
[Copyright by Pach Brothers, New York.]]
=685. The President’s Chief Advisers.=—During his term as successor to
President McKinley and throughout his term as elected President, Mr.
Roosevelt’s Cabinet underwent many changes, most of which it is needless
to specify. The secretaries of the various departments, to whom was
added in 1903 a Secretary of Labor and Commerce, formed a competent body
of advisers and administrators, but, on the whole, only three strongly
impressed themselves upon the country. These were John Hay, who took
charge of the Department of State under McKinley and retained it until
his own death in July, 1905; Elihu Root, who continued to act as
Secretary of War until February, 1904, and then, after a short interval,
succeeded Mr. Hay in the Department of State; and William H. Taft, who
relinquished the post of first civil governor of the Philippine Islands
under American rule to become Secretary of War in place of Mr. Root.
Under both secretaries of state the consular service was improved and
the influence of America in international affairs was greatly
strengthened, especially by Mr. Root’s visit to many of the South
American states in 1906. Mr. Taft brought to his post a unique knowledge
of the problems of colonial administration, and he was soon recognized
by the country as a skillful administrator and a sound and sympathetic
adviser of the President in all the phases of the latter’s activity.
=686. The Schley Court of Inquiry.=—Controversies growing out of the
claims of Rear Admirals Sampson and Schley,[304] relative to the battle
of Santiago (see § 669, note), led the latter to request a Court of
Inquiry, which convened at Washington in September, 1901. After lengthy
proceedings, the Court, of which Admiral Dewey was president, brought in
a report that partly vindicated and partly condemned Admiral Schley. The
latter, whose cause had won great popular favor, appealed to President
Roosevelt, but without avail.
=687. Political Events of 1902.=—Shortly after the accession of the new
President the attention of the country was directed to the municipal
campaign in Greater New York, which resulted in the victory of a reform
ticket supported by Republicans and Independents over the Tammany Hall
Democrats. The reform government took office on January 1, 1902, and
gave the city, under Seth Low as Mayor, an effective and honest
administration; but, unfortunately, it did not prove popular, and
Tammany came into power again in 1904.[305] People had been shown,
however, that municipal and State reforms could be secured if voters
would abandon party lines and act together for the public good, and, as
a result, the past few years have witnessed much improvement in local
legislation and administration throughout the country. Meanwhile, the
Fifty-seventh Congress, which began its first session in December, 1901,
accomplished less than was to be expected in view of the large majority
possessed by the Republicans. Its comparative inactivity was mainly due
to the fact that on the evacuation of Cuba by the American troops (May,
1902) and the setting up of a republican government in the island, it
seemed desirable for the United States to aid the weak young country by
reducing the tariff duties on Cuban sugar and tobacco. The President’s
efforts to secure the needed legislation were blocked for a considerable
period by the opposition of the extreme advocates of protection. It
proved difficult, also, to obtain adequate legislation for the
Philippines, but finally an act was passed providing for their temporary
government, and the insurrection in the islands was proclaimed to be at
an end. Another subject which occupied Congress was the choice of a
route for the proposed interoceanic canal. The Nicaraguan route seemed
to be favored, until the Panama Company offered to sell its property and
rights for $40,000,000. This offer was finally accepted, and the
construction of the Panama Canal authorized, provided a proper title to
the route were secured (June, 1902). The Congressional elections in the
autumn of 1902 left the Republicans still in control, but with a reduced
majority.
=688. The Anthracite Coal Strike.=—Popular efforts to oppose, through
the action of legislatures and courts, oppressive and illegal
accumulations of capital in so-called trusts and combinations, and
struggles between organized labor and capital, greatly occupied public
attention throughout the year 1902. The most conspicuous event in this
connection was the strike of the anthracite coal miners in Pennsylvania,
which lasted from May to October and caused considerable suffering. The
miners, who were led with much intelligence by Mr. John Mitchell,
President of the United Mine Workers of America, were willing to submit
their claims to arbitration, a fact which secured them much popular
sympathy. The mine owners, whose chief spokesman was Mr. George F. Baer,
President of the Philadelphia and Reading Railway Company, refused to
arbitrate, and attempted to work their property with non-union miners.
Rioting followed, and the militia had to be called out; but it was the
rise in the price of fuel and the dread of a coal famine during the
approaching winter that most alarmed the public and that finally led to
a compromise. The situation seemed so threatening that President
Roosevelt, acting as chief citizen but not as Executive, called a
conference of representatives of the owners and the miners, and urged
them for the sake of the country to arbitrate their differences. The
owners at first stood out upon their rights,—which were regarded by
many persons as doubtful,—but they finally yielded, and a commission of
seven arbitrators was appointed by the President. The commission made
its report in March, 1903, decreeing certain advances in wages, but
forbidding discrimination against non-union men.[306]
=689. Events and Legislation of 1903.=—During this year a treaty was
concluded with Great Britain for the settlement of the dispute between
Canada and the United States as to the boundary of Alaska, and a mixed
commission was appointed under it, which met in London and rendered a
decision almost entirely favorable to the United States. A reciprocity
treaty with Newfoundland was also concluded, and, in general, the high
reputation won for American diplomacy by Secretary Hay was sustained. A
reciprocity treaty with Cuba designed to benefit the planters of the
island was, however, defeated, and it was only after an extra session of
the Senate and one of the Fifty-eighth Congress that the resistance of
the protectionists was overcome, and tardy concessions were made to
Cuba.[307] Meanwhile, the Fifty-seventh Congress, before it closed,
accomplished more in the way of legislation than might have been
expected, in view of the bickerings to which the administration’s Cuban
policy had given rise. Bills were passed, among others, which looked to
the regulation of trusts, to the creation of a general staff for the
army, to the increase of the navy, and to the checking of undesirable
immigration. Even more important to the welfare of the country was the
firm stand taken by the President in ordering the fullest investigation
of gross scandals in the administration of the post office, and in other
departments of governmental activity. The year was marked also by
numerous important strikes,[308] by many race riots, which were not
confined to the South, and by convictions of persons accused of holding
negroes in “peonage.”[309]
=690. Panama and the Canal.=—In June, 1903, the Congress of the
republic of Colombia rejected the treaty negotiated between the
Colombian commissioner and Secretary Hay, and proposals were made to the
United States, looking to Colombian sovereignty over the zone of the
contemplated canal. These proposals were rejected, and in their anger at
the situation thus created, the inhabitants of Panama revolted from
Colombia and set up an independent republic. This was at once recognized
by President Roosevelt, and a new treaty was concluded with it. Though
these steps were regarded by the Colombians, and even by some Americans,
as high-handed and contrary to precedent, they were extenuated by the
importance of the political and commercial interests involved and by the
necessity of safeguarding the United States from intrigues designed to
secure a heavy payment for all concessions. Fortunately the revolution
at Panama led to no serious disturbances either in its inception or in
its consequences. The presence of American battleships prevented
Colombia from landing troops to recover the seceded state, and the
efforts made by the Colombian special envoy to induce the government at
Washington to abandon Panama to its fate were fruitless. In February,
1904, the new treaty with Panama was ratified by the United States
Senate. Shortly afterward a decision in a French court entirely cleared
the title of the Panama Canal Company to dispose of its property and
rights to the United States, and about the same time the commissioners
for the construction of the canal were appointed, and preliminary work
was begun.[310]
=691. Campaign of 1904.=—Although the first session of the Fifty-eighth
Congress was not devoid of interest or unproductive of important
legislation, public attention was mainly centered throughout 1904, so
far as concerned politics, upon the selection of Presidential candidates
and upon the subsequent campaign. Although President Roosevelt had
alienated some of the important Republican politicians and had caused
himself to be dreaded by many financiers, capitalists, and business men,
opposition to his nomination could not be concentrated, and the death of
Senator Hanna, of Ohio, left him without a possible rival. His personal
popularity throughout the entire country, the general prosperity of the
people, and the inability of the Democrats to find any large, striking
issue upon which to appeal to the voters, rendered the candidacy of the
President very strong. On June 23 he was therefore nominated unanimously
by the Republican Convention, which met at Chicago, and Senator Charles
W. Fairbanks of Indiana was unanimously nominated for Vice President.
The Democratic Convention met at St. Louis, and on July 9 nominated for
President, on the first ballot, Judge Alton B. Parker of New York.
Ex-Senator Henry G. Davis, an octogenarian of West Virginia, was
nominated for Vice President. The nomination of Judge Parker,[311] whose
only serious competitor was Mr. William R. Hearst, the millionaire
proprietor of several newspapers, meant that Mr. Bryan and the more
radical members of the party had retired into the background in order to
give the more conservative Democrats of the East and South a chance to
show what they could do toward reorganizing the party and leading it to
victory. The latter made it clear that they accepted the gold standard,
but in the campaign that followed they received but lukewarm support
from the more radical elements of the party, and Mr. Roosevelt was
elected in November by the largest popular majority in our history. In
the Electoral College he had three hundred and thirty-nine votes,
including those of West Virginia and Missouri, against Judge Parker’s
one hundred and forty; in other words, the Democrats had lost every
section save the South, and had not entirely maintained themselves
there. Fewer ballots, however, had been cast than was the case in 1900,
a proof of apathy on the part of many citizens. In fact, the campaign of
1904 was a remarkably dull one, the only excitement occurring toward the
close when charges were made regarding the raising of campaign funds.
Immediately after his election, Mr. Roosevelt announced that he would
not accept a renomination for President. As might have been expected
from the general satisfaction of the country with Mr. Roosevelt’s
administration, both houses of Congress remained strongly Republican.
=692. Events of 1905: The Treaty of Portsmouth.=—Early in the year the
administration endeavored to effect a treaty with the disorganized
republic of San Domingo by which the United States should take charge of
the Dominican custom-houses and apply a considerable portion of the
revenues thereof to the payment of the debts of the small republic. Much
opposition was manifested in the Senate, and the calling of an extra
session of that body did not secure the passage of the treaty.[312]
About the same time there was friction with Venezuela, owing to the
sequestration of the lands of the American Asphalt Company. In Congress,
the main subject of discussion was the regulation of railroad rates, but
nothing was accomplished in the matter. In the sphere of State
legislation and administration, interest was chiefly centered in the
investigation into the affairs of some of the larger life insurance
companies and in the attacks made upon monopolies. In the course of the
inquiries conducted by the New York investigating commission it was
shown, not only that there was gross waste in the management of the
business of the chief insurance companies, but that they spent money to
influence legislation, and made large contributions to the national
parties for campaign purposes.[313] In the war against the trusts, the
special objects of attack were the Standard Oil Company and the
so-called Beef Trust. In municipal politics the most interesting
situation was created by the fight between Mayor Weaver of Philadelphia
and the ring of Republican politicians in that city over what was
generally regarded as a corrupt lease of the city gas plant. The lease
was defeated, and some rather spasmodic victories were won for the cause
of reform. In New York City Mayor McClellan was reëlected by a small
plurality over W. R. Hearst, the Municipal Ownership candidate, who
claimed that extensive frauds by Tammany deprived him of victory. On the
whole, however, the most striking event of the year was the signing of
the Treaty of Peace between Russia and Japan, which took place on
September 5, at the Navy Yard at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. President
Roosevelt, believing that the time had come for the bloody war between
the two powers to cease, and feeling assured of the support of other
governments, sent notes to the respective heads of the two warring
powers, urging that they should open negotiations with each other. His
suggestions bore fruit at once; the envoys were introduced to one
another by the President, whose interest in the success of the
negotiations undoubtedly contributed to the final accommodation; the
treaty was signed and ratified; and the world was at peace. No other
event connected with his administrations has reflected more credit upon
the President or has given clearer proof of the growth of American
prestige throughout the world.[314]
=693. Legislation of 1906.=—The first session of the Fifty-ninth
Congress was marked by great opposition to the President and his
policies from members of his own party. This opposition was specially
bitter over the railroad rate act, which finally, however, became a law.
Questions of personal veracity were raised, and Congress failed to pass
such excellent bills as that designed to relieve the inhabitants of the
Philippines from heavy tariff duties on articles imported into the
United States. But the President retained the confidence of the people,
and secured some important legislation—in particular, the meat
inspection law, which was passed in consequence of disclosures made in a
popular novel concerning the bad conditions prevailing in the Chicago
meat-packing establishments. A “Pure Food Law,” looking to the
protection of the consumers of foods, drugs, and liquors, was also
passed, as well as a bill providing for the admission of Oklahoma and
Indian Territory as one state under the former name, and for the joint
admission of Arizona and New Mexico on the condition that each territory
should vote separately in favor of such joint admission.[315] Other
meritorious legislation was also enacted—for example, a stricter
naturalization law.
=694. The San Francisco Earthquake.=—The most terrible catastrophe of
recent years, save the Sicilian and Calabrian earthquake of 1908, took
place on April 18, 1906, when a destructive earthquake occurred in
California, which inflicted great damage to property and cost hundreds
of lives. The chief loss fell upon San Francisco, where the earthquake
was followed by a fire which could not be put out for several days.
About 200,000 persons were left homeless. The magnitude of the disaster
deeply impressed the rest of the country and the world, with the result
that assistance was conveyed to the stricken region with great
promptness and on a large scale. This sympathy was succeeded by
widespread admiration for the courage and energy with which the citizens
of San Francisco at once set to work to construct upon the ruins of the
old a new city which in solidity and beauty should measurably realize
their ideals. Unfortunately, their efforts were soon impeded by labor
troubles, and the city was disgraced by grave municipal scandals.
=695. Intervention in Cuba.=—In August, 1906, a revolution broke out in
Cuba against the Palma government, and in September President Palma
requested the United States to intervene. Sincerely wishing the little
republic to preserve its autonomy, President Roosevelt hesitated to send
forces, but after an investigation conducted by Secretary Taft and
acting Secretary of State Bacon, and after the resignation of the Cuban
President and Vice President, it became clear that there was such
friction between the political factions of the island that peace could
be secured only through the exercise of force by the United States. Late
in September, Secretary Taft issued a proclamation which placed Cuba
temporarily under American control and an adequate force was landed. The
action was favorably received by Cubans of all shades of opinion, and
the island has since remained quiet under the provisional governorship
of Charles E. Magoon. Many of the richer planters, and not a few
citizens of this country, favor the annexation of Cuba to the United
States; but the movement in this direction can scarcely as yet be said
to be strong, and it is clear that hitherto the policy of the greater
toward the weaker republic has been generous and unselfish, save in the
matter of tariff reductions. (See §§ 687, 689.)
=696. Race Troubles: Atlanta and Brownsville Riots.=—During recent
years, friction between whites and blacks seems to have been growing
more intense, not only in the South, but in the North and West, and
lynchings and riots have been disgracefully frequent, the latest
instance of lawlessness on a large scale having occurred at Springfield,
Illinois, in August, 1908. There has also been much race friction
between Americans and Japanese on the Pacific Coast. In Georgia and in
Texas, two particularly regrettable outbursts occurred in 1906. In
September, the usual occasion of such riots, combined with the bad
effects of a violent political campaign, lashed many of the inhabitants
of Atlanta into a fury, which spent itself on the negroes wherever they
could be found, regardless of their innocence or criminality. Several
persons were killed, and the militia had to be called out. Later, the
better elements of the city, white and black, endeavored to develop
kinder feelings between the races and greater respect for the law. The
month before there had been a shooting affray at Brownsville, Texas,
between negro soldiers stationed at the fort there and the inhabitants
of the town. In answer to protests made to him, and on the failure of
all his efforts to discover the guilty soldiers, President Roosevelt, in
November, ordered that the entire body of negro troops involved in
suspicion should be dismissed from the service in disgrace. This action
was both applauded and condemned. It led to inconclusive investigations
and to much discontent among the negroes and their friends.
=697. Elections of 1906.=—The election in November resulted in a
victory for the Republicans, but their majority in Congress was
materially reduced. Several State elections attracted attention, but
public interest was mainly centered upon the contest for the
governorship of New York between the Republican candidate, Mr. Charles
E. Hughes, who had won a national reputation by his skillful conduct of
the investigation of the great insurance companies (see § 692), and the
Democratic candidate, Mr. W. R. Hearst, who had been a competitor of
Judge Parker’s for the Presidential nomination (see § 691), and had so
nearly defeated Mr. McClellan for the mayoralty of New York City (see §
692). Mr. Hearst was also the candidate of the Independence League,
which was generally understood to be a party mainly controlled by him.
His securing the Democratic nomination alienated many Democrats, and led
to his defeat, but that the election was a personal triumph for Mr.
Hughes was shown by the election of the Democratic State ticket to all
the offices except the governorship. Mr. Hearst subsequently withdrew
from the Democratic party and carried the Independence League into
national politics.
=698. The Panic of 1907.=—Although numerous matters, foreign and
domestic,[316] made the twelvemonth that followed the elections of 1906
interesting to the contemporary observer of public affairs, it seems
clear that to the future student one event of the year will overshadow
all others—the financial crisis of the autumn. It began in October with
the failure of a New York trust company, and for some weeks the
stringency of the money market was acute, particularly in the business
centers of the East. Many private fortunes, especially of those engaged
in any form of speculation, were impaired, and industry was greatly
checked, with the result that thousands of men were thrown out of
employment and that immigration from Europe showed a decided falling
off. In some quarters there was a disposition to attribute the panic to
the President’s policy of subjecting the methods of the railroads and
trusts to strict examination, and of insisting that they should comply
in every respect with the statutes which had been enacted to control
their activities; but more impartial students regarded the catastrophe
as the natural consequence of the strain to which capital had been
subjected for some years during a period of speculation and industrial
inflation. Credit had been strained in America and abroad, and defects
in the system of currency had created among business men a feeling of
insecurity and uncertainty which was probably more accentuated by the
talk than by the actions of the Executive. His speeches, perhaps, had
something to do with occasioning the crisis, but it was an inevitable
event and, on the whole, a salutary one. It taught the public that no
country, however rich and energetic, can defy with impunity the
principles of honest and conservative financiering, that all sections
and nations are so closely bound that one cannot suffer without
affecting the rest, and that the part an administration can take,
whether in precipitating or in alleviating such a crisis, is unimportant
in comparison with the actions of financiers, investors, and business
men in the aggregate.
=699. Events and Legislation of 1908.=—One of the most spectacular
events of the year was the cruise of the Atlantic fleet in the Pacific
Ocean. The voyage was made _via_ Cape Horn, and the fleet was received
with great enthusiasm, not only by the people of the Pacific Coast, but
also in New Zealand, Australia, and Japan. As a display of naval power
and efficiency, the cruise was a success, and its political effects seem
to have justified its inception, especially as the welcome given our
sailors in Japan did much to show that there was no immediate cause for
friction with that country. Less spectacular, but not less important,
was the ratification of numerous arbitration treaties, including one
with Japan, and of eleven Hague conventions relating to the conduct of
war. A conference of the governors of the States met at Washington in
May, on the call of President Roosevelt, and discussed the best methods
of conserving the natural resources, the forests and waterways of the
country. It was generally regarded as a forward step, and it led to the
appointment of a national commission charged with this important matter.
There was a remarkable wave of activity among the advocates of
legislation against the sale of intoxicating liquors, leading,
especially in the South, to the adoption of prohibition and local option
laws. The first session of the Sixtieth Congress passed laws in the
interest of government employees injured in the performance of duty, and
similar measures, and, finally, after much debate and filibustering, a
compromise Currency Bill, known as the Vreeland-Aldrich Bill. One of the
provisions of this was the establishment of a commission of senators and
representatives to consider the monetary system and the banking laws of
the country. The Ways and Means Committee of the House was authorized to
hold recess sittings and to hear testimony with regard to the need of
revising the tariff. Late in the year, Mr. Andrew Carnegie, the famous
millionaire steel manufacturer, created a sensation by declaring before
the committee his belief that the industry in which he was an expert
needed no protection whatsoever.
[Illustration: WILLIAM H. TAFT.]
=700. The Election of 1908.=—The Republican Convention met in Chicago
in June, and on the first ballot nominated for President, Secretary
William H. Taft,[317] of Ohio, for whose candidacy the administration
had exerted all its influence. Representative James S. Sherman, of New
York, was nominated for Vice President. The Convention in its plank with
regard to the issuing of writs of injunction[318] by the Federal Courts
in cases involving labor disputes failed to satisfy some of the labor
leaders, who subsequently supported the Democratic party. The convention
of the latter party met in Denver in July and nominated Mr. W. J. Bryan
on the first ballot. John W. Kern of Indiana was nominated for Vice
President. The Democratic platform was more specific than the Republican
on tariff reduction, railway regulation, and anti-monopoly legislation;
but it did not secure enthusiastic support, especially from convinced
tariff reformers, and its proposal of the creation of a fund for
securing depositors in insolvent national banks was not regarded with
favor in conservative circles. The minor parties also made nominations,
and expected to play a larger part in the election than they succeeded
in doing. On the whole, the campaign was spiritless, despite the
regrettable sensation caused by the production of letters associating
the names of several public men with the Standard Oil Company. It was
soon apparent that Mr. Taft would receive the solid support of the
Eastern States, and that, while Mr. Bryan would probably reduce the
Republican vote in the West, he would not be strong enough to carry many
States. In the election on November 3, 1908, Mr. Taft secured three
hundred and twenty-one electoral votes, including those of Missouri and
West Virginia; Mr. Bryan one hundred and sixty-two, including those of
Nebraska, Colorado, and Nevada, and six of the eight votes of Maryland.
Judge Taft defeated Mr. Bryan by about 1,250,000 votes, but the
Democratic candidate himself surpassed by even more than this the vote
received by Judge Parker in 1904. The chief parties made gains, and that
there was considerable independent voting was proved by the election of
Democratic governors in Ohio, Minnesota, and Indiana. The Republicans
were still left with a comfortable majority in Congress.
=701. The Country at the Close of 1908.=—Some revival of business has
been noted since the election, and the country has settled down to await
quietly the beginning of the new administration, with little expectation
that Congress, which has shown itself to be greatly exasperated with the
President, will accomplish much besides routine business. An _entente_
arranged by our Department of State with the Japanese authorities has
dissipated much of the popular alarm with respect to the sinister
intentions of Japan toward American interests in the Pacific. Many
fourth-class postmasters in the North and West have been brought by
President Roosevelt under civil service rules—an action which cannot
fail to lessen the power of the political bosses. The government has
maintained a very calm attitude toward Holland and Venezuela, the
relations of which have been strained, and measures have been taken to
secure the quiet and prompt withdrawal of American troops from Cuba. The
chances of a real revision of the tariff seem to have increased. An
important decision against prominent labor leaders, who had flouted an
injunction of a court, has rendered it likely that the law with regard
to boycotts will be more clearly enunciated and understood in the
future, and that the respective rights of capital, labor, and the
general public will be more thoroughly safeguarded. Perhaps no better
illustration of the strength and essential soundness of the country can
be pointed to than the generosity and promptitude with which America has
responded to the appeals in behalf of the sufferers in the Calabrian
earthquake of December, 1908.
* * * * *
REFERENCES.—Wheeler, _The Santiago Campaign_ (1898); Roosevelt,
_The Rough Riders_ (1899); H. T. Peck, _Twenty Years of the
Republic, 1885–1905_ (1906); year-books and other manuals of
information, and magazines of the period, particularly _The
Political Science Quarterly_ in its “Record of Political
Events.”
-----
[295] It is still too early to pass definite judgment upon this and
other points.
[296] The Act of May 25 fixed the opening of the war as taking place on
April 21.
[297] Born in Vermont, 1837. Entered United States Naval Academy in
1854 and graduated in 1858; was midshipman in the Mediterranean till
outbreak of the war in 1861; was assigned to the West Gulf Squadron; was
with Farragut at the passing of Forts St. Philip and Jackson; served
later on several vessels of the North Atlantic Squadron; promoted to be
commander, 1872; captain, 1884; commodore, 1896; appointed to command
the Asiatic Squadron, January, 1898; fought the battle of Manila, May 1,
1898; upon his return to America was greeted with great demonstrations
of favor in New York and other cities; rear admiral, 1898; admiral,
1899.
[298] Born in Michigan, 1835. Entered Union army, 1861; brevet brigadier
general, 1865; entered regular army as lieutenant colonel, 1867;
colonel, March, 1879; brigadier general, May, 1897; called to Tampa,
Florida, at the outbreak of the Spanish War; led expedition against
Santiago de Cuba; commanded Departments of California and Columbia,
1899–1901; retired, 1901.
[299] Born in New York, 1840; died, 1902. Graduated at the head of his
class at Annapolis, 1860; promoted to master, 1861; lieutenant, 1862;
was executive officer on the _Patapsco_ when it was blown up in
Charleston harbor, and was blown into the water; lieutenant commander,
1866; commander, 1874; superintendent of Naval Academy, 1886–1890;
studied with great care all branches of the service, but more especially
those of ordnance and the defensive armor of war vessels; was president
of the Board of Inquiry into the causes of the destruction of the
_Maine_; commanded the North Atlantic Squadron, with rank of acting rear
admiral, in the battle with Admiral Cervera, July 3, 1898; promoted to
rear admiral, September, 1898.
[300] Just about this time considerable anxiety was felt as to the fate
of the battleship _Oregon_, which had left San Francisco in March, under
Captain Charles E. Clark. After a voyage of fourteen thousand miles, she
finally reached Key West on May 26, and served in the battle of
Santiago.
[301] The American squadron, with Commodore Sampson in command, had long
been watching the mouth of the harbor, day and night. On the morning of
July 3, Sampson started for a consultation with Shafter, who was some
miles east of the mouth of the bay. Before going he had left specific
directions as to methods of action in case of Cervera’s appearance.
Sampson was some miles away when the approach of the Spanish fleet was
detected. Though he returned at once, he reached his fleet only at the
close of the engagement, in which Commodore Schley (§ 685) was the
highest officer taking active part.
[302] Born in Massachusetts, 1839. Entered the army as a volunteer, in
1861; became a major general of volunteers, and commanded an army corps
at the age of twenty-five; greatly distinguished himself in numerous
battles; entered the regular army at the close of the war; conducted
many campaigns against Indians on the frontier; commanded the United
States troops at Chicago during the strikes of 1894; appointed general
in chief of United States Army, 1895; commanded the army during the war
with Spain; appointed lieutenant general, 1900; retired, 1903.
[303] Born in New York, 1858. Graduated at Harvard, 1880; member of New
York legislature, 1882–1884; chairman of National Board of Civil Service
Commissioners, 1889–1895; president of New York Police Board, 1895–1897;
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1897–1898; resigned to organize the
First United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly known as “Roosevelt’s
Rough Riders”; distinguished himself in action before Santiago; elected
governor of New York, 1898; nominated for Vice President, June, 1900;
elected in November, 1900; succeeded to the Presidency on the death of
President McKinley, in September, 1901; nominated and elected President
in 1904. Is the author of a number of historical works.
[304] Born in Maryland, 1839. Graduated at United States Naval Academy,
1860; served as midshipman in Chinese waters, 1860–1861; was in West
Gulf Squadron, 1861–1864; served again in Chinese waters, 1864; became
lieutenant commander in 1866; on duty at Naval Academy, 1866–1869; head
of modern language department at Annapolis, 1877–1878; commander in
1884; commanded the successful Greely Relief Expedition, 1884; captain
in 1888; commanded the _Baltimore_ and settled difficulties at
Valparaiso, 1891; carried Ericsson’s body to Sweden, in 1891; commanded
the _New York_, and was made commodore and put in command of the Flying
Squadron in Cuban waters, 1898; was senior officer at the destruction of
Cervera’s fleet, July 3, 1898; advanced to rear admiral, 1899; retired,
1901.
[305] The new mayor was George B. McClellan, who was reëlected in 1905
for the lengthened term of four years. He broke with Tammany Hall during
his second administration. In 1901 Judge William Travers Jerome was
elected District Attorney along with the reform ticket. In 1905 he stood
for reëlection as an independent candidate, and his victory was rightly
regarded as a good sign of the growth of independence among the voters.
[306] Another event of great popular interest marked the year 1902. This
was the friendly visit of Prince Henry of Prussia, which took place in
February and March. The Prince came to America ostensibly to witness the
launching of a new yacht built for his brother, the Emperor of Germany;
but, in reality, his mission was one of courtesy and amity to the
Republic. He was received with an enthusiasm not equaled, perhaps, since
the visit of Kossuth in 1852. He was entertained in New York and
Washington, and was especially welcomed by the large German population
of St. Louis, Chicago, and Milwaukee. He won great favor everywhere by
his simple dignity, and did much by his visit to further the cause of
peace and international good will.
[307] The bill for putting the reciprocity convention into effect was
finally passed in December, 1903; that is, at the beginning of the first
session of the Fifty-eighth Congress. A treaty concluded by Secretary
Hay and the Commissioner of the republic of Colombia for the purpose of
securing concessions necessary to the inception of the Isthmian Canal
was ratified by the Senate only after an extra session of that body had
been called in March, 1903. (See § 690.)
[308] There were also many strikes in 1904, the chief of which was that
of the Colorado coal mines. Much disorder was created, and the Cripple
Creek region had to be placed under martial law.
[309] That is, involuntary servitude based originally upon the inability
of the negroes to pay fines.
[310] Throughout 1904 and 1905, there was much changing of
commissioners, the preliminary work of sanitation went slowly and not
altogether successfully, and difficulty was experienced in retaining the
services of skilled engineers. Nevertheless, although it was soon seen
that the first estimates of time and cost were far too small, the
administration kept steadily at its great task, and before long
reasonable progress could be reported.
[311] Born in Cortlandt, N. Y., May 14, 1852; was admitted to the bar
and took interest in state politics; filled judicial positions from 1885
to 1904; chief-justice of court of appeals (1898–1904); resigned after
accepting the nomination for the presidency, and has since practiced law
in New York City.
[312] The President finally gained his point in July, 1907, when the
necessary treaty was ratified.
[313] See footnote 312.
[314] Representatives of the United States sat, without voting, in the
international conference on Moroccan affairs held in January, 1906, at
Algeciras, Spain.
[315] Arizona rejected joint-statehood.
[316] For example, the friction with Japan caused by the opposition to
the presence of Japanese pupils in the public schools of San Francisco;
the personal controversies of the President, particularly that with the
railway magnate, Mr. E. H. Harriman, with regard to campaign
contributions raised by the latter; the proceedings of the closing
session of the Fifty-ninth Congress; the suits against the Standard Oil
Company; the President’s speeches on commercial and financial topics;
and the persistent efforts to induce him to accept a nomination for a
third term.
[317] Born in Cincinnati, Ohio, 1857. Graduated at Yale, 1878; admitted
to Ohio bar, practiced law, and filled minor political and legal posts;
Judge of Superior Court of Ohio; Solicitor-general of United States; U.
S. Circuit Judge of the Sixth Circuit (1892–1900); President of the
Philippine Commission (1900–1904); first Civil Governor of the islands;
Secretary of War (1904–1908); settled affairs in Cuba, 1906; made
several political visits of importance in various parts of the world;
elected President, November, 1908.
[318] An injunction is “a judicial process or order requiring the person
to whom it is directed to do or to refrain from doing a particular
thing.”—Century Dictionary.
[Illustration: UNITED STATES, 1909]
[Illustration: UNITED STATES, 1909]