Certainly this idea of De Quincey about the misfortune to Coleridge of

the early loss of his father, separation from his mother, and removal

from Devon to London, is fully borne out by the more personal utterances

to be found in Coleridge's poems. Looking through them with this idea in

view, we are surprised at the deposit left in them by this conscious

experience on Coleridge's part. Not to dwell at all on what might be

very legitimately regarded as _indirect_ expressions of the sentiment,

we shall present here, in order to add emphasis to De Quincey's

position, some of the extracts which have most impressed us. From the

poem in the Early Poems 'To an Infant,' are these lines:

'Man's breathing miniature! thou mak'st me sigh--

A babe art thou--and such a thing am I,

To anger rapid and as soon appeased,

For trifles mourning and by trifles pleased,

Break friendship's mirror with a tetchy blow,

Yet snatch what coals of fire on pleasure's altar glow.'

Still more emphatic is this passage from the poem, 'Frost at Midnight':

'My babe so beautiful! it thrills my heart

With tender gladness thus to look at thee,

And think that thou shalt learn far other lore,

And in far other scenes! For I was reared

In the great city, pent 'mid cloisters dim,

And saw nought lovely but the sky and stars.

But thou, my babe! shalt wander like a breeze

By lakes and sandy shores beneath the crags

Of ancient mountain, and beneath the clouds,

Which image in their bulk both lakes and shores

And mountain crags; so shalt thou see and hear

The lovely shapes and sounds intelligible

Of that eternal language, which thy God

Utters, who from eternity doth teach

Himself in all and all things in Himself.

Great Universal Teacher! he shall mould

Thy spirit, and by giving make it ask.'

In another place, when speaking of the love of mother for child and that

of child for mother, awakened into life by the very impress of that love

in voice and touch, he concludes with the line:

'Why was I made for Love and Love denied to me?'

And, most significant of all, is that Dedication in 1803 of his Early

Poems to his brother, the Rev. George Coleridge of Ottery St. Mary, when

he writes, after having dwelt on the bliss this brother had enjoyed in

never having been really removed from the place of his early nurture:

'To me the Eternal Wisdom hath dispensed

A different fortune, and more different mind--

Me, from the spot where first I sprang to light

Too soon transplanted, ere my soul had fixed

Its first domestic loves; and hence, through life

Chasing chance-started friendships. A brief while

Some have preserved me from life's pelting ills,

But like a tree with leaves of feeble stem,

If the clouds lasted, and a sudden breeze

Ruffled the boughs, they on my head at once

Dropped the collected shower: and some most false,

False and fair-foliaged as the manchineel,

Have tempted me to slumber in their shade

E'en 'mid the storm; then breathing subtlest damps

Mixed their own venom with the rain from Heaven,

That I woke poisoned! But (all praise to Him

Who gives us all things) more have yielded me

Permanent shelter: and beside one friend,

Beneath the impervious covert of one oak

I've raised a lowly shed and know the name

Of husband and of father; not unhearing

Of that divine and nightly-whispering voice,

Which from my childhood to maturer years

Spake to me of predestinated wreaths,

Bright with no fading colours!

Yet, at times,

My soul is sad, that I have roamed through life

Still most a stranger, most with naked heart,

At mine own home and birthplace: chiefly then

When I remember thee, my earliest friend!

Thee, who didst watch my boyhood and my youth;

Did'st trace my wanderings with a father's eye;

And, boding evil yet still hoping good,

Rebuked each fault and over all my woes

Sorrowed in silence!'

And certainly all this only gains emphasis from the entry we have in the

'Table Talk' under date August 16, 1832, and under the heading,

'Christ's Hospital, Bowyer':

'The discipline of Christ's Hospital in my time was ultra-Spartan; all

domestic ties were to be put aside. "Boy!" I remember Bowyer saying to

me once when I was crying the first day of my return after the holidays.

"Boy! the school is your father! Boy! the school is your mother! Boy!

the school is your brother! the school is your sister! the school is

your first cousin, and all the rest of your relations! Let's have no

more crying!"'

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Really now I can't say that. No; I couldn't have stood Cruger's

arguments. 'Ditto to Mr. Burke' is certainly not a very brilliant

observation, but still it's supportable, whereas I must have found the

pains of contradiction insupportable.

[2] This sublimest of all Greek poets did really die, as some

biographers allege, by so extraordinary and, as one may say, so

insulting a mistake on the part of an eagle.

[3] _Frankistan._--There is no word, but perhaps Frankistan might come

nearest to such a word, for expressing the territory of Christendom

taken jointly with that of those Mahometan nations which have for a long

period been connected with Christians in their hostilities, whether of

arms or of policy. The Arabs and the Moors belong to these nations, for

the circle of their political system has always been made up in part by

a segment from Christendom, their relations of war being still more

involved with such a segment.

[4] 'Merry Wives of Windsor,' Act I., Sc. 4. Mrs. Quickly: '... An

honest, willing, kind fellow, as ever servant shall come in house

withal; and I warrant you no tell-tale, nor no breed-hate; his worst

fault is, that he is given to prayer; he is something peevish that way;

but nobody but has his fault--but let that pass.'--ED.

[5] '_Pun them into shivers_': Troilus and Cressida, Act II., Sc. 1. We

refer specially to the jolly boatswain, having already noticed the fact,

that sailors as a class, from retaining more of the simplicity and quick

susceptibility belonging to childhood, are unusually fond of waxen

exhibitions. Too much worldly experience indisposes men to the

playfulness and to the _toyfulness_ (if we may invent that word) of

childhood, not less through the ungenial churlishness which it gradually

deposits, than through the expansion of understanding which it promotes.

[6] '_Science not always fathomable._' Several distinguished Frenchmen

have pursued a course of investigations into these fenestral phenomena,

which one might call the _Fata Morgana of Frost_; and, amongst these

investigators, some--not content with watching, observing,

recording--have experimented on these floral prolusions of nature by

arranging beforehand the circumstances and conditions into which and

under which the Frost Fairy should be allowed to play. But what was the

result? Did they catch the Fairy? Did they chase her into her secret

cells and workshops? Did they throw over the freedom of her motions a

harness of net-work of coercion as the Pagans over their pitiful

Proteus? So far from it, that the more they studied the less they

understood; and all the traps which they laid for the Fairy, did but

multiply her evasions.

[7] The passage occurs at p. 354, vol. ii. of the _Lectures_; and we now

find, on looking to the place, that the illustration is drawn from 'a

dell of lazy Sicily.' The same remark has virtually been anticipated at

p. 181 of the same volume in the rule about 'converting mere

abstractions into persons.'

[8] It is true that Mr. De Quincey _did_ make the mistake of supposing

Coleridge to have 'calculated on' a remark which Mrs. Coleridge justly

characterises as a blind one. It _was_ blind as compared with the fact

resulting from grounds not then known; else it was _not_ blind as a

reasonable inference under the same circumstances.

[9] If for the words 'more than fifteen years' we say sixteen or

seventeen, as Coleridge died in 1834, this article would be written in

1850 or 1851.--ED.

[10] 'The Saintly Herbert,' the brother, oddly enough, of the brilliant

but infidel Lord Herbert of Cherbury; which lord was a versatile man of

talent, but not a man of genius like the humble rustic--his unpretending

brother.

[11] In saying this, Coleridge unduly disparaged his own personal

advantages. In youth, and before sorrow and the labour of thought had

changed him, he must have been of very engaging appearance. The _godlike

forehead_, which afterwards was ascribed to him, could not have been

wanting at any age. That exquisite passage in Wordsworth's description

of him,

'And a pale face, that seem'd undoubtedly

As if a blooming face it ought to be,'

had its justification in those early days. If to be blooming was the

natural tendency and right of his face, blooming it then was, as we have

been assured by different women of education and taste, who saw him at

twenty-four in Bristol and Clifton. Two of these were friends of Hannah

More, and had seen all the world. They could judge: that is, they could

judge in conformity to the highest standards of taste; and both said,

with some enthusiasm, that he was a most attractive young man; one

adding, with a smile at the old pastoral name, 'Oh, yes, he was a

perfect Strephon.' Light he was in those days and agile as a feathered

Mercury; whereas he afterwards grew heavy and at times bloated; and at

that gay period of life his animal spirits ran up _naturally_ to the

highest point on the scale; whereas in later life, when most

tempestuous, they seemed most artificial. That this, which was the

ardent testimony of females, was also the true one, might have been

gathered from the appearance of his children. Berkeley died an infant,

and him only we never saw. The sole daughter of Coleridge, as she

inherited so much of her father's intellectual power, inherited also the

diviner part of his features. The upper part of her face, at seventeen,

when last we saw her, seemed to us angelic, and pathetically angelic;

for the whole countenance was suffused by a pensive nun-like beauty too

charming and too affecting ever to be forgotten. Derwent, the youngest

son, we have not seen since boyhood, but at that period he had a

handsome cast of features, and (from all we can gather) the

representative cast of the Coleridge family. But Hartley, the eldest

son, how shall we describe _him_? He was most intellectual and he was

most eccentric, and his features expressed all that in perfection.

Southey, in his domestic playfulness, used to call him the _Knave of

Spades_; and he certainly _had_ a resemblance to that well-known young

gentleman. But really we do not know that it would have been at all

better to resemble the knave of hearts. And it must be remembered that

the knave of spades may have a brother very like himself, and yet a

hundred times handsomer. There _are_ such things as handsome likenesses

of very plain people. Some folks pronounced Hartley Coleridge too

Jewish. But to be a Jew is to be an Arab. And our own feeling was, when

we met Hartley at times in solitary or desolate places of Westmoreland

and Cumberland, that here was a son of Ishmael walking in the wilderness

of Edom. The coruscating _nimbus_ of his curling and profuse black hair,

black as erebus, strengthened the Saracen impression of his features and

complexion. He wanted only a turban on his head, and a spear in his

right hand, to be perfect as a Bedouin. But it affected us as all things

are affecting which record great changes, to hear that for a long time

before his death this black hair had become white as the hair of

infancy. Much sorrow and much thought had been the worms that gnawed the

roots of that raven hair; that, in Wordsworth's fine way of expressing

the very same fact as to Mary Queen of Scots:

'Kill'd the bloom before its time,

And blanch'd, without the owner's crime,

The most resplendent hair.'

Ah, wrecks of once blooming nurseries, that from generation to

generation, from John Coleridge the apostolic to S. T. C. the sunbright,

and from S. T. C. the sunbright to Hartley the starry, lie scattered

upon every shore!

_II. MR. FINLAY'S HISTORY OF GREECE._

In attempting to appraise Mr. Finlay's work comprehensively, there is

this difficulty. It comes before us in two characters; first, as a

philosophic speculation upon history, to be valued against others

speculating on other histories; secondly, as a guide, practical

altogether and not speculative, to students who are navigating that

great trackless ocean the _Eastern_ Roman history. Now under either

shape, this work traverses so much ground, that by mere multiplicity of

details it denies to us the opportunity of reporting on its merits with

that simplicity of judgment which would have been available in a case of

severer unity. So many separate situations of history, so many critical

continuations of political circumstances, sweep across the field of Mr.

Finlay's telescope whilst sweeping the heavens of four centuries, that

it is naturally impossible to effect any comprehensive abstractions, as

to principles, from cases individual by their nature and separated by

their period not less than by their relations in respect to things and

persons. The mere necessity of the plan in such a work ensures a certain

amount of dissent on the part of every reader; he that most frequently

goes along with the author in his commentary, will repeatedly find

himself diverging from it in one point or demurring to its inferences in

another. Such, in fact, is the eternal disadvantage for an author upon

a subject which recalls the remark of Juvenal:

'Vester porro labor fecundior, historiarum

Scriptores: petit hic plus temporis, atque olei plus:

Sic _ingens rerum numerus_ jubet, atque operum lex.'

It is this _ingens rerum numerus_ that constitutes at once the

attraction of these volumes, and the difficulty of dealing with them in

any adequate or satisfactory manner.

Indeed, the vistas opened up by Mr. Finlay are infinite; in _that_ sense

it is that he ascribes inexhaustibility to the trackless savannahs of

history. These vast hunting-grounds for the imaginative understanding

are in fact but charts and surveyors' outlines meagre and arid for the

timid or uninspired student. To a grander intellect these historical

delineations are not maps but pictures: they compose a forest

wilderness, veined and threaded by sylvan lawns, 'dark with horrid

shades,' like Milton's haunted desert in the 'Paradise Regained,' at

many a point looking back to the towers of vanishing Jerusalem, and like

Milton's desert, crossed dimly at uncertain intervals by forms doubtful

and (considering the character of such awful deserts) suspicious.

Perhaps the reader, being rather 'dense,' does not understand, but we

understand ourselves, which is the root of the matter. Let us try again:

these historical delineations are not lifeless facts, bearing no sense

or moral value, but living realities organized into the unity of some

great constructive idea.

Perhaps we are obscure; and possibly (though it is treason in a writer

to hint such a thing, as tending to produce hatred or disaffection

towards his liege lord who is and must be his reader), yet, perhaps,

even the reader--that great character--may be 'dense.' 'Dense' is the

word used by young ladies to indicate a slight shade--a _soupçon_--of

stupidity; and by the way it stands in close relationship of sound to

_Duns_, the schoolman, who (it is well known) shared with King Solomon

the glory of furnishing a designation for men weak in the upper

quarters. But, reader, whether the fault be in you or in ourselves,

certain it is that the truth which we wish to communicate is not

trivial; it is the noblest and most creative of truths, if only we are

not a Duns Scholasticus for explanation, nor you (most excellent

reader!) altogether a Solomon for apprehension. Therefore, again lend us

your ears.

It is not, it has not been, perhaps it never will be, understood--how

vast a thing is combination. We remember that Euler, and some other

profound Prussians, such as Lambert, etc., tax this word _combination_

with a fault: for, say they, it indicates that composition of things

which proceeds two by two (viz., com-_bina_); whereas three by three,

ten by ten, fifty by fifty, is combination. It is so. But, once for all,

language is so difficult a structure, being like a mail-coach and four

horses required to turn round Lackington's counter[12]--required in one

syllable to do what oftentimes would require a sentence--that it must

use the artifices of a short-hand. The word _bini-æ-a_ is here but an

exponential or representative word: it stands for any number, for

_number_ in short generally as opposed to unity. And the secret truth

which some years ago we suggested, but which doubtless perished as

pearls to swine, is, that com_bina_tion, or com_terna_tion, or

com_quaterna_tion, or com_dena_tion, possesses a mysterious virtue quite

unobserved by men. All knowledge is probably within its keeping. What we

mean is, that where A is not capable simply of revealing a truth

(_i.e._, by way of direct inference), very possible it is that A viewed

by the light of B (_i.e._, in some mode of combination with B) shall be

capable; but again, if A + B cannot unlock the case, these in

combination with C shall do so. And if not A + B + C, then, perhaps,

shall A + B + C combined with D; and so on _ad infinitum_; or in other

words that pairs, or binaries, ternaries, quaternaries, and in that mode

of progression will furnish keys intricate enough to meet and to

decipher the wards of any lock in nature.

Now, in studying history, the difficulty is about the delicacy of the

lock, and the mode of applying the key. We doubt not that many readers

will view all this as false refinement. But hardly, if they had much

considered the real experimental cases in history. For instance, suppose

the condition of a people known as respects (1) civilization, as

respects (2) relation to the sovereign, (3) the prevailing mode of its

industry, (4) its special circumstances as to taxation, (5) its physical

conformation and temperament, (6) its local circumstances as to

neighbours warlike or not warlike, (7) the quality and depth of its

religion, (8) the framework of its jurisprudence, (9) the machinery by

which these laws are made to act, (10) the proportion of its towns to

its rural labour, and the particular action of its police; these and

many other items, elements, or secondary features of a people being

known, it yet remains unknown which of these leads, which is inert, and

of those which are not inert in what order they arrange their action.

The _principium movendi_, the central force which organizes and assigns

its place in the system to all the other forces, these are quite

undetermined by any mere arithmetical recitation of the agencies

concerned. Often these primary principles can be deduced only

tentatively, or by a regress to the steps, historically speaking,

through which they have arisen. Sometimes, for instance, the population,

as to its principle of expansion, and as to its rate, together with the

particular influence socially of the female sex, exercises the most

prodigious influence on the fortunes of a nation, and its movement

backwards or forwards. Sometimes again as in Greece (from the oriental

seclusion of women) these causes limit their own action, until they

become little more than names.

In such a case it is essential that the leading outlines at least should

be definite; that the coast line and the capes and bays should be

well-marked and clear, whatever may become of the inland waters, and the

separate heights in a continuous chain of mountains.

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