MY EXCLUSION FROM EGYPT
“_19th May_, 1884.
“I WAS to have gone to Paris to-day, but, besides that I am far from
well, Lord Granville’s answer has come, shortly refusing to interfere.
This will oblige me to take action, and so I have put off my journey.
Perhaps it is as well.
“_20th May._—To London, and saw Stanley, who has given me good letters
of introduction to Vefyk and Khair-ed-Din Pashas. In them he says he was
not able to approve my ideas of two years ago about Egypt, but that I
have returned now from India with saner ones, and that we are agreed as
to the residence of Europeans in Africa and Asia; also that I have been
prevented by the English authorities from landing in Egypt.
“Tried to find Churchill about bringing my case forward in Parliament,
but he was out, and I think now I will first write to Gladstone, giving
him warning of what I intend, and so leaving a last loophole for peace.
Lady Gregory is all for this. She tells me Layard told Sir William that
a high official of the Foreign Office had said quite recently that
though it would be a bitter pill they would have to restore Arabi before
long. But I doubt it while Gladstone remains in office.
“To Mrs. S.’s, a garden party. Mme. de Novikoff was there. She has been
in communication with the ex-Khedive Ismaïl, who has got her to advocate
his return to Egypt.
“_21st May._—To Button’s, and arranged our plan of campaign. If my
letter to Gladstone comes to nothing, the ‘Times’ will print one from me
telling the story of my exclusion from Egypt. He thinks it should be
brought forward in the Lords instead of the Commons, and we think
Marlborough would be a good man to do it. Then I went to Knowles and
fortunately found him at home. I told him I was going to bring the case
forward in Parliament, and might be obliged to quote Gladstone’s
intention last year of restoring Arabi. He did not like this, and backed
out of having told me more than that it had been his impression that Mr.
Gladstone had such an idea, or that he might have had it if it had
become popular. This is nothing more than I had expected of Knowles; he
is evidently in a great fright of being compromised. I promised not to
bring his name in if I could help it—but I might be driven into doing
it.
“To Crabbet with Admiral Tryon, a lovely day spent among the horses.
“_22nd May._—Crabbet. Knowles must have gone straight to Eddy Hamilton,
for by this morning’s post I get a letter from Eddy evidently in a great
fright, saying he cannot believe I am going to bring him into the
matter, that his conversation with me last year went no farther than
wishing me _bon voyage_, and that he is quite innocent of representing
Mr. Gladstone in any way. I must expect both him and Knowles to swear
hard. But I have got the substance of my conversation with Eddy in this
journal, and of that with Knowles in my letters of the time. Moreover, I
have Eddy’s letter received at Bombay, speaking of himself as ‘conduit
pipe,’ between me and head-quarters. He must have forgotten this last.
Eddy won’t be injured by it. They will give him a fat permanent post
when they have made a scapegoat of him, but I have written to him to say
that if he likes I will refer the whole thing to Mr. Gladstone instead
of to Parliament. I hope they will accept this as I don’t want to break
with Mr. Gladstone if I can help it, and I should be grieved to have a
row with Eddy.
“_25th May._—Crabbet. Eddy accepts a reference to Mr. Gladstone, and I
think nothing could be better. Harry Brand came down; we rode in the
forest and talked politics all day. Talking about Gordon, he told me
that Gladstone had not seen him before he was sent out, nor was there
any Cabinet Council; the thing was settled by a committee of the
Cabinet, consisting of Hartington, Northbrook, and Dilke. Gladstone was
only told that an engineer officer had been sent to Khartoum to report.
Harry had expostulated with Hartington about the mission, and had urged
that Gordon should be stopped at Korusko, but was told it was too late.
Baring was unfriendly to Gordon, having quarrelled with him four years
ago when he was Controller; they had called each other names. He says
nothing has been decided yet at the War Office about an expedition. They
will decide nothing till they hear from Gordon. He thinks the Souakin
route impossible for an army. A contractor has offered to run water in
pipes, to be condensed at the sea-side.
“_26th May._—Lunched with Lady Gregory. Gladstone has been saying that
he can’t understand why people find fault with the Turks, who are very
good people. The ‘Pall Mall Gazette’ publishes ‘Mr. Wilfrid Blunt on the
crisis in Egypt.’
“_27th May._—Wrote a long letter to Gladstone, giving a full account of
the Knowles and Hamilton interviews last year (see Appendix).
“_28th May._—Crabbet. Derby Day. Drove to Epsom. Harry Brand joined us
in the evening. He says it is quite untrue that any arrangement has been
made with the Turks for their help in the Soudan, also I ought to have
come and seen him about Gordon, as he would have brought me to speak
with Hartington, who is mainly responsible for Gordon’s having gone out,
and so is most concerned in getting him back.
“_29th May._—Frederic Harrison came down. We had a pleasant discussion
at dinner and afterwards about the situation, only he takes the English
instead of the Egyptian point of view. He said he was not averse to war
under _all_ circumstances, and thought England would lose morally if she
left Egypt ruined to the French or to Europe. He says, however,
annexation is the only logical result of our Egyptian policy. He
approves my letter to the ‘Times.’
“_30th May._—The Oaks Day. Drove Harry Brand and Harrison to Epsom, an
odd party, in an odd turn out—the phaeton and four Arabs. We did the
sixteen and a half miles from the Lodge Gate at Crabbet to the top of
Epsom Hill in one hour and thirty-two minutes, our best record yet. And
one hour and thirty-three minutes coming home. Bozra had been only in
harness three times before, and never in the team.
“_31st May._—To London and saw Button, who says that, whatever Harry
Brand may say, the Sultan proposed not long ago to send troops to the
Soudan, and that his offer was accepted—but coupled with the condition,
that as a proof of his sincerity he should send a thousand men to Suakin
in ten days. This he declined. Gladstone has published an article signed
G. in the ‘Fortnightly,’ which, if really his, seems dangerously like
handing over Egypt to the French, or to a European administrative
control, the very worst thing that could happen. Button highly approves
of my letter to Gladstone, and I have sent it in. I went, however, first
to Palace Green to get my letters to Mrs. Howard for reference. They are
quite satisfactory as to my interview with Knowles. I am now in a
position, if necessary, to prove my account of what he said, and I think
I have them all in a wonderful fix.
“Lunched at the Club with Edward Sartoris, and passed through St.
James’s Square, where there was a considerable crowd looking at the
effects of the dynamite explosion. [A series of dynamite explosions
attributed to the Fenians.] Nothing more than a few broken windows as
the material effect, but the moral ones are great. Harry was very
indignant this morning when he read the account of it, and with me for
saying that it was due to the wickedness of the Government.
“_1st June._—Crabbet. Began a letter to the ‘Times.’ The gist of it is,
that if Mr. Gladstone really hands over Egypt unconditionally to Europe,
it means handing it over to the bondholders, and handing it over to the
bondholders means the driving out of the Egyptians in favour of European
colonists. I cannot believe Mr. Gladstone, after all his protestation of
giving the Egyptians their liberty, would do this. I imagine, instead,
he must be contemplating the securing of terms for them first from
Europe, and establishing a Government at Cairo, strong because supported
by the people, and then withdrawing his troops. I put forward the rival
claims of Ismaïl, Halim, and Arabi. One thing is clear in Egypt. The
legend of Tewfik’s loyalty has been spoilt. He is loyal still
perhaps—but no longer _to us_.
“_2nd June._—Began a series of articles for the ‘Fortnightly,’ called
‘Ideas about India.’
“_3rd June._—Button has given me the whole history of the G. article in
the ‘Fortnightly.’ It appears that Escott, the ‘Fortnightly’ Editor,
sent it to Buckle directing his attention to it, and saying it was from
the pen of one of our most prominent statesmen, and that it represented
Mr. Gladstone’s views. Buckle gave it to his article writer, who, before
committing himself, wrote to Escott saying he concluded the author of
the article to be Mr. Gladstone, and that if so, he should be happy to
give it all prominence, but wished to know whether he was correct. To
this Escott replied that the author was out of town, and that the
article might be accepted as representing Mr. Gladstone’s views. Button
thinks it is Godley, but I am nearly certain it is Herbert Gladstone,
who is often used to air his father’s most advanced ideas. Button tells
me that an expedition is to start shortly for Khartoum, as the military
authorities are of opinion that it will be less dangerous now than
later, when the Nile rises. They are to go from Suakin to Berber, and
will lose about half their force.
“Dined with Admiral Tryon, and had a talk with Owen Burne about India.
He is the head of the Secret Department at the India Office, and I fancy
had his eye on me during my late journey. We talked about everything,
however, very pleasantly. He expressed his opinion that the native
armies ought to be made more use of than they have hitherto been. He
knew Scindia and Holkar well, and they had repeatedly proposed to lend
their troops on condition of being given rank in the Imperial Army. We
also talked about Hyderabad. He takes Cordery’s view about things there,
of course. Like every one here, he is astonished to learn that Lord
Ripon is a success or popular with anybody.
“_4th June._—Down to Crabbet. The Frederic Harrisons and John Morley
came and we had a long political discussion till midnight. Morley says
it is a necessity of the English commercial system that the field of
their enterprise should be constantly enlarged. For this reason he
thinks we shall not leave Egypt, and he thinks something new must be
devised there. He is for a strong Government no matter what—Riaz, if you
can get no better—and he would allow the cutting off of heads or
anything. Marat, he says, is his idea of a man for revolutionary times.
He does not see his way to Arabi, does not understand his merits as a
statesman. But I think he wishes me well. He said: ‘Why don’t you
persuade Gladstone to send you to Egypt?’ I said: ‘I would do so if I
could get to see him.’ He and Harrison had an interesting talk about the
various statesmen of the day. Chamberlain, Morley thinks, is the man of
the future—a true Radical and one who would never change; he would ‘put
Burt[65] in office, if he had the chance,’ he had a strong will and
ideas. Dilke was only a sham Radical; Dilke was too much a man of the
world, wanted to please everybody; he had seen his best political day,
and would be merged in Chamberlain’s individuality. The danger was that,
when a Radical Cabinet came to office, the two would divide Home and
Foreign policy between them, when Dilke would play every kind of Jingo
prank. Morley has a great opinion of Parnell, who, he says, is a
powerful man and a patriot. Gladstone thinks highly of him too. When the
Phoenix Park murders took place, Parnell wrote to Gladstone to say that
if he, Gladstone, thought it would do any good or relieve the situation,
he would retire from public life; he was disgusted at the murders. This
Mr. Gladstone told Morley himself. Dillon too was a patriot. Healy had
only a blind hatred of England. The rest were second rate men. Dillon
had written to Morley lately from California as follows: ‘Dear Morley.
You said a year ago that English troops would be out of Egypt. Yours
truly.’ Salisbury would be a great force if he was in the House of
Commons; he would like to abolish the House of Lords so as to get into
the other House. Hicks Beach was much the best man the Opposition had in
the front bench; he always reasoned out his arguments. Plunket was their
best speaker. Gibson was tiresome, Northcote a noodle. Gladstone had a
supreme contempt for Northcote. Morley has a high opinion of Churchill;
thinks he may come over yet to the Radicals; he had the talent of
interesting, was industrious, kind-hearted, and wonderfully quick.
Hartington was weak, had no fixed opinion or power of will or decision;
he was an excellent critic, but with no initiative. He thinks Lawson and
Labouchere have ruined the Egyptian cause by their jokes—people were
afraid of seeming to agree with them. Trevelyan was a success, and
deservedly so. Lefevre would always be unpopular. For Granville Morley
has a ‘supreme contempt’—he can find no other word.
“_5th June._—I drove Morley to the station in the morning. He seems much
in agreement with me about Egypt, and I hope he may make his agreement
known to others. I gave him Lyall’s letter[66] to read and my two
letters from Egypt to Eddy Hamilton, and explained to him something of
my idea how to govern Egypt. He said he was all for strong measures now,
hanging if necessary. If we could only get Morley to declare himself it
would be most important, but he says the weak part of our programme is
Arabi. Perhaps it is.
“Lady Gregory came down in the afternoon, and the Harrisons stayed on.
Harrison interests me, being a thoroughly honest good fellow. Morley
told us this morning a great deal about Stead, his successor in the
‘Pall Mall Gazette.’ Stead was only a clerk at so many shillings a week
to start with, and came straight to the ‘Pall Mall’ from a small
northern paper. He was a man of entire belief in himself, a good deal of
imagination, and not a little superstition; a believer in dreams and
inspirations. On one occasion in the autumn of 1882 he sent Morley a
message, saying he wanted to see him on important business. This was to
tell him that, having gone for a cruise round the Isle of Wight, he had
had a sudden inspiration just off the Needles to the effect that Morley
would be in Parliament and have left the ‘Pall Mall’ by the following
March. When it happened, Stead had taken it entirely as a matter of
course; he has boundless ambition, and has it as a maxim that a
newspaper Editor is stronger than any Minister. Morley looks upon him as
a political quack. He, Morley, eschews the ‘Pall Mall’ now and all its
works.
“_6th June._—My letter is in the ‘Times’ and reads well, and I have
written to Arabi to warn him that perhaps he will be proposed to shortly
to return, and to ask him whether he would be prepared to serve as
Regent for a term of years with Tewfik’s son in minority. Harrison went
away and has promised to write in support of me to the ‘Times.’
“_7th June._—The ‘Times’ has some polite words about my letter in its
leading article. Button writes that the letter has been a great
success—the best I have ever written. It will have made one or two
people at the Foreign Office angry. But Mrs. Gladstone asks us to her
party next week, the first time since the war.
“_9th June._—Harrison’s letter is in the ‘Times,’ and one from Edwin
Arnold in something the same sense. On the other hand, Morley publishes
a letter to his constituents, which may read any way about Egypt. It
does not leave a good impression.
“Button tells me that an agreement was come to on Friday between
Granville and Waddington about Egypt to the following effect: (1) That
an International Control Audit should be established; (2) That English
troops should remain in Egypt for three years; and (3) That England
should advance eight million sterling. Hartington, Dilke, and
Chamberlain are violently opposed to the arrangement; and it is from
Hartington that the ‘Times’ has lately been receiving its information as
to the negotiations.
“Dined with Frank Lascelles, who has been staying at Chatsworth, and he
confirms what Button says of Hartington’s dislike of the arrangement.
According to Button, Hartington would have left the Government but for
his father, who declared that it was the boast and glory of his family
that no member of it had ever voted with the Tories. Fidelity to party
was his first principle. Lascelles has seen Baring lately, who tells him
he is going back to Egypt after the Conference, to go on trying to prove
that ‘two and two make something more than four.’ Lascelles was at some
pains to prove to me that Arabi might yet act with Tewfik. Eddy was at
the club dining at another table, and we agreed, whatever happened in
the matter of my exclusion from Egypt, we would not quarrel. I am to
have an answer from Mr. Gladstone to-morrow. The ‘Pall Mall’ published
late in the evening a special edition giving the terms of the agreement
with France pretty much as Button gave them.
“_10th June._—The ‘Daily News’ contradicts in vague language the terms
of the agreement. But Button declares they are true all the same, and,
what is more, that Bismarck has refused to allow any diminution on the
interest of the unified debt. This he had from Natty Rothschild. He says
the Government will certainly be turned out. The Opposition are doing
all they can to hasten the Franchise Bill, which they will pass through
the Lords, and then bring on the Egyptian Question in the form of an
Appeal to the Crown. Then there will be a dissolution, and the Tories,
if in office, will be able to have a redistribution of seats exactly as
they like to supplement the Bill; it would be a mistake in tactics to
throw out the Bill. Once passed, the Liberals would have no cry at all
to go to the country on. But I fancy their cry would be the fear of an
European war.
“Called on Lawson and persuaded him to oppose the Government
arrangement, about which he was in doubt, I hope, successfully. There is
nothing now but to turn out the Government. Lord Salisbury will not dare
annex. Harry Brand writes ‘Annexation and war are in the possible
future.’
“Went to see Mrs. Howard. She tells me George is furious against the
Government. And he has told the Government whip that, if any terms have
been agreed to with France at all like those just published, he and many
of his friends will vote against the Government, adding that for himself
he would not present himself for re-election in case of a dissolution.
She is entirely in agreement with my last letter to the ‘Times,’ and so
it seems is George. We discussed Morley and Harrison. Morley I expect
found the arrangement with France concluded when he got back to London,
and has probably been told that a defeat of the Government would mean
war. Hence his letter, but he is evidently a trimmer. The letter reads
both ways, and they will probably give him office if they ride out the
storm.
“Gladstone’s answer has come. He says that ‘in his opinion it is
impossible that any friend of his could without the grossest error of
judgement have given me any ground for the supposition that he was
favourable to any restoration of the exiles to Egypt.’ This is not a
denial. He goes on to say that ‘without questioning in any way my
intentions or my honour, he has deplored my proceedings in Egypt, as
alike injurious to Egyptian and British interests.’ I am writing to
thank him for the courteous tone of his answer, and do not propose to
bring the matter before Parliament until after the present crisis.
Harrison is much disgusted with Morley for backing out of his agreement
with us.
“_11th June._—To Mrs. Gladstone’s party. The Grand Old Man came forward
in a hearty manner, and shook me warmly by the hand, saying with
emphasis, ‘How do you do, Mr. Blunt. I am very glad indeed to see you.’
He has a hand which reminds me of Cardinal Newman’s, when seven years
ago the Cardinal cured my toothache with its touch, soft, warm, and
nervous. He is looking uncommonly well, and as alert and cheerful as if
he was going to heaven instead of head over heels into perdition before
the end of next week. I had some words with Mr. Forster,[67] who said he
had read and agreed with my letter in the ‘Times.’ He talked over the
chances, too, of turning out the Ministry, evidently hoping to do so. He
is an ugly roughish-looking man, but I can imagine may have power. I am
glad to have had these few words with him, but the crowd was too great
for much talk. Lady Gregory overheard Dilke saying, ‘The Arabi Party is
strong here to-night. I have seen both Blunt and Gregory.’ Baring was
there.
“_12th June._—Saw Lascelles at the Club. He does not expect to get sent
to Egypt, and thinks Baring will go back there. But it all depends on
the Ministerial crisis. Dined at Lord De la Warr’s. I had rather
expected to meet Ismaïl, the ex-Khedive, but found only his
representative, Broadley, who tells me that Ismaïl is hurt at my
description of him in my ‘Times’ letter, but wants to see me. I have no
objection, though it cannot lead to anything. Arabi will have nothing to
do with him, and Ismaïl has hardly any chance at all of getting back to
Egypt.
“_13th June._—Called on Button. He tells me the Government mean to stand
to their guns about the arrangement with France, and will be beaten.
With him was a man Gordon’s friends are sending to Khartoum to carry
letters and newspapers. He is to have £500 and go in disguise as a
Morocco merchant by way of Korosko. I cross-questioned him a good deal
about his plans, which are all based on the notion that the Mahdi’s
movement is a ‘trumpery insurrection’; so he will come to grief, unless
indeed he is wise enough to put the £500 in his pocket and go off and
amuse himself with it at Monaco, a result far from unlikely, to judge by
his looks.
“_16th June._—Lytton writes answering my proposal to go for a night to
Knebworth. He says my political ideas about Egypt and India disgust him,
but hopes to see me all the same. So I am going, under promise to say
nothing about politics. This is quite fair. Lytton’s position is a
perfectly logical one, and I cannot expect him either to sympathize or
tolerate.
“To Knebworth. Nobody staying in the house but Miss Lyall and Sinnett,
the Apostle of Theosophy. Politics being barred, our talk has been
almost all on occult sciences. Sinnett seems a worthy, if not a very
wise, man, with considerable humility and naïvety. He was formerly
Editor of the ‘Pioneer’ in India, and there became acquainted with
certain Oriental mystics. Practically, however, his system is
undistinguishable from ordinary spiritualism, and the real manager is
Madame Blavatsky. In this lady he has a profound belief, and told us of
various trifling miracles she is in the habit of working. She can make
bells ring in the air—and, by holding her hand to a pane of glass, can
produce tapping noises. She discovered once a cup and saucer in the
ground at a picnic, and can make electric sparks pass through his head.
He is distinctly of opinion that she has lived in other forms, before
her present life, and that she knows her own past history. But she has
not told him of it, and, such is the secrecy of these sublime adepts,
that if he were to ask her about it, she would be obliged to tell him an
untruth. He gave us a recipe, which he called a very simple one, for
obtaining the services of a _genius_. You must make acquaintance with a
sick man near his end, and persuade him that you are his best friend,
and get him to entrust to you his last wishes, as also some article of
property—such as a ring to which he is attached, and you must promise
him to perform his wish. He must then die, with anxiety regarding it and
regarding you upon his mind, and you must be careful to deceive him and
leave his wish unperformed. Then he will return to you through the
instrumentality of the ring in hope of urging you to fulfil your
promise, and will do all your bidding. This is a black and immoral art,
but he assured us exceedingly simple of execution. The high adepts scorn
to practise it.
“_19th June._—A capital speech of Churchill’s to-day reported from
Aylesbury. I have written to congratulate him, and exhort him to take up
the mantle of honesty let drop by Mr. Gladstone.
“_20th June._—Lunched with the Howards. George is quite converted now
from his belief in Gladstone, and looks upon him as completely
dishonest. He dined at Downing Street two days ago with other M.P.s, and
says the party, notwithstanding all, will vote solid for the Ministry,
all but a few members, himself among them. But even he is not, as I
understand, going to vote against them. The fact is there is no
opposition which can undertake the Government, and the Government can do
as it likes.
“_22nd June._—Our annual Lawn Tennis Tournament at Crabbet. There were
there Godfrey Webb, Eddy Hamilton, Button, Sandys, Nigel Kingscote,
Harry Brand and his brother Artie, Frank Lascelles, Mallock, Elcho, and
others. We had a merry evening with songs. Eddy, who sat next me, talked
pretty freely about Egypt, and I gather they would give a good deal to
find some excuse there for getting rid of the Khedive. ‘He has been
cunning enough,’ Eddy said, ‘to stick to us, and we are bound to him.’
“_23rd June._—To London, and lunched with Lawson, and went down with him
afterwards to the House. Churchill, whom I met in the lobby, says that
Arabi’s only chance lies in the agreement with France being upset. He is
pleased with the letter I wrote him. Morley still professes not to have
made up his mind. Ponsonby got me into the Gallery. Gladstone was in
good form, as I believe he always is when he has a statement to make,
and he did it with dignity if not with any great eloquence. He talked a
good deal about France’s interests in Egypt, and our own interests, and
Europe’s interests, but never a word for good or evil of the Egyptians’
interests, never a word but one, and that sounded like an afterthought,
and passed without remark. But there was a great deal about the
principle which would be decided at the Conference, by which I suppose
he meant the principle of the European concert—for every other has been
thrown to the winds. My programme has been followed on every point,
except that of doing justice to the Egyptians. Egypt is to be
neutralized, the Suez Canal neutralized, the Soudan separated from
Egypt—all as I recommended, but no lowering of the interest on the debt,
no re-establishment of popular government. Morley tells me all that it
is proposed to do is to lower the interest one half per cent., and even
that is not certain.
“Button declares that Bismarck will not allow any reduction. His
position is this. He had a quarrel some time ago with the Frankfort
Rothschilds, and he is glad now to be able to prove to them that he is
real arbiter on the Nile, and they have come to him on their hands and
knees, and he will support their demand for the whole pound of flesh
because they demand it, caring of course nothing about the results to
them, and glad to break down the Anglo-French agreement. Therefore there
is good chance of the Conference collapsing as soon as it meets. The
Opposition was feebler in the Debate than anything I could have
imagined. Northcote was like an old woman afraid of responsibility, and
Randolph played into Gladstone’s hands by making a violent and foolish
speech against France. When I say foolish, I mean foolish under the
circumstances, for it had some good hits, as when he compared Gladstone
to Charles II kept on the throne by Louis XIV as his servant. But it was
not in harmony with the feeling of the House; and Lascelles, who dined
to-night with Forster, tells me they consider Churchill’s speech to have
gained votes for the Government. But they look to no vote being taken
till after the Conference as their best chance of upsetting the
agreement. Goschen made this point good.
“_24th June._—Went down home to Crabbet. There is nothing more I can do
now in Egyptian matters, and for the moment I had better pay attention
to my horses. If we win the Arab race at Newmarket it will do more for
my ideas than half a dozen victories of the Mahdi. Lord Bradford comes
down this week with Ebrington to see the stud. He wants mares to put to
his horse Chippendale.
“_25th June._—To a party at Devonshire House where I talked principally
to Mrs. Howard. She has been converted back to Gladstone by hearing the
debate the other night. George, however, holds out and is likely to be
alone in the cave with Forster when it comes to a division.
“_26th June._—I hear from Button that the Opposition has decided on a
new Vote of Censure before the Conference, or rather while the
Conference is sitting, being moved thereto by Randolph, who had
threatened to move one himself. Labouchere tells me the Government, or
at least certain members of the Cabinet, are riding for a fall, and that
Randolph wants to make it impossible for the Conservatives to come in.
He wants me to get Abdu over from Paris as a sort of representative of
the National Party during the Conference. Bismarck, Button tells me,
will agree to a reduction of the Unified if Ferry agrees, but only ½ per
cent., and it is doubtful whether they can get even this. The Unified
Stock is held in France, Germany, and Italy, the Preference in England.
It is a hopeless state of things whichever way one looks.
“_28th June._—Lunched at the Carlton with Churchill and Wolff. Churchill
is very angry about something or another, and says he is going away, and
shall have nothing more to do with Parliament this Session. He talked of
Northcote as ‘an old blackguard.’
“_30th June._—To Newmarket for Lord Falmouth’s sale. His brood mares
were magnificent, the finest according to my ideas being Palmflower,
Spinaway, Chevisaunce, and Jeannette. Wheel-of-Fortune is less taking.
Of the stallions the one I should have chosen to breed from is
Kingcraft. We dined with the Clay Seymers, Lord Wolverton and young
Leigh there.[68]
“_1st July._—First day of the July meeting. The racing did not interest
me. After it we went to Lord Calthorpe’s paddocks, and saw Petrarch, the
handsomest horse in the world. We are staying with Button in St. Mary’s
Square. He tells me the Vote of Censure has been shelved.
“_2nd July._—The long looked for day of the Arab race, but somehow I
felt less excited about it than when years ago we ran Yellow Boy at
Gibraltar. The weather was perfect, and all the world and his wife were
there. They say the July course was never so crowded, and there was
quite a mob to see the Arabs stripped, so that Geheimniss, who was
walking over for the July Cup, passed absolutely unnoticed through the
crowd. I was satisfied with the look of all the horses—and especially of
Halfa, my own entry, who was much admired, but I did not see Admiral
Tryon’s horse at all, for he was brought in quite at the end, and as
soon as they had started on their canter, we rode to the corner to see
the race. Jem Lowther was there also on horseback, very genial, and,
while we were waiting, we talked about the ‘awful mess’ in Egypt. Then
we saw the horses coming in a cluster at a tremendous pace over the
hill, beyond the fir trees, and we cantered back towards the paddock.
They overtook us at the bottom of the hill, and to my grief and surprise
I saw it was all over with Halfa, and what seemed to be the Indian
horses going on alone, with Rataplan well up. I felt that I had suffered
a disastrous defeat, but was a little consoled by finding that after all
a home bred three year old, though not mine, had won. This was Admiral
Tryon’s Asil; Dictator second; Rataplan, who had been making the running
for Halfa, third.
“I fear, nevertheless, the race will be considered a failure as most of
the young ones were left behind, and there are suspicions with regard to
Tryon’s horse, whether he is really an Arab. After the race, Jousiffe,
Dictator’s trainer, came to me as representing his owner, and wanted me
to raise an objection to Asil on this score, but I refused point blank
to listen to anything of the sort. I was at Aleppo when Henderson, the
Consul there, bought Asil’s dam for Tryon, and though I did not see her,
nor can vouch for her pedigree, I think there can be no conceivable
doubt she was an Arab; she stood 15.2, but such a height is possible,
though I never saw it in the desert. She was in foal, Tryon says, to
Henderson’s Abeyan Sherrak horse, whom I know well, and the colt was
dropped a few days after landing in England. Besides, Asil is in the
Stud Book as an Arab and so is legally an Arab, whatever he may be in
fact. It would in any case be fatal to have a dispute on such a question
this first race, and I am glad my horse, or rather Abd-el-Rahman’s, was
second, so as to prevent other action—but I will see the horse.
“Dined with Button and two of the Paulets, and George Wyndham.[69] A
very young man’s party.
“_3rd July._—The sporting papers are down on the race as childish,
because the Arabs did not beat English horses, and I fear the Jockey
Club will not have the courage to repeat it; but Hawfa Williams, the
manager of Sandown, has promised a race there for the 22nd. We called
this morning at Hopper’s stables and saw Asil. Anything less like an
Arab horse I never saw. He is long, low, strong, rather coarse, and very
slack over the loins—like an English horse—his head plain but well set
on, great hocks and arms. I don’t wonder at Jousiffe wanting me to
object to him.”
This failure at Newmarket was a great disappointment to me at the time.
I had counted on proving, by a practical demonstration, that Arab horses
bred in England, and properly trained, would greatly improve in speed as
compared with those bred in the desert. The race, however, seemed to
show the contrary, as, with the exception of Tryon’s colt, the two Arab
horses brought from India had it all their own way. Moreover, a little
later, Tryon matched his colt against an inferior English thoroughbred,
and was handsomely beaten. The ultimate result, however, was not I
think, as far as Arab breeding in England was affected by it, wholly a
misfortune. It convinced me that I was on wrong lines in breeding Arabs
for speed, and not for those more valuable qualities in which their true
excellence lies. Had I continued with my original purpose, I should have
lost time and money, and probably have also spoiled my breed, producing
stock, taller perhaps and speedier, but with the same defects found in
the English thoroughbred. Politically, however, I no doubt lost
something through the publicity of my Newmarket experience. For success
on the turf seems always to have been held in England as in some measure
connected with political capacity, and if I had been able to prove my
point with the sporting world, my opinion on Eastern affairs generally
would have gained in credit.
“There seems every prospect of the Conference breaking down.
“_4th July._—Lunched with Lady Gregory and on to the Howards. Mrs.
Howard asked me why I thought that England would be obliged to see
decent Government given to Egypt if we acknowledged a Protectorate, and
I said, ‘If you invite a young lady to dine with you at Greenwich you
don’t look too closely how she behaves—but when you have married her you
take care she dresses respectably.’
“_7th July._—Another letter from me in the ‘Times,’ and also one from
Benson Maxwell (both about Egypt), and there is a leading article
sufficiently polite to me. Called on Bruce,[70] who is expected to move
the Vote of Censure—a fairly sensible man, but without go or plan of
action, like all the rest of the Tories; yet he is the best man they can
find for it. No wonder Randolph has his way with them. He is occupied
over head and ears with his National Association and is tired of Egypt.
“_8th July._—Dined at Wentworth House. Percy and Madeline were there,
and Henry Cowper, and Millais grown very prosy and as dull as a breeder
of cattle. I sat between Lady Wharncliffe and Sir Wilfrid Lawson, the
latter very amusing, with a fire of good stories, kept up all dinner-
time. He is going to hold an open air meeting in Hyde Park against the
Lords—and asked me to join in it. But the Lords to my mind are a very
respectable institution, and I care nothing at all for the Franchise
Bill which they are throwing out.
“_9th July._—The Lords threw the Bill out last night, and there is
likely to be a row, but no dissolution. Marlborough’s first speech the
other night was a failure. People were interested to hear him, but found
his speech dull, and after the first ten minutes began to talk.
“_11th July._—The Mudir of Dongola, it seems certain now, has joined the
Mahdi, and Berber is as certainly taken, while there are rumours, too,
of the fall of Khartoum. I have written to Hyndman, in answer to a
letter of his asking me to join the Democratic Socialists. This of
course I cannot do.
“_12th July._—Luncheon with the Gregorys, where I met Rowsell, the
Domains Commissioner just from Cairo. His view of the situation there is
that the Mahdi will be at Cairo in the autumn. I asked him about Tewfik,
and he said: ‘Tewfik has intelligence enough to know that he has no
friends, and is fatalistic enough to let things take their course. He
will sit twiddling his thumbs from right to left, till he is told to
begin twiddling them from left to right.’ I asked him what he would
himself do when the Mahdi came to Cairo. He said: ‘Turn Mussulman of
course.’
“To Mrs. Buxton’s, near Weybridge, to meet George Trevelyan. The place
is prettily situated on the edge of Wisley Heath, now grown over with
fir trees. I remember it thirty years ago, absolutely bare, when we used
as boys to go to the Hut Pond from Horsley to fish. At Waterloo Station
was George Howard. He has seen Goschen, who would like to talk to me in
the morning about Egypt, or rather to hear me talk. Goschen says I am an
imprudent person who, if you tell anything to him, and he has reason to
be dissatisfied with you afterwards, repeats what you tell him. I will
go to him, but I trust him as little as he trusts me.
“George Trevelyan[71] is a capital fellow—very lively and amusing. I had
a long talk with him after dinner. He made me explain to him the whole
history of the Revolution in Egypt, and especially of the Joint Note of
January, 1882, as he wanted, he said, to arrive at a knowledge of the
exact moment where our policy made a mistake. He was of course quite
ignorant even of the general outline of the story, but seized the points
with great intelligence. He is a man of energy, wit, and sympathy. I
asked him if he could tell me whose idea it was sending Clifford Lloyd
to Egypt, and he said: ‘It was ours, in Ireland. We would have sent him
anywhere to get rid of him.’ His description of Lloyd was amusing. He
was an energetic man of great self sufficiency. To talk to him you would
think him a Clive or a Warren Hastings. But his whole thought was to
advertise himself by his vigour. On one occasion he had telegraphed to
Vernon Harcourt, begging him to send him a couple of bloodhounds to aid
his police operations in Ireland. At first they had thought the telegram
a hoax, but it was nevertheless true. Besides, he was very greedy of pay
and allowances, and was always bothering Lord Spencer to increase these.
In the smoking room we had a general discussion about Ireland, and the
possibility of its independence. Trevelyan has a mean idea of the Irish,
and thinks they could not govern themselves respectably or solvably, but
would relapse into barbarism. I cited the instance of Greece as at least
as hopeless at starting as that of Ireland, and yet it had settled down
and become prosperous. We all agreed anyhow that Ireland in its present
condition was ruining England, and especially the English Parliament—but
Trevelyan does not believe in any true middle term between coercion and
separation.
“_13th July, Sunday._—Had some interesting conversation with Trevelyan
and Sir James Carmichael.[72] The latter is Childers’ private secretary
at the Conference, and he says that he has had to go over the public
accounts of Arabi’s time, and finds them in a great mess. He complains
that, whatever Arabi’s honesty may have been, great peculation took
place under him. He is, however, wholly opposed to the Turks and
Circassians, and also to English administration in Egypt. He would like
to keep on Tewfik, and give him an Egyptian administration. He described
Nubar well for what he is, and said: ‘His days of office are numbered.’
Trevelyan described Lord Spencer as the ablest administrator he had come
across, an administrator born, for he had had no training, a man of
sense and very high integrity.
“_14th July._—Dined at the Travellers. Next table to me sat with others
Staal, the new Russian Ambassador. It is twenty-three years since we
met, but I knew him again directly. We were great friends in those days
at Athens, and I think he was really glad to see me when I explained
after dinner who I was. ‘Are you any relation,’ he enquired, ‘to the
Blunt who is a friend of the Mahdi?’ He asked me to come and see him,
which I shall do. Staal is an old man now, but has something of the kind
honest manner of former days. This has given me great pleasure.
“_15th July._—Button tells me that the Lords are determined to fight on
the Franchise Bill. They dare not let the Bill pass, as it would mean
the absolute defeat of the Conservative Party at the next elections, and
Mr. Gladstone’s stay in office for the rest of his natural life. They
mean to hold on then till a Dissolution of Parliament, trusting to Egypt
to get them a majority at the elections.
“Then to call on Goschen, whom I found much as two years ago, that is to
say, very intelligent and receptive, though I do not trust him. We
discussed Egypt thoroughly, agreeing on most points, and I gave him a
sketch of a plan of operations. First, we must make peace with the
Mahdi—we must either make peace or fight, there was no middle term. It
would not be necessary for the English Government to acknowledge the
Mahdi. Secondly, we must accept Egypt’s debt, or a composition of the
debt. If we did not want to fight France, we had better pay. This done,
we could establish what Government we liked in Egypt, leave it to manage
its own affairs, and withdraw our troops to Alexandria. Goschen thought
it very likely would end in our accepting the debt, but I fancy he would
like to administer the country according to Indian methods. I cannot
boast, however, of having got anything very distinct out of him.
“Dined with Broadley and Marriott, M.P. for Brighton, who is anxious to
take up my case of exclusion from Egypt. I do not like Marriott, but he
may help in the Debate, if we can get one on it. Broadley declares that
Parnell and the Irish brigade will also support me, and that Parnell
wants particularly to see me. I shall be glad to make his acquaintance,
as I believe him to be a man of very high calibre, and I wholly
sympathize with his cause.
“_16th July._—To Blenheim, a lovely day. The Duke very agreeable. I care
for few of the pictures, but the Raphael is about the finest I have
seen. The ‘Charles the First’ Vandyke is also splendid, and other
Vandykes are good—and there are two excellent Mytens, but of all the
pictures the one I should care most to have is a Reynolds, ‘The Fortune
Tellers.’ The Rembrandts are not Rembrandts, and the Rubens are less
than first rate, nor do I care for the large Reynolds. On the whole the
Duke does well to sell his pictures. The house is very fine, in the
style I like best.
“_21st July._—Mohammed Abdu has just arrived from Paris. His ideas are
rather changed since we last saw him. The dominant feeling now is hatred
for England; and in this is merged the hatred of the Circassians. It is
the old story over again. When Europe presses and threatens, they all
join their ranks just as they did at the time of the Joint Note and the
Ultimatum. He has not, however, abandoned Arabi, though he seems to
think him played out as a political personage in Egypt, and this is
probably the case.
“I have arranged with Percy Wyndham and Sir Wilfrid Lawson that they
shall bring on my case of exclusion in connection with the Vote of
Supply in the Diplomatic Estimates. Lawson was much engaged with his
procession to Hyde Park to protest against the Lords, and again asked me
to join it, but I refused. As it happened, however, I did join it
unintentionally, for I happened to be going their way, and walked with
them from Pall Mall to Hyde Park Corner. They were respectable looking
men, most of them, not roughs. The procession was orderly, not to say
dull. I had been at the Carlton, where I had found Churchill. He
promises to take up my case of exclusion when the estimates come on, and
so I have written to Buckle to explain all the circumstances, and
enclosing a letter about it for the ‘Times.’ Broadley and Marriott came
to James Street very anxious to have all the fat in the fire at once,
and the stoking to do themselves, but I don’t mean to trust my case to
them. At the corner of Hyde Park, when I arrived with the procession, I
found Passmore Edwards,[73] and we discussed the situation. He thinks
the Lords will give in at once, overwhelmed by the majesty of the
people—but I don’t believe this, and I extremely doubt whether the House
of Lords is not as popular an institution as there is in the country. It
is certainly so with the middle class in the South of England. I have
arranged with Labouchere that I should bring Abdu to see the House of
Commons to-morrow afternoon. He also will support me in the affair of my
exclusion from Egypt.
“_22nd July._—The Arab race at Sandown. More successful than the
Newmarket one, though Halfa did not win. She ran creditably, and I am
glad to say Hadramaut (a colt of my breeding) beat Asil on the post, and
the Indian horses were all left behind.
“With Abdu to the House of Commons. We missed Labouchere but found
George Howard, who showed us all over the place. I had made Abdu dress
in his blue jibbeh and white turban, and he created quite a sensation in
the lobby. Chesson came to us directly, and asked us to a public dinner
there was to be given to Indians and other Orientals next week, and the
photographer insisted on taking the Sheykh’s portrait.[74] He was
introduced to several M.P.s, and we listened to an Irish member, Sexton
I think, declaiming on the wrongs of Ireland. From the terrace by the
river we showed Abdu the police boat cruising around to prevent dynamite
attempts, a sight which edified him, and we pointed out to him Mr.
Bright talking on a bench to Nathaniel Rothschild.
“Parnell was walking up and down at the far end in solitary gloom, and I
got George Howard to introduce us. He was really charming, having a
sympathetic manner, at least to us, as fellow rebels; wanted Abdu to
come and see him and give him information, and said: ‘We have one of
ourselves now in Egypt, Mr. O’Kelly. But we are afraid he may be kept
away a long time.’ I told him that it had been Abdu and Jemal-ed-Din who
had given O’Kelly the letters which had enabled him to go to the Mahdi,
and he seemed surprised at my knowing this. Parnell’s manner of gloom
and reserve seems unnatural to him, and every now and then there is a
twinkle in his eye and a smile which seemed to show the real man better.
I should say he was a good fellow, and I am sure I could get on well
with him. At parting his manner was _empressé_, and he made us a little
speech, saying that he had had much honour in making the acquaintance of
the Egyptian patriot and with emphasis much _pleasure_ in making my own.
He promised to write and propose a day for seeing the Sheykh. In
appearance Parnell is tall, good-looking, pale, and with the least
little touch of weakness about the mouth, such as one often sees in
Irishmen, enough to show that he is more Irish than English, and enough
to add a certain charm to his countenance. Altogether I was much taken
with him.
“_23rd July._—Mirza Bakir, a Persian Sufi (living in exile in London)
came to breakfast, and went with Abdu and me after it to Sir Wilfrid
Lawson’s. The visit was not so successful as I had hoped. Lawson put his
questions to Abdu rather too abruptly, and I think a little frightened
him, at any rate he would not speak quite out, except on the point of
its being absolutely necessary the English troops should be withdrawn as
a first step towards re-establishing peace in Egypt. Much the same
conversation took place afterwards with Labouchere, to whom we next
went. Labouchere tried to convince Abdu that Mr. Gladstone wanted to get
the troops out of Egypt, and that the best way to do it was for the
Egyptians to refuse to pay any taxes as long as they remained there. But
Abdu argued with some point that Mr. Gladstone had been talking about
withdrawing for a long time, but that instead of taking troops away, he
was sending more and filling the country with English officials. He
complained that, were the taxes to be refused, it would be taken as an
excuse for annexation. It was impossible to convince him that this was
not so. Neither Lawson nor Labouchere affected Abdu with any sense of
their sincerity. This is because they do not know how to talk to
Orientals; their abruptness appears like hostility.
“Dinner at home with Abdu and Bakir, who had a long discussion as to
whether it was permitted by the traditions (hawadith) to talk at meals,
a point which they solved _ambulando_; also as to whether the Koran was
originally a book, or only a compilation of oral sentences. Abdu holds
the latter opinion, and I am quite with him, but the old Mirza is stiff
as to its being a miraculous _book_. This is curious considering how
very latitudinarian he is on most points.
“_24th July._—My letter about my exclusion is in the ‘Times,’ with a
splendid leading article supporting it, and demanding an inquiry. I have
arranged with Lawson that he should bring it forward—and he has put down
a notice regarding it. Percy Wyndham will say something if he finds
something to say, and Churchill will push it to an issue. We called on
Churchill and had a much more satisfactory conversation with him than
with the others yesterday. Churchill’s manner was just right, and Abdu
came away highly delighted. ‘That young man,’ he said, ‘has more sense
than the other two’—meaning Lawson and Labouchere—‘and he has a better
heart.’ As I am going to write the whole of this conversation for the
‘Pall Mall,’ I will not repeat it here. Churchill promised to speak to
Chamberlain about Abdu and try to get him an audience through him of
Gladstone. I am sure that if Abdu were to see Gladstone it would go far
towards a settlement. Went down to the House at question time and
arranged things definitely with Lawson about bringing my case forward. I
do not intend anything to be said about Eddy Hamilton or Knowles, or
Gladstone, unless my hand is forced—but if I am attacked I shall know
how to defend myself. My letter in the ‘Times’ has evidently been a
success, and I am sure the Government, when it decreed my exclusion,
thought me too friendless to be a danger; they cannot have been prepared
for the ‘Times’ taking it up.
“_26th July._—The day of our Arab horse sale at Crabbet. There were
quite three hundred people there.
“_27th July._—Dined at Sambourne’s, a party of jocose literary people
connected with ‘Punch’—Burnand, Du Maurier, Boughton, Black, Boehm, and
Reed. Burnand is amusing, but Du Maurier told a story three times over
during the dinner, and I cannot remember it now, although it was also
told once again on rather different lines by Boughton. During the fourth
telling I went to sleep, much to Sambourne’s distress, who is one of
those excellent hosts whose care and pride it is that their guests
should be amused, but I find it difficult now that I drink no wine to
keep my spirits up long to the level of a convivial occasion. After
dinner Cumberland, the thought reader, and others came, but I went home
to bed, drunk for the want of wine. [I had been a tea-totaller since
1883.]
“_28th July._—Talking to Abdu, he told me the names of the three men
who, bought by Sultan Pasha, betrayed the army at Tel-el-Kebir. They
were Ali Yusuf, a Turk in command of a division, the middle division of
the three, who had retired and so let Wolseley in; secondly, Abd-el-
Rahman Hasan in command of the cavalry scouts, an Egyptian, who had
neglected to give notice of the English approach; and thirdly, Ragheb
Nashid, a Circassian Caimakam, who held the position in advance. These
were the only traitors. Nadim fled to the Soudan. Ali Fehmy was beaten
at Kassasin because Mahmud Sami failed to keep his rendezvous. In
reconstructing a Nationalist Government, he says Ali Fehmy should be
Minister of War, Yakub Sami Minister of the Interior, and Arabi
President of the Chamber, Abd-el-Aal to command the army. I have engaged
Mirza Bakir as Secretary at £1 a week.
“Called on Churchill and found him in bed. He will take up my case with
Lawson, and I gave him a copy of my private correspondence for use if we
are pushed to it, but I explained to him my position towards Downing
Street, and that I did not wish to quarrel with Gladstone. He has
already bestirred himself about Abdu, and will take him to see
Hartington to-morrow. Robert Bourke will also take up my case. Mrs.
Howard gives me leave to quote my letters to her as written to a
political friend.
“_29th July._—Took Abdu and Bakir to the Carlton where we met Churchill,
and I handed them over to him, and he took them to see Hartington. They
came back highly delighted. Hartington had shown them great politeness
and intelligence, and Abdu thinks he has created a good impression.
“Spent a couple of hours at Hammersmith with Mrs. Morris and her
husband, who is a democratic socialist. We discussed the merits of his
scheme of the universe, but I cannot make it fit in with my ideas.
Still, we agree on many points. He calls Gladstone a confirmed Tory, too
old to change. The Morris’s house has a nice old-fashioned garden full
of flowers, pinks especially. I like these suburban gardens, they have
more character than others, and the space is all made use of. [This was
the first time I saw William Morris. I had made Mrs. Morris’s
acquaintance the summer before, 1883, at Naworth, for she was a friend
of Mrs. Howard’s, but, though I had been once or twice to see her at
Hammersmith, I had not before met him.]
“_1st August._—To a party at Mrs. S.’s, where I found the ex-Khedive,
Ismaïl Pasha. She asked me whether I should like to be introduced to
him, but I would not make any advance in that direction, though I have
no special quarrel now with Ismaïl. He is a repulsive-looking man, a
worthy son of the butcher Ibrahim. Philip Currie was there, more amiable
than the last time we met, also Malkum Khan. I reminded Malkum of our
first meeting in Grosvenor Place four years ago, when he suggested to me
the ideas I have since worked out. I asked him what he thought of
Ismaïl. He said: ‘He has learned much during his exile, and might carry
out reforms now.’ I said: ‘He is without belief. He could not help us.’
‘He is without belief,’ he said, ‘but not an unbeliever. He has not
strength of mind enough for that.’ Another old acquaintance there was
Madame de Novikof.
“_2nd August._—Interviewed Abdu for the ‘Pall Mall Gazette.’[75]
“_3rd August, Sunday._—Crabbet. De Winton is here, who has been in Egypt
for the last fifteen years. Among other things he told me of interest,
was that he was present when the twenty thousand pounds were paid over
by Gill to Palmer at Suez, and he says that Palmer had unlimited credit
over and above this sum. Lionel Moore came in the afternoon. He says he
always suspected the Khedive must have had something to do with the
Alexandria riots.
“_4th August._—A ‘great day of milling.’ My case came up in the House of
Commons this afternoon. I went with Abdu, and Anne went with Lady
Wentworth. The F.O. had published a Blue Book in the morning on the
case, from which it appears that I am charged by Sherif Pasha with
various things, every one of which I am fortunately able to deny. The
Government in fact had not a word to say, and as far as the debate went,
it was altogether a victory for us, though it leaves things where they
were. The most satisfactory point is that the Government were afraid to
attack me, although Randolph blurted out the whole story of my
conversations with Knowles and Hamilton. Mr. Gladstone had gone out of
the House after Lawson had finished his opening speech, thinking no
doubt that the thing was over, but when Churchill got up they sent for
him back. I was afraid at first the attack would set his back up, but he
took the thing very good humouredly, spoke of me handsomely, and told
his little story without wincing. Knowles he said had persuaded me ‘in
the interests of his review.’ I don’t suppose he feels equivocation at
all, and he had got a paper from Eddy, which he read out, declaring our
conversation had been wholly exclusive of politics, so I hope no harm
has been done for I can’t afford to quarrel with him yet, and I have
written to Eddy to explain that I did not intend Churchill to mention
him or Knowles, _unless I was attacked_. Robert Bourke came in well at
the end on the legal aspect of the case, and Sir Henry James’s defence
of the Government was a very lame one. On the whole I think it has
strengthened my position, not only with the public, but with the
Government. The House was decidedly favourable to me in the debate.
“_5th August._—The collapse of the Conference occupies all minds. It was
announced on Sunday in the ‘Observer,’ and of course we are delighted.
It puts everything back into its old impossible groove, and I shall
continue to hope as long as England remains solely responsible in Egypt.
Egyptian Stocks have all gone up, for they take the failure of the
Conference to mean some sort of Protectorate and guarantee by England.
Button telegraphs that Northbrook goes to Egypt.
“_6th August._—Broadley writes proposing an accidental interview with
Ismaïl Pasha at Escott’s house, and I shall go to it, though I feel sure
I shall not like Ismaïl, but it is time I should know him, and Broadley
promises _monts et merveilles_ for the National cause if he ever gets
back to Egypt. Abdu went to see him last week, but they did not talk
politics.
“_7th August._—A political breakfast given by Indians at the Westminster
Palace Hotel, Sir Wilfrid Lawson presiding. I had not expected to make a
speech, but made one to the satisfaction of the Indians and the wrath of
the newspapers, ‘St. James’s’ and ‘Globe.’
“_8th August._—The ‘Times’ correspondent at Cairo, Moberly Bell,
telegraphs that I am looked upon there as leader of a powerful party
opposed to the Khedive, etc.
“In the afternoon by appointment to tea at Escott’s, to meet the ex-
Khedive ‘by accident’ because neither Ismaïl nor I have been willing to
make first advance towards acquaintance. He was there when I arrived,
with his secretary Lavison. The tone of our interview throughout was
polite and even friendly. Disagreeable subjects were avoided, such as
the evils of Turkish and Circassian rule, and Ismaïl’s past dealings
with the Jews. Ismaïl’s is certainly a repulsive countenance, and I fail
to find in him that charm of conversation I have always heard him
credited with. Nor did he show any special shrewdness of observation. He
uttered the usual platitudes of progress and civilization, the necessity
of considering the religious prejudices of the people, and the influence
which could be exercised by a good ruler—but in no original way. As to
practical matters, the fellahin, he said, if well governed were quite
able to pay the interest on the Egyptian debt. The Soudan was a rich
country which should be developed by extending the railway from Wady
Halfa to Khartoum. He asked about India and the peasantry there, and
seemed pleased to learn my opinion that they were worse off than in
Egypt. On my side, I explained my views of Mohammedan regeneration, and
especially that of the Arabs. I told him of my conversation with Nubar
[at Paris in 1878], and how he had tried to persuade me that the English
was the only Government which was likely to befriend them. This amused
him. We had been speaking in French, but now he talked a little Arabic
to see what I knew of the language, and he said: ‘At least you speak it
better than Nubar.’ He himself speaks Arabic with a strong Turkish
accent, and he complimented me on mine. But we soon went back to French,
where I fancy he is more at home. He threw a fly over me twice as if to
begin more special matters, saying that he intended spending next summer
also in London. I did not however respond by any hope that next summer
would see him in Egypt. We spoke a little of Mohammed Abdu, but Arabi
was not mentioned. My impression of Ismaïl decidedly is, that he is not
the saviour of our society. There is nothing different in him from the
common run of Europeanized Turks. I am glad, nevertheless, to have seen
the old despot, if only to assure myself once more that he is not our
man.
“This has been the hottest and driest summer I ever spent at home. From
the 28th of March till now there has not been one really rainy day,
though a few attempts at such. The ground has always been like iron and
the ponds are half empty. But Sussex is at its best in such weather, and
the corn is splendid, most of it already cut.
“_10th August._—Broadley writes that Ismaïl is enchanted with me.
“To Scotland in the evening, and found in the same carriage our friend
Eddy, who is going to Taymouth Castle for grouse shooting. We talked
about the Debate. He said he had met Randolph Churchill the next day at
dinner and seemed quite satisfied with the turn things had taken. It is
evident we need not quarrel.”
From the 11th to the 16th of August I stayed at Lude House near Blair
Atholl, which had been rented by my country neighbour in Sussex, Mrs.
Montefiore. On the 17th, my birthday of 44, I went on to Naworth Castle
to stay with the Howards, Frank Lascelles among others being there. I
stayed at Naworth till the 23rd, but my journal contains almost nothing
political. The only entries worth transcribing are:
“_19th August._—A letter has come from Arabi approving the scheme of
Abbas and a protectorate. I shall send this to Gregory to show to
Gladstone, with whom he is invited to stay next week at Dalmeny.
“_20th August._—It is announced that Sami-Ullah of Aligarh is to join
Lord Northbrook’s staff in Egypt, recommended for the post by Sir
Auckland Colvin; also that there is talk of Tewfik’s abdication in
favour of Abbas and a protectorate.
“_21st August._—George is away at Newcastle, staying at Sir William
Armstrong’s with the Prince of Wales. The Prince, it appears, has been
frightened by the agitation against the House of Lords and thinks the
Throne, too, is in danger, and he wishes to dissociate himself from Lord
Salisbury’s tactics. For this reason he went to see the procession to
Hyde Park last month and now is paying a visit to the Radicals of
Sheffield and making himself generally agreeable. He asked to have
George Howard and his wife invited to the Festival, and Morley and Cowan
have both made speeches and joined in the loyalty. It was Lord
Shaftesbury who long ago warned the Prince never to separate himself
from the people. The Newcastle Festival has been a great success. It is
wonderful how these democrats of the north love a king.
“_22nd August._—I have written to Gregory, who is to be at Dalmeny for
Gladstone’s campaign in Midlothian, to post him up to the latest phase
of the Egyptian situation. I have told him that Arabi will have nothing
to do with Ismaïl or Tewfik, but could return to Egypt with Abbas or any
one else.
“_24th August, Sunday._—I spent the day at Sir Wilfrid Lawson’s at
Brayton, and on the 25th went on to Lord Stanley at Alderley. Alderley
is the sort of place I like. It reminds me somewhat of Crabbet, but is
altogether larger. The house, though comfortable, is unworthy of the
rest, having been built early in the present century, when the original
house was burnt down. The best thing is the kitchen garden, which is the
quaintest and most beautiful I ever saw, sloping down on three sides to
a large square pond or tank, on the fourth side a high wall overgrown by
a great copper beech. There is also a very fine beech wood overhanging
another pond of, I should say, sixty acres.[76] Many fine trees in the
park, but terribly undermined by rabbits. Stanley and I fished in the
wood and caught two little trout. He is a thoroughly honest good fellow,
and works all he can for the Mohammedans.
“_27th August._—To London, where I saw Button for a few minutes and
heard from him of Wolseley’s appointment to command the troops in Egypt.
They are really going to Khartoum at last, having persuaded the Grand
Old Man that Gordon is in danger.
“_2nd Sept._—We have settled to go to Constantinople on the 12th or
15th. Button has just got a letter from Wolseley, who says that he hopes
to get everything done at Khartoum without fighting, perhaps without an
expedition—more bloodshed would be unpopular, and so must be avoided.
Dined with Bertram Currie at Coombe. He has put up a temple in his
garden to the Grand Old Man, containing his bust, in honour of a visit
paid to him by the Prime Minister.
“_8th Sept._—Saw Lady C. She told me about the Prince of Wales, that
although he is pretending to join the Radicals over the Franchise Bill,
he really hates Gladstone worse than poison.
“_9th Sept._—I have engaged young Hope as my private secretary at £80 a
year. He is to do all that Button’s private secretary does for him, keep
my correspondence, newspaper cuttings, etc., etc., etc. I go to Paris on
Saturday.
“_11th Sept._—It is announced that Lord Ripon comes home from India in
December, and is succeeded by Lord Dufferin.”