_August 31._
An insurrection at Brussels, the houses of the Ministers burnt. The troops
fired and killed many. They, not being 1,500, retired to the park, and
formed before the palace. An evening paper I got at Ashford says the
nobility had joined the people, and the troops had acceded on condition of
keeping their arms, and guarding the palace. If this Revolution takes the
line of union with France, war is almost inevitable. It may be only for a
more popular form of Government, but what the people of the Netherlands
desire is annexation to a great State. They are ashamed of being Dutch.
Most fortunately all our manufacturers are in full employment, and the
harvest is abundant. The peace and constitution of England have depended
upon fine weather.
Clare, from whom I heard to-day, tells me Lord Wellesley assures him there
is to be a Revolution in Spain, and named the day. The nobles are supposed
to be at the head of it. This may all be true, for our Ministers never find
anything out; but my apprehension is that there will be a low, ill-
supported revolutionary movement.
Received a letter from Lady Londonderry. She first wishes me to obtain, if
I can, Ward's exchange to a better climate. This I have told her I have
already endeavoured to do; but that I have no expectation of Aberdeen's
doing it.
Lady L. says her brother was two hours with the Duke, and as long with Lord
Grey. The latter would have acted a second part, but the Duke would not
admit him. I have told her I think she must have misunderstood Lord
Camden's account, and that she may be assured it is not the Duke's
character to fear an equal.
I sent her letter to Hardinge, and asked him if he knew anything of the
affair. I cannot imagine when it can have taken place. Lord Camden was an
odd person to employ. He knows so little of Lord Grey. Rosslyn would have
been the natural envoy if it proceded from the Duke; but I think it must
have been a volunteer of Lord Camden's.
_September 2._
Read the papers relative to the Danish claims. Canning seems to have
decided one case, that of the Danish East India Company, hastily. However,
we cannot undo a decision of a Secretary of State.
The other case, that of the private individuals at Tranquebar, has been
determined in their favour.
_September 3._
Had a long conversation with Herries, with whom I rode for a long time,
respecting affairs, both here and abroad. He is rather downcast. However,
he thinks this Belgian insurrection will be put down. Rothschild has
exported 800,000£ in silver and 400,000£ in gold to meet his bills when
they become due--diffident of having anything paid to himself.
_September 5._
Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. He told me the substance of a
report I did not see of Col. Jones, who was sent by the Duke to the
Netherlands, and is returned. He says the Prince of Orange is with 1,600
men in the park and palace at Brussels; 5,000 men are close at hand under
Prince Frederick of Orange, at Vilvorde, and two bodies of 10,000 each are
marching upon the same point. The troops at the palace have twelve guns.
All the troops show a good disposition.
The first deputation from Brussels was rather insolent. They were treated
accordingly, and told to return without cockades, &c. They did so, and the
Prince agreed to go into Brussels without troops. There was a great crowd,
and for a moment he was separated from the staff and the Garde Bourgeoise,
and alone in the midst of the people. He leapt his horse over a barrier and
so got back. A Commission of very respectable men has been appointed to
investigate grievances. So the thing will rest till the meeting of the
States on September 13.
There is a letter from Lord Heytesbury giving an account of his
conversations with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor is violent against
the Bourbons; says very correctly that his treaties only oblige him to
maintain a constitutional King. Still he may recognise, but shall always
consider the Duke of Orleans as a usurper.
Prussia seems very prudent; disposed to recognise, but to state the
condition of peace--that the territorial possessions of 1815 shall be
maintained. Austria seems to be less prudent. Metternich sent to Bernstorff
the answer he intended to give, which required a declaration of not having
any intention to interfere in the affairs of France, but required a pledge
as to the observance of the Treaty of 1815 before recognition. Bernstorff
very prudently advised Austria to recognise unconditionally.
The Spaniards seem to have been in great consternation at first.
The Minister (Addington) thinks the King and Queen are so popular, and the
public interest is so much directed to the Queen's approaching
accouchement, that no revolutionary movement of importance is likely to
take place. He deprecates, however, the commencement of any such movement,
because he thinks it would enable the Apostolical Party [Footnote: The name
given in Spain and Portugal to the Absolutist and Clerical Party.] to
induce the King to dismiss his present quiet Ministers, and have recourse
to measures of rigour, which would infallibly ruin the dynasty. Spain, and
indeed all the Powers, seem to look for instruction to England, and there
can be no doubt that all will recognise and all be quiet. Salmon, when he
communicated to the King the events in France, said, 'Your Majesty sees how
dangerous over-zeal is in a Minister. No one could be more devoted to the
Royal Family than Prince Polignac.'