The Queen is to be present, I suppose, in the King's pew. The King is
certainly to be chief mourner.
We had a great deal of talk after dinner about elections. I fear they have
not been attended to in time. It is hoped Seaford will be conquered from
Lord Seaford, and that the two Grants will be thrown out. We have nobody
for Surrey and nobody for Middlesex.
_July 8._
House. Answered the Duke of Richmond on the sale of Beer Bill. The Duke
seemed very well satisfied, and the House was very attentive and cheered
frequently. We had on a division 60 to 15.
_July 9._
Lord Radnor made some observations upon the continuing of the Irish Arms
Bill without explaining the reason, the Bill having been introduced in
troublesome times and expiring at the end of this Session. Lord Grey
supported him. It is clear Lord Durham and Lord Radnor evidently intend to
make us look about us and not do work in a slovenly manner. I cannot find
fault with them.
Lord Durham moved the printing of the Appropriation List, which was
negatived without a division, as unusual; but I dare say he will ask
questions as to some of the items.
_July 10._
As I was coming home from the office I called on Hardinge. He considers the
division to have been invaluable to us here and even to France. Certainly
the French funds rose when it was known the present King held the same
course as his predecessor. Hardinge thinks many men are disposed to support
the Duke's Government under the idea that all sorts of calamities would
attend the weak Government which must succeed it. He thinks Palmerston the
best man to have in Goulburn's place, Goulburn going to the Speakership. He
thinks W. Horton would be better than Frankland Lewis as his successor at
the War Office, it being necessary in either case to get Lord F. Leveson
into the House of Lords. Fitzgerald has written to Hardinge, and seems
eager about politics. I wish he was well and could come into office again.
I do not know that the Duke or anybody would have any objection to
Palmerston coming in by himself; but I doubt Huskisson's ever being in
office again while the Duke lives. Neither will the Grants come in--indeed
it is to be hoped they will both be turned out of their seats.
_July 12._
Office. Backhouse brought the account of Sir J. Macdonald's expected death;
the date, May 12. Sir Henry Willock will take charge of the mission _ad
interim_. He may be a sensible man, but the loss of Macdonald is severe. I
do not know how we shall replace him.
Cabinet at 2. The business was the eternal slave question--what answer
should be given to Brougham to-morrow. He is expected to propose some
pledge of proceeding _legislatively_ in the next session as to the
admission of slave evidence and other points. A Bill has been prepared
making slave evidence admissible, and it would probably have been
introduced but for the early termination of the session. However, there
seems to be great reluctance to embark in a contest with the Colonial
legislatures. The foolish resolutions moved by Canning are deeply
regretted. I was the only man who objected to them, when, two years after
they had been found of no avail, it was proposed that the Lords should
concur in them. Peel objects to any pledge on the part of Parliament, more
particularly on the eve of a dissolution. It is thought that _by paying
from our funds_ for an improved judicature in the West Indies we may induce
the colonies to acquiesce in the admission of slave evidence, although
imposed by the interposition of Parliament. I doubt it, and if we pass a
law to which the colonies are adverse, which they will regard as being _no
law_, how are we to execute it? We may make judges and pay them, but we
must procure submission to those judges, and further, we must make
_jurymen_.
All these difficulties I foresaw when the Lords adopted the Commons'
resolution; but I suppose Canning forced it upon Lord Bathurst and the
Cabinet.
House at 5. Debate on the Scotch Judicature Bill. Lord Wynford made a
miserable speech, which proved he knew nothing about the subject. The
Chancellor was very angry with him, and once interrupted him improperly.
The debate was dull, and there was no division.
_July 13._
Went to St. James's at half-past one. A few Privy Councillors were there to
be sworn in, amongst the rest the Duke of Hamilton.
The Duke of Wellington had to talk over the King about giving a lodge in
Bushey Park to one of the FitzClarences for his life, and about gazetting
the Queen's household. He found the King very reasonable indeed.
The King means to give his Ministers a grand dinner. He intends asking the
Speaker and the two Gold Sticks, but _not_ the _third_, the Duke of
Cumberland.
The Duke of Buckingham is Lord Steward. A bad appointment. The office of
Lord Chamberlain was offered by the Duke of Wellington to the Duke of
Bedford, Lord Rosslyn going to make the offer. The Duke of Bedford was much
gratified, but declined on the ground of his health. The office was then
offered to Lord Jersey, who accepted willingly.
House. The Chancellor made an excellent speech on the Welsh Judicature
Bill, and it was read a second time without a further word. The Forgery
Bill passed with a motion of Lord Holland's _pro formâ_ that he might
protest.
We had Sir Jonah Barrington for a short time. He is very roguish and sly.
There are no particulars yet of the capture of Algiers, except that the
fleet co-operated.
The French seem to have been highly delighted.
_July 15._
Sir G. Murray, Goulburn, and Herries came down to Roehampton at four to
dinner. At five we set off for Windsor. The day was beautiful, and all the
world made it a holiday. Carriages of all sorts and hackney coaches were on
the road all the morning to Richmond. I never saw so many persons there,
and chiefly of the class of shopkeepers. London was quite empty, but the
Park quite covered with the people. It seemed to be a day of general
recreation.
Arrived at Windsor at a quarter after seven. There were a few Lancers along
the road from Frogmore, where the King and Queen were, but no crowd. Near
the town there were a great many waggons. We turned to the right at the end
of the Long Walk and drove through the park to the great gate of the
Castle. Within the court were Horse and Foot Guards. We entered at the
visitors' entrance, and went to St. George's Hall, where we all assembled.
A great many were already come. They began forming the procession at half-
past seven, and it was all formed so as to move before nine. I walked with
Lord Hill. There were ten or twelve barons, a number of judges, six or
eight bishops, and upon the whole a fair representation of the peerage and
the Privy Council. There was a double line of Life Guardsmen within the
castle, without Foot Guards, and the Blues in the chapel. We did not see
the body as we passed. A screen of black concealed the room in which it lay
in state. I imagine the King was in the room. As we returned it was open.
It struck nine as we came to the Round Tower. A rocket was fired as soon as
the body moved, to give notice to Linden for the firing of the minute guns.
The bands of the several regiments played the Dead March in Saul, &c., as
the procession passed. The Foot Guards stood close together with arms
reversed, every fifth man having a flambeau. The platform was, in most
places, open on both sides. There was a good deal of air, but the night was
warm. Had there been rain, or had it been cold, some must have died. There
were but few people on the right of the platform in the inner court, but in
the outer court there was a dense mass of people, and all the roofs were
covered. There was hardly a whisper. All the people seemed very decent in
their dress, and their conduct was perfect. The procession entered at the
great door of the chapel and turned to the left, went down to the end of
the aisle and then turned, facing the door of the inner chapel. In the
space we thus went round were the Eton boys. In the chapel there were some
persons on the right of the altar. I could not well see who they were, as
there was a sort of haze, but they were all in uniform. With this exception
the chapel was empty. We were all placed as we entered in the seats and
stalls. The body was drawn upon a carriage. It was too heavy to be carried.
The King had a vast number of attendants, such as equerries, &c. Half of
them captains in the navy. The attendants pressed rather too close upon
him. He was in black with the collars of all the orders. He nodded
occasionally as he recognised people; but when his countenance was still he
looked very grave. He is become very like his father. The assistant
mourners, who were Lords Goderich, Sidmouth, Granville, Grantham, Carlisle,
and some others, had no seats and stood during the service. The last who
entered were the Guard, the colours preceding. These came half way into the
aisle, the colours depressed. The colonels of the battalions and the
general, Sir H. Vivian, came in with their caps on and swords drawn, and
stood to the right and left of the King, but not near him. The banners were
depressed on the two sides of the grave. Over the grave was a black canopy,
on the top of which was an enormous crown. The music was good. The service
was very ill-read by the Dean Hobart, and the Garter could not make himself
heard when he recited the King's titles. Lord Jersey walked as Lord
Chamberlain, Lord Conyngham as Steward. He broke his staff into the grave.
Lord Cholmondeley was there as Lord Great Chamberlain, and sat on the left
of the aisle in a stall opposite the passage. On the other side was the
Earl Marshal. When all was over the King went out by the small door on the
left near the King's closet, and so by the cloister to the platform. As
soon as he appeared the Guard received him with presented arms and God Save
the King. We all returned by the way we came. There was tea in St. George's
Hall but we went on, and finding Goulburn's servant, followed him to the
carriage, which was on the other side of the entrance gate, and so got away
even before the King. We were at Roehampton by half-past one. The whole
procession lasted about two hours and a half or rather less--that is, from
the first move to the end.
It was very well arranged. Pohlman, our Deputy Black Rod, who is a Herald,
was the acting person, and did his duty admirably. There was no
interruption, no confusion, but everything managed as if we had been
drilled and did the same thing every day. And so King George IV. is gone to
his grave with all the pomp of royalty, and splendid the pageant was; but
it was considered a mere pageant even by his household, who had lived so
intimately with him for years. There was no regret. A coronation could
hardly be gayer; but the procession was gravely done and decently.
The magnificence of the castle aided the spectacle and made royalty appear
almost as imposing in death as at the moment when the Crown was assumed in
the Abbey.
We had supper and they all went to London.
Huskisson and Palmerston were there. Huskisson very sulky and sour.
Palmerston very cordial, as if he thought he might come in, I should be
glad if he did.
It seems the Duke of Buckingham hints that he must have something more than
the stewardship for his seven votes. No one likes his appointment, and we
all feel as if an alliance with the Grenville party would bring us ill-
luck.
_July 16._
House. Administration of Justice Bill. A great many amendments made by Lord
Tenterden. We struck out a clause by which Le Blanc would have been obliged
to sit to tax costs every day in the year. Lord Eldon said the Bill as it
was originally drawn was more like a string of resolutions at the London
Tavern than an Act of Parliament.
The Attorney-General was very angry indeed at the alterations made in the
Bill, and threatened to throw it over in the House of Commons.
Nothing said about the Libel law; but Lord Holland is to say something on
the third reading. Sir Jonah's case. W. Goady spoke. He spoke so slow, it
was like a banker paying in sixpences to gain time. He was so dull I went
away for fear of falling asleep. The Duke stayed and slept.
The Duke remained at Windsor all night. I met him as he was coming down to
the office to-day. He said he had remained to see the King and give up to
him the late King's snuff-boxes, &c., which were all in a great box.
Lord Wharncliffe told me he thought Duncombe, Bethel, Lord Morpeth, and
Ramsden would come in for Yorkshire. Afterwards we heard Brougham was to
stand. It will have a very bad effect if Hume and Brougham come in for
great counties. Yet I dare say they will.
Wortley goes down to stand for some Scotch boroughs, which will lead to the
County of Forfar.
Long Wellesley has been arrested by Gosling the Banker for 4,000£, on which
it was found that he had but 3,000£ in the books in the Bank, so he
remained in durance for the other 1,000£ till he found five people, each
willing to be bound for 200£. This disposes of him for Essex. He had given
out that he had 30,000£. An express has been sent off to a Mr. Lloyd, the
son-in-law of the old Eliab Harvey, to stand for Essex. I know the man. He
was at Ryde in 1813, and at Cowes in 1826. His daughters are rather pretty
girls. I suggested Tower, who would have done very well for Essex.
_July 17._
St. James's at 2. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen first came up with their
address, then the same with the Common Council. The King received the
addresses, which were very loyal, on the throne. He read the answers very
well. The Ministers stood on his left and the household on his right. About
seven gentlemen pensioners were on each side from the door to the foot of
the throne. The Lord Mayor, &c., were introduced by the Lord Chamberlain.
It was well done, and is rather an imposing ceremony.
Cabinet. First a question as to what should be done about Ashe, the man who
wrote a libel on the Duke of Cumberland, which he sent to him and now
reclaims. He has written many letters indicative of an intention to
assassinate, and is now come up from Carlisle on foot, and has been walking
opposite the Duke's house for three hours, having first written another
letter of a threatening nature.
Lord Wynford wrote to Peel on the Duke of Cumberland's part; but the Duke
will not exhibit articles of the peace. Colonel Peter gave Ashe 5_s_. and
he went away.
The question was what could be done with him? I suggested that, as in the
case of an expected duel, a magistrate on mere information that a breach of
the peace was apprehended would take persons into custody and hold them to
bail; so here the same thing might be done, one of the letters distinctly
threatening a breach of the peace. This would secure the man till it could
be discovered whether there was legal ground to indict him for the letters.
This will be done.
We then came to the consideration of the East Retford question. All the
press were for giving up the Bill. I took some part in the discussion.
However, Peel was so strongly for the Lords going as the Commons had done,
and for preventing the appearance of disunion in the Cabinet, that his
wishes were acceded to, and we support the Bill. The Duke _thinks_ it will
be thrown out, and I _hope_ it will. It will be very difficult to make a
speech in favour of the Bill which will not commit us to a bad precedent.
However, I shall try. Peel was very obstinate and disagreeable. In fact the
interfering with the existing franchise never was made a Cabinet question.
The giving the franchise to Bassetlaw [Footnote: The Hundred of Bassetlaw,
forming the existing borough of East Retford.] rather than to Birmingham
was, and it was because after an agreement that we should all vote for
Bassetlaw, Huskisson voted for Birmingham and then resigned, that the
separation took place.
These questions never were made Government questions before, and it is much
better they should not be.
Peel thinks he will not be able to oppose reform in general if we do not
show a disposition to punish individual cases of corruption.
I did not get away till seven, and then went to Hardinge's to bring him
down to Wilderness. [Footnote: Seat of Lord Camden, near Sevenoaks.] He
told me the Speaker had been with the Duke and did not resign just now.
There had been a question whether he should not; but it was thought we
might be damaged at the elections if we made any change now. The Duke asked
Hardinge what he thought as to taking Huskisson and Palmerston back again?
Hardinge declared against having Huskisson, but recommended Palmerston. I
dare say as soon as the elections are over something will be done, and that
Palmerston will be offered the Chancellorship of the Exchequer.
Peel once wanted Edward Stanley, but it seems he has wavered a good deal.
Unless his manner should change it would be impossible to go on with him as
Minister; but I trust in God we shall never lose the Duke.
_July 19._
Received at nine a card from Lord Bathurst informing me that the Queen
would be in Downing Street at ten. Went in plain clothes as I was desired.
Found the Queen was to be there to see the Guards, whom the King was to
inspect. The Ministers were invited and the connections of the Bathursts.
We were presented to the Queen, and kissed her hand. After the parade,
which the King attended on foot, he joined the party, and they had
breakfast. However, before that I went away. At one again at St. James's.
The two Universities came up with addresses to the King and Queen. Oxford
first. They very properly put their doctors first. The address was read by
the Vice-Chancellor, and then, after the Queen's reply, the doctors and
proctors, and a few others who formed the deputation, kissed the King's
hand. As the Queen has no separate apartment the King retired, the Queen
entered with her household and ladies, and then the same ceremony was gone
through, the Ministers remaining on the left behind the ladies. The Queen
read pretty well. She was obliged to rise each time to give her hand to be
kissed. Cambridge came afterwards with the Duke of Gloucester and all the
Peers, who belonged to the University, in their gowns at the head. This
destroyed the character of the collegiate body. However, those only were
presented who were presented of the Oxford deputation. The King went beyond
his written speech to the men of Cambridge, and put us in a fright.
However, it was good-humoured, and of no great harm--a sort of joke.
I came away as I had business. Afterwards there was a Council, and the
Lords Lieutenant were admitted to take the oaths.
House. East Retford. The Chancellor made a capital speech, and we had a
better division than case, 29 to 7. Lord Durham spoke temperately and well.
Lord Grey well too. We had Wynford with us. There is no explaining that
man. The Duke of Cumberland voted against us, and Eldon spoke.
At St. James's. Lord Westmoreland told me that yesterday at a great dinner
the King gave his household he gave as a toast, 'The land we live in, and
let those who don't like it leave it.'
This and many other things show his feelings towards the Duke of
Cumberland.
The King reviews a regiment every morning this week. He has been on
horseback within these six weeks, but he has a rupture, and is now rather
afraid of riding. He is going to change the uniforms of the Lords
Lieutenant.
We expect to prorogue on Friday and dissolve on Saturday.
_July 20._
Then East Retford. Lord Wharncliffe moved a resolution with the view of
giving the franchise to Birmingham instead of the Hundred. Dudley spoke for
Birmingham and well. I spoke shortly. I guarded myself against being
considered as pledged to any other measure, intending to decide all
measures according to the special circumstances of the case.
The Duke was not so cautious as I was, and spoke strongly against giving
the franchise to great towns. [Footnote: No one expected it to occur in two
years' time.] Lord Holland said to the Chancellor, 'He will live to see it
done.' I think I may, and therefore was cautious.
We had 39 to 16.
So ends the business of this Session.
_July 21._
Went at ten to the Duke of Wellington's, where the King and Queen were to
breakfast after an inspection of the 2nd Life Guards. The day was beautiful
and the people in excellent humour. The King first went with the Queen to
the Regent's Park barracks, and then to the Knightsbridge barracks. When
they came to the Duke's the King went to the window and was well cheered.
They then called for the Queen, who went to the window and was very well
received indeed.
Yesterday evening the King walked out alone into St. James's Street. He
found Watson Taylor and took his arm. The mob pressed upon him so much that
Watson Taylor's shoes were trodden down at heel. While the King was alone
an Irish woman came out of an alley and kissed him. This and a lecture from
the Duke have cured him of walking out alone. At least he has promised not
to do so again.
House at 2. Aberdeen says the King spoke very well to the foreign Ministers
to-day. There was an extraordinary number of naval officers, and the
fullest _levée_ I ever saw. The King recognised very cordially all his old
friends. He was very gracious indeed to Elphinstone, whom he saw for the
first time. He was imprudent enough to make a sort of speech to the West
Indian deputation, and pledged himself warmly to support their interests.
This I saw. After I was gone I hear Astell and Campbell came up with the
address of the East India Company, and that he spoke in similar terms to
them. This the foolish Astell will publish everywhere.
The Duke says he goes away when the King begins to speak. I really covered
my face when he began to speak about the Catholics to the deputation from
Cambridge. What he said to them, which was no more than an indifferent
joke, has been variously misrepresented and not at all understood. It must
have been imperfectly heard.
The King is angry with the Duke of Gloucester for slurring over a part of
the address from Cambridge, which was very loyal, and for not kissing his
hand. He has reason to complain of this. The Duke of Gloucester kissed the
Queen's hand with marked devotion.
The Duke of Sussex has been already infusing poison into the King's ear and
talking of invasions of the property of the Church. This the King told
Peel. Those who observed the Duke of Sussex at the levee thought he seemed
very triumphant, and received his Whig friends with a smile which said, 'We
shall do them yet.'
He was invested with the Thistle to-day. The King asked all the knights
presented to drink a bottle of claret with him in October.
Blomberg was up with an address. The King said, 'You and I know each other
of old. You need not be presented. By-the-bye, you may as well dine with me
to-day.'
The King made an extemporaneous reply to the address of the Canons of
Windsor the day after the funeral. They begged to have a copy. He
endeavoured to recollect it for them, and sent it to Peel. Peel found some
curious historical inaccuracies.
The Duke of Wellington thinks we shall gradually bring the King round, and
induce him to move more quietly. To thwart him directly would have a bad
effect; but he may be led. In the meantime he is very well in health.
The King has promised to dine with Leopold, who has asked the Duke, but not
Aberdeen. The Duke thinks the King should not dine with him now. The two
other Powers having manifested the greatest dissatisfaction with Leopold's
conduct, and we having intimated it in the House, it would be incongruous
and injurious for the King to dine with him. Leopold has written one if not
two letters complaining of the conduct of the Allied Powers.
We went to the House for fear Lord Durham should play us a trick, and it is
perhaps fortunate we did, for he was there and made a protesting speech,
which was followed by one from Westmoreland on the East Retford Bill.
However, we had a majority in the House, and there was no division.
_July 22._
Rode to town. Cabinet. Considered the King's Speech. Peel had introduced a
plagiarism from the first speech of the old King, 'Born and educated in
this country, I glory in the name of Briton.' However, the whole sentence
would not do, and it was omitted. I assisted in working the sentences into
form, and breaking them up into short ones. Went away to dress for the
Council, thinking the whole settled. Council at three. First the deputies
of the two Houses carried up the joint address respecting Sir Jonah
Barrington. Then the King being alone, and saying he was ready for his
Ministers--none being there but me--I went in, and first asked him to allow
Clare to wear the uniform the late King gave him. This led to a long talk
about uniforms for Indian Governors, and I had some little difficulty to
carry my coat without having a general consideration of the whole question
of Governor's uniforms. I then told the King of the approaching death of
Sir J. Macdonald. He asked whom we proposed sending in his place? I told
him it did not entirely depend upon the King's Ministers, but that I
thought, if we recommended a very fit man, we should get the Chairs to name
him.
The King said, 'You heard what I said to the East India Company yesterday?'
I had not, but I bowed, and he added, 'I told them they should not be
unfairly dealt with. There is a run on them, and the notions of people are
very much exaggerated with regard to the question.'
I said the question would require and receive the most mature consideration
from his Ministers before they ventured to offer any advice to his Majesty
upon the course to be pursued.
The King said in about ten or twelve days he should be able to give me a
day or two for Indian matters.
I thought I had given time to the others to arrive, and rose. I should
mention that he spoke of Algiers, and said he suspected there was an
understanding about it between the Russians and the French.
I said I did not entertain much fear of the French having Algiers. With a
little money we could raise Morocco on one side and Tunis on the other, and
harass them from the interior, and while we took care they had not Tunis,
Algiers was comparatively unimportant. With Tunis, Malta, and Corfu we
should hold our hands across the Mediterranean.
I went out and found them come. The Duke went in. The King gives up dining
with Leopold. He gave it up the moment the objections to it were mentioned
to him.
The speech was, I found, much improved after I went away. The King said he
thought nothing could be better, and indeed it is a very good speech. He
said he thought the reference to the Catholic question was unavoidable, as
it was the great measure of the Parliament; and it was particularly proper
that he should refer to it as he had voted for it, really thinking that the
Church would be more secure by means of Catholic admission than by their
exclusion.
I thought the King seemed a little tired. Well he might be. He had been at
an inspection of troops, the Grenadier Guards and the Lancers, from ten to
one, and the day was very hot. He inspected the troops on foot.
The Duke of Wellington passed the King at the head of his regiment, and
Lord Rosslyn at the head of his. Lord Rosslyn is delighted with the
opportunities of wearing his uniform, and playing the general officer
again.
_July 24._
Council at 11. Parliament dissolved. The seals were delivered to the
Secretaries and to Goulburn. Herries kissed hands.
Sir G. Clark becomes Under-Secretary to the Home Department. W. Peel goes
to the Treasury. Charles Ross comes into Clark's place. Macnaughten goes
out.
_July 26._
Dined at St. James's. The King of Wurtemburg, the Ministers, Foreign
Ministers, Household, and Knights of the Garter there, in all 80. After
dinner the King made a speech which made his Ministers' hearts fail within
them. However, we were _quitte pour la peur_. He only spoke of his love of
peace. The only thing painful was that he should speak at all, and before
his servants, like a chairman of a public meeting.
At the Duke of Wellington's on Sunday he made a speech, praising very much
the Duke, and declaring his entire confidence in him. This was before the
Foreign Ministers. The speech was a little warlike, I believe. The Duke's
reply very short indeed, and peaceful. The King should recollect that what
he speaks is as important as what is written in a State Paper.
_July 28._
Levée. Before it a Council, _standing_, in the King's closet, for swearing
in Privy Councillors. Sir R. Wilson was presented on his restoration to the
army, and holding the King's hand in his expressed his gratitude.
The King made an energetic reply, and then there was a short rejoinder from
Sir R. Wilson. I could not hear what was said. We afterwards shook hands
cordially with Sir R. Wilson, whose restoration pleases everybody.
The French Government have dissolved the Chamber without allowing it to
assemble; have placed the press under restriction, and altered the mode of
electing deputies, so as, as far as I can understand, to give to _les plus
imposis_ the power of electing a majority.
No letter has been received by any Foreign Minister or by us. The whole was
kept a profound secret. The report to the King respecting the press, which
is made the foundation of the Ordonnance, is a long violent declamation,
very weakly written indeed. [Footnote: These were the celebrated Ordinances
which cost Charles X. his crown.]
_July 28._
Cabinet at half-past three. I was rather late, and found them considering
what should be said by Lord Stuart at Paris, respecting the late violent
measures of the French Government. They had decided that Lord Stuart, if
Prince Polignac endeavoured to draw from him in conversation his opinion,
should say he was directed to offer none. They seemed inclined to tell him,
if Prince Polignac required his opinion by offering an explanation, to say
we considered the measure adopted was in violation of the Charter. At my
suggestion, if Polignac asked his opinion more formally and offered no
explanation, he was directed to request the explanation might be in
writing, and he would transmit it to his Court, or it might be made through
the French Ambassador here. The French Ambassador, however, knowing nothing
of what was doing, left England on Monday, and would meet the news on his
road to Paris.
At six o'clock on Tuesday evening a row was going on, and a Guardsman had
been killed. This was resistance when the police broke the types, &c., of a
press which would go on. The idea is, that the Chamber of Deputies will
meet, considering the dissolution to be illegal.
Matuschevitz openly inveighs against the measure. It is doubtful whether
Metternich did not advise it. He sent a long paper from Johannisberg,
giving his views on the present position of the French Government.
The King of Wurtemburg had an interview of two hours with the Duke of
Wellington yesterday. He is very anxious on the subject of France. He says
the people of Wurtemburg will cry out that a similar measure is intended
against them--that everywhere the two extreme parties will be placed in
collision. Bulow thinks the same. The Duke advised the King of Wurtemburg
to avoid Paris on his return; but the King has some _emplettes_ to make,
and goes there. The Duke advised him then, if he must go for his
_emplettes_, to stay only a day. He said he would not stay above five or
six! Thus is every consideration of real importance sacrificed to motives
of private fancy and convenience!
Lea informed Aberdeen that a vessel was fitting out in the Thames with
Spanish refugees and arms to endeavour to raise an insurrection in Spain.
After some time they found the vessel, and to-day she was detained. She had
sixty-nine men, and about 150 stand of arms on board. They sank the printed
proclamations which were picked up. Torrijos and Valdes were to be the
leaders. Torrijos was to join below the revenue vessels. Some of the men
had 10£ each, given to them by the Spanish Committee, to aid their voyage
to Rio. There is some doubt under what law they are to be indicted, and the
Attorney and Solicitor-General are out of town.
Received a letter from Lord Heytesbury, enclosing one he had received from
Captain Campbell, announcing the death of Sir J. Macdonald.
_July 29._
The Duke told me he had seen Rothschild that morning, who had recent
intelligence from Paris. The Guards were faithful, but the 53rd Regiment,
which was at the Hôtel de Ville, had joined the people, and so had
individual soldiers of other regiments. The people and the National Guards
were arming. The Chambers had assembled. The King was not at Paris. He was
nought to be at Compiègne.
The Duke thought Henry had better not go to Paris, that one party or the
other would soon attack the English.
Called on Elphinstone. Offered him Persia. He was much obliged, but said
nothing would induce him ever to go to Asia again.
Spoke to him of Monteith. He knows him, and a little doubted his
discretion. He promised to find him, and send him to the Duke if he was in
town; but he thought he was at Algiers. Spoke to him of Jenkins and Briggs.
He says Jenkins is the abler man.
Saw Lord Essex and Lord Clinton. They had heard the Duke of Orleans was
proclaimed Regent.
_July 31._
Went to town early. Called at the Duke's to hear the news. None had arrived
since yesterday morning. The Duke said he considered the King dethroned,
and we should soon have to consider whether we should acknowledge the new
Government. I observed that our course must depend very much upon the
manner in which the French effected their Revolution. The King had put
himself decidedly in the wrong, and if they make their Revolution as we
made ours in 1688, there was no reason why we should not acknowledge the
new Government, be it what it might. The Duke said the foreigners were
already coming to know what we thought and meant to do. We should have them
all in our train, and provided we took a reasonable course on the question
of Algiers, and others which might arise, we should do very well. The
mischief was that this event would place the two parties in presence on
every occasion, and every trifling difference would resolve itself into one
of Liberal and anti-Liberal. I said I feared whatever party predominated,
even if the King regained his power, France would be precipitated into a
war, for no party would be able to maintain itself in quiet times. The Duke
said the King's Government was becoming very dangerous. It had, as was
shown in the case of Algiers, and their discussions with us, no more
morality than that of Buonaparte, and it had the favour of European Powers
as an ancient dynasty, while it was prepared to act upon the principles of
a new one. Now, under a Government of Revolutionary origin, all their Acts
would be viewed with disfavour and suspicion.
The Duke spoke very strongly against Canning's policy, in admitting France
to the Triple Alliance [Footnote: By the Treaty of London with reference to
Greece.] and thus bringing her into a prominent station in Europe again.
She would naturally have risen again in good time. The time should not have
been anticipated by us.
The Duke agreed with me in thinking the Government here would be
strengthened by what was occurring in France.
I lamented Brougham's success in Yorkshire, and viewed with some
apprehension the increased power it would give him. He said Yorkshire was
quite radicalised by having four members. No gentleman could bear the
expense--the middle classes had it all to themselves.
At a quarter to four I called at the Treasury and found Rothschild had
received intelligence down to the 29th, at 4 P.M. Drummond showed me the
Duke's letter to Peel which contained this account:--That there was
fighting all Wednesday, the 28th, and Thursday, till 3 P.M. There had been
a terrible massacre, but the troops got the worst of it. The people were
led by the students of the Ecole de Droit, and of the Ecole Polytechnique.
The 53rd Regiment, which it was said yesterday had joined the people, had
in fact surrendered. The people had armed themselves at the Arsenal. On the
night of the 28th the Guards retook the Hôtel de Ville, but were driven out
again, and retired to the Louvre. The firing did not cease at the Tuileries
till past 3 P.M. The people pillaged it when the troops retreated, and the
tri-coloured flag was hoisted there, and on the column in the Place
Vendôme. The Ministers escaped by subterraneous passages from the
Tuileries, and were with the King, who had a great many troops about him at
St. Cloud. La Fayette commanded the National Guard, and was a member of the
Provisional Government. Generals Gerard, Lafitte, and Casimir Perrier were
the others. C. Perrier was deputed to the King at St. Cloud.
No couriers were allowed to leave Paris. These letters were sent by private
servants to the first stage.
I told all this to Henry, but he goes. So do many others. There were thirty
people applying for passports when he went for his. On the other hand many
English come away.
_August 2._
There is a great deal of information in the 'Times.' The result is, that
the King's offer to change his Ministers and to recall the Ordonnances was
not accepted, and the Duke of Orleans accepted the office of Lieutenant-
General of the kingdom. His address is quite in the spirit of the
Revolution.
The Guards are disorganised and desert.
The Swiss only are said to remain with the King, who it is thought is gone
to Nantes.
Lord Stuart says if the Royalists do not resist, the French will invade
Belgium in three months. The Deputies, at first in very small numbers, not
more than thirty, nor at any time much above sixty, seem to have been
irresolute. They were decided by others, and indeed the whole seems to have
been done by the people. There is no appearance of previous concert. If
there were leaders, they were the boys of the Ecole de Droit and the Ecole
Polytechnique. Polignac seems to have been firm after the beginning of the
fight, and when Lafitte and others went to Marmont at the Tuileries, in the
middle of the tumult, he declared concession impossible.
The Guards at St. Cloud told the King they would protect him, but would not
advance again to Paris. General [blank] seems to have had 6,000 men at
Versailles, but the people would not admit him. At Rouen there was great
ferment, and forty pieces of cannon were sent by the people to the
assistance of Paris. The troops seem to have been ordered upon Paris from
all quarters. The total loss of life is estimated at 5,000.
The people were becoming impatient, and cried _Vive la République! Vive
Napoleon II._! This, it is said, determined the Duke of Orleans to accept:
and the Deputies offered, because they feared the establishment of a
Republic would be the signal of general war.
I do not hear of the pillage of private houses. The churches have been
pillaged and the palaces ransacked. The priests thought fit to fire from
the Archbishop's palace, which led to the death of many and to the pillage
of the palace.
The Duke said they had done everything in the most offensive way, re-
establishing the tri-coloured flag, &c. They seem determined to force the
Revolution down the throat of Europe. He spoke of the Duke of Orleans'
address. I said I supposed he was obliged for his own safety to throw
himself at once into the Revolution. The more natural thing would have been
for the French to have sent for young Napoleon. The Duke said he heard
young Napoleon was getting hold of French pamphlets, &c.
The Duke of Orleans asked Lord Stuart's advice as to accepting the Crown.
Lord Stuart reminded him of his oath, and told him the Powers of Europe
which restored the Bourbons could never recognise him.
On consideration I think we should endeavour to induce the Powers which
signed the Treaty of Vienna to declare that they are determined to maintain
the territorial arrangements made by that treaty; but that they will not
interfere with the internal Government of France.
I think this declaration, made at once, would perhaps prevent any attempt
on the part of the French to make war for the frontier of the Rhine.
The elections go well for us, except Canterbury, where Lord Fordwich has
beat our man, Henry B. Baring, the husband of Lady Augusta.
_August 3._
The accounts from Paris state that the Due de Mortemar, who had been
appointed Minister by Charles X. himself, saw it was too late, and that the
only chance for the House of Bourbon was in the placing the Duke of Orleans
in the office of Lieut.-General.
This he proposed himself to the Duke of Orleans, who wrote to the King, and
in accepting the office said his conduct would show with what views he did
it. Then he issued a tri-colour proclamation! Lord Stuart says this was
done at the last possible moment. The proclamation was received with cries
of _Vive la Republique! Vive Napoleon II._! However, these cries ceased,
and it was hoped things would go on quietly. Sebastiani and B. Constant
expressed hopes that in a few months men's minds would be tranquillised,
and things placed on a regular footing It seems that the King is at
Trianon, with about 4,000 guards. He talked of resigning to the Dauphin, if
he had not already done so. It will probably be too late, and the Dauphin
is supposed, I believe very justly, to be implicated in all that has
passed.
Lord Stuart states the loss of the troops at 3,000. That of the people at
6,000. Of course these calculations are very vague, and probably
exaggerated. It would appear as if there had been more preparation on the
part of the insurgents than was imagined. The decisive measure, that of the
Bank refusing discounts, was of course suggested by Lafitte. The Royalists
are much in want of money. They left forty-two millions in their caisses,
and 150 millions at the Bank! Bourmont was to leave Algiers on the 25th.
Probably he was called home to be present at the crisis.
The King's troops still remaining in force at St. Cloud, the barricades are
continued.
Everybody seems to think the military force was as ill-managed as
everything else. Marmont acted _mollement_.
We have been beaten at Canterbury, and what is worse at Norwich, where a
brother of Peel's has been driven out by Robert Grant, the most decided
enemy of the Government. No one declares himself the opponent of
Government, and as such asks support; but our candidates do not succeed at
popular elections.
_August 4._
To London early. The King of France is supposed to be gone towards
Cherbourg. We fear he will come here. The Duke said the King seemed
disposed to receive him, and reminded the King that the Pretender had been
three times ordered out of Paris on the representations of this country. I
was glad to find a very general feeling that the King of France could not
be permitted to remain if intrigues were allowed by him. That he could have
no more than a refuge. Peel seemed to feel this most strongly. The Duke
seemed to think there had been previous concert on the part of the
_patriots_.
The King is violent against the Duke of Orleans.
Our Duke of Orleans, as I call him, the Duke of Sussex, sticks close to the
King whenever he appears.
The Duke of Cumberland has resigned the Blues in a huff because they are
placed under the Commander-in-Chief. However, he wore the uniform to-day at
the levée.
We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 4, on Civil List and Regency. Indeed we know
not how soon we may meet Parliament. Perhaps on September 15.
The Queen received the address of the London clergy. She had her whole
_état major_.
_August 5._
At four Cabinet. Talk about the Civil List. There are pensions to the
amount of about 7,000£ a year which the present King will pay, and he will
pay 6,000£ a year to Mrs. Fitzherbert, her charge on Brighton. She had
10,000£ a year before. Many pensions are struck off, one of 500£ to Sir J.
Lake, many others, to jockies, &c.
It seems the late King borrowed 50,000£ for himself and as much for the
Duke of York, on the revenues of Hanover, which sums have been paid off.
The King of France abdicated, and so did the Dauphin, in favour of the Duc
de Bordeaux, in a letter addressed by them to the Duke of Orleans, in which
his Lieut.-Generalship was treated as emanating from the King. The Duke of
Orleans in his speech to the Chambers announced the abdications, but did
not say they were in favour of Henry V. Hence the people of Paris, hearing
the King made difficulties, supposed he had receded from his original
promise--whereas he only said his original promise was conditional, _and
had not_ been fairly made known. Be this as it may, 35,000 men set off for
Rambouillet to take him, 10,000 were sent afterwards by the Duke of Orleans
to protect him, and he has 7,000 at Rambouillet, chiefly cavalry and
artillery, for the same purpose. I think there must be a smash.
Stuart and Pozzo went to the Duke of Orleans to represent the personal
danger of the King, and to desire that measures might be taken to preserve
his life. The Duke is represented as having been _très ému_, and as having
said that his character depended upon the preservation of the King's life,
and the measures I mentioned were immediately taken.
Chateaubriand and Hyde de Neuville are for the Due de Bordeaux.
Stuart has, I know not why, counselled the Duc de Bordeaux's friends to be
quiet.
The Duke of Wellington thinks there is Radicalism in everything-that the
Lieut.-General will have no power.
The King went in grand state through the City to the Tower. He had six
carriages and six. At the Tower the Duke gave him a breakfast. He then went
on to Greenwich by water, and returned to London by land. He was very well
received.
_August 6._
At the dinner we had the Ministers, Household, and Trinity House. Chairman
and deputy-Chairman of the East India Company, Governor and deputy-Governor
of the Bank, Lord Mayor, and Ward and Thompson, members for the City. The
King made speeches and gave toasts as if he was Duke of Clarence at the
Trinity House. He alarmed and pained us, but he did less mischief than I
should have expected; and as all the people present were real friends, he
only let down the dignity of the Crown.
He gave the healths of the Ministers, and afterwards of the Duke of
Wellington. Some things he said very well. The Duke answered very well.
There is so much good feeling about the King that his errors of taste are
pardoned. He will improve, and wear his robes more gracefully.
_August 7._
Cabinet. Determined that the principle of the Regency Bill should be that
the mother of the Sovereign should be Regent. The Regent to have unlimited
power. If any limitation, it should only be placed upon the creation of
Peers, and a Council of Regency should exist only for that purpose.
We separated till the 23rd.
_August 9._
In coming down to Sandgate read James's and Cabell's memoranda on the
progress of the British Government in India, and our foreign relations.
As I was coming out of Maidstone met the candidates coming in. Sir E.
Knatchbull in a cocked hat, attended by thirty or forty gentlemen in black,
all covered with dust, preceded by about six blue flags, and followed by
some carriages with ugly women. Then came T. Law Hodges (why _Law_ I do not
know), with many light blue flags, and some low people--few gentlemen. The
numbers, however, of the Hodges colours and people were greater than that
of the Knatchbull squad. Not a cheer for either. The whole thing flat and
ridiculous--worthy of Hogarth. There were some people collected in
Maidstone, but not so many as on a market day--there were none on the
roads.
By the 'Times' I see the Chamber has modified the Charter, and has
proclaimed the Duke of Orleans King of the French; at least has offered him
the Crown on the condition of his acceptance of the modified Charter.
The Chamber of Peers is put by. It is only advised to _eliminate_ the last
seventy-six peers.
_August 10._
Briscoe comes in for Surrey, to the exclusion of Jolliffe, our friend.
Certainly the popular elections have all been unfavourable to us. In fact
the Tories have not yet recovered their good-humour, and the Government has
some furious enemies, and no warm friends. I do not think we can go on
without an accession of speaking strength. Our measures must be modified to
meet the circumstances of the times, and so far I have no fear.
_August 13._
Cabinet room. Read Lord Stuart's despatches. There is little in them that
is not in the newspapers. He says the Revolution has been brought about by
small proprietors acting under the influence of bankers and lawyers. The
troops have shown no great popular feeling. Many have taken the opportunity
of going home.
The new King's oath-taking was flatly received. As long as he can keep La
Fayette with him he is master of Paris.
Lord Stuart seems to have behaved prudently in merely acknowledging the
receipt of the communication from Marshal Jourdan of his being appointed
foreign secretary. The Neapolitan Ambassador wished to have a note
generally agreed upon. All the Ambassadors say they are so sure England
will judge rightly, that they will, without instructions, follow in our
wake.
La Fayette has originated the idea of a mission of deputies of the National
Guard to London to thank the English people for their sympathy. Lord Stuart
hopes the King will induce La Fayette to give up this mischievous and
foolish scheme.
_August 18._
Lord J. Russell is not returned for Bedford. He lost it by one vote. He has
published a good address, and is evidently very indignant.
Brougham has had questions put to him by Martin Bree, which he has answered
satisfactorily to the venereal doctor. It would have been good fun had they
fought.
The only merit of the French Revolution seems to be that it has not been
vindictive. If they are wise they will not touch the lives of the
Ministers. The new King calls his eldest son Duke of Orleans. All the
daughters are to be Princesses of Orleans, distinguished by their Christian
names.
This is like Henry IV.'s policy in reserving the Duchy of Lancaster. He
wishes to be able to make room for Henry V. He has given up his property to
his eldest son's little children, and would probably, if he were displaced,
emigrate quietly, as he has often done before, and leave his children in
possession.
When Brougham accused the Duke of Wellington of advising Polignac, the
whole meeting of his own friends expressed dissent. It is incredible that
he should be so foolish as to believe such a thing, or as to attempt to
make others believe it.
_August 19._
I see by the 'Sun' that the ex-King of France is arrived at Portsmouth. I
am very sorry for it, although he will not be received by the King, and
will probably sail immediately. He may require refitting, for I dare say he
brought off little from Rambouillet. His packets are accompanied by two
French vessels of war, and all the French vessels at Spithead hoisted the
tri-coloured flag when he was known to be there.
_August 20._
It seems the Royal party have landed at Cowes.
_August 23._
Went to the Cabinet room to read despatches. Lord Stuart represents the
Government as by no means settled; anxious to remain at peace, and to
prevent revolution, but not secure. Things which are essential the new King
is obliged to ask humbly of La Fayette, who is now really Sovereign.
La Fayette wanted to dissolve the Chamber. The King rightly thought that to
do so now would be to make a Convention. [Footnote: I.e. as in 1792.]
Some persons are gone off to bring Napoleon II., but the Austrians will
stop them on the way.
The Prussians on the first intelligence of the events at Paris sent orders
to their Minister to come away, but he was directed not to do so without
concert with his colleagues. They met, and agreed to recommend him to stay.
The disposition of Metternich and Nesselrode, who met at Toplitz or
Carlsbad, I forget which, was the same and reasonable--to leave France to
settle her own affairs quietly, and only to interfere if she invaded the
peace of other States.
The Duke has left a memorandum on the Cabinet table showing clearly from
treaties that this is not a case in which we are bound to interfere. We
engaged to support a constitutional monarch against revolutionary
movements, but the monarch having violated the constitution has broken the
condition. France may still form a part of the Congress of Europe, in
'Union or _Pacific Concert_,' with the four great Powers. The treaty of
offensive alliance between those Powers is dormant, while France remains
under a constitutional King.
The Duke properly thinks that the sooner, after having taken a decent time
for deliberation, we can recognise the Duke of Orleans, the better for him
and for us.
He expects at no distant period war, as the consequence of these events,
and I fear he may be right. It will arise by the imitation of the Spaniards
and Portuguese, and the ambitious sympathy of the French.
It is evident that Russia means to indulge France with Algiers.
_August 23._
Received a letter from the Duke respecting Rajpootana. He thinks the
cession of territory will only lead to new demands on our part, and advises
that, unless it should be necessary to give some instruction, the letter
should not be sent. He thinks, too, that as no brevet has been given to
King's officers in Ava, none can be given to those of the Company. I am to
see him tomorrow upon these points.
Cabinet at 3. Showed Herries the answer I proposed sending, respecting the
Interest Bills, of which he entirely approved.
Peel was not at the Cabinet.
Read the Duke of Orleans' letter to the King, which is proper. He says he
laments and wishes he could have prevented the fall of the eldest branch of
his family. He _devoted_ himself to prevent misfortunes which would have
endangered the peace of Europe. He avows pacific intentions.
The King is to receive General Baudrand, who brought the letter in the
Levee, which will be before the Council on Wednesday.
The King of the French will be acknowledged. A letter will be written to
our Ministers with the great powers stating our reasons for doing so. This
will be read to the Foreign Ministers here.
I suggested that it might be as well to make the letter substantially the
Duke's Memorandum, and particularly to remind France that the Quadruple
Alliance still existed. We shall have the drafts of the letter tomorrow.
Parliament to be prorogued to October 26.
To-morrow the Brazilians will acknowledge Miguel as the Regent, if he will
marry Maria da Gloria. Then came some absurd conditions. However, the thing
is to be considered to-morrow. Aberdeen's idea is that there is no doing
anything with Don Pedro, and that we must acknowledge Don Miguel as soon as
he will grant an amnesty.
We were to have a Council on Wednesday for the prorogation. The King will
not much like this, as he wanted to go to Ascot, but he may have it as
early as he likes, and he ought to receive General Baudrand soon. We may
have the Council at 10, and he may be at Ascot in excellent time.
_August 24._
The Council is at 1. At 1 I went to the Duke. Told him of my recent letters
to the Chairs. He said we must not make bankrupts of the Company, if we
would use them hereafter. I said it was my duty to state the case of the
public, as the Board were guardians of the territorial revenue.
A letter from Count Moltke, requesting to see me. I have appointed to-
morrow at 3.
Cabinet at 3. Aberdeen read the proposed letter from the King to King Louis
Philippe. With a few trifling alterations it was adopted.
The Duke called on Marmont to-day, and received from him a military account
of the affair at Paris. Marmont said he knew nothing of the Ordonnances,
and disapproved of them. He was at the King's levée on the Tuesday, and was
told there were _quelques inquiétudes_ at Paris, and to take the command of
the troops. He found only 7,000 men. Polignac, forgetting any were _en
congé_, thought there were 12,000. He occupied the Places de l'Hôtel de
Ville, de la Bastille, de Victoire, and de Vendôme in sufficient force. His
troops were not attacked. He withdrew them at night, and reoccupied the
Posts in the morning. Then the attack began. The troops maintained
themselves, but he found it necessary to withdraw them to the Louvre, the
Tuileries, the Pont Neuf, and the Place de Vendôme. In the Louvre he had
two battalions of Swiss; two battalions of the Line in the Place de
Vendôme; the Guards in the Tuileries. He kept open his communication with
the country by posts at all the avenues leading to the garden of the
Tuileries and the Bois de Boulogne, Champs Elysées, &c. The battalion at
the Place de la Bastille could not retreat by the straight road, and was
obliged to march all round Paris, crossing the river at the bridge nearest
Charenton, and coming to the Tuileries by the Faubourg.
The two battalions in the Place de Vendôme went over to the people. He then
sent one battalion from the Louvre to the grille of the Tuileries garden,
opposite the Rue de Rivoli, and so protected his flank. On Thursday he had
lost 1,800 men, killed and wounded; and 1,200 _égarés_--besides the two
battalions; but he had received a reinforcement of 3,000 men. The troops
were _extenués de fatigue_. When Lafitte and the others came to him he told
him he could not order the fire to cease. He was attacked.
If the fire of the people ceased, his troops would not fire. He fairly told
the King it was not _une commotion_, nor even _une insurrection_, but _une
Révolution_. There were not above thirty or forty people behind the
barriers, but all the windows were occupied by armed men. He counselled
concession, but Polignac would not hear of it. He said Polignac was
_l'homme le plus présomptueux_ he had ever seen.
When the Louvre was attacked the Swiss ran out towards the Tuileries and
carried with them a battalion he had in the Place de Carrousel, as well as
two guns he had with him. The rush was such he could hardly get upon his
horse, and the men ran so fast that a person he sent after them on
horseback found them almost at the extremity of the Tuileries garden.
However, some returned to protect the retreat of about sixty men whom he
had got together to defend the grille at the Arc de Triomphe in the Place
de Carrousel. They were just enabled to retreat.
Marmont is violent against the Swiss, who were, he says, retained in the
French service by higher pay and privileges for _this very thing_, and yet
they ran away in this shameful manner.
Marmont means to go to Italy for a year. After that he hopes he can return
to France. He has no wish to emigrate.
If the account in Lord Stuart's report be correct, France is in a
deplorable state. In many parts of the country no taxes are paid, and the
Republican party has not lost hope.
The conditions of what Don Pedro considers a conciliatory arrangement are
entirely inadmissible. They are founded upon the marriage of Donna Maria da
Gloria, and England, France, and Austria are to guarantee her against any
_injure_ she may receive from her husband. Certainly we may safely say
these terms are inadmissible, and so break off all negotiations with Don
Pedro, who, since these terms were proposed by him, has recognised the
independent Regency of Terceira. By-the-bye, one of his terms is the
payment, by Portugal, of all the expenses incurred by himself for Donna
Maria.
It seems the draft of a decree of amnesty has been sent to Lisbon, and if
Miguel will pass that decree we are to recognise him.
The Chancellor and others seemed to think this was an awkward time, and we
had better wait a little. I think so too. However, undoubtedly our early
recognition of Miguel might lead to the prevention of a Portuguese
Revolution.
There was much conversation respecting the Bank Charter. It seemed to be
the general opinion that Government should take it upon itself to arrange
terms with the Bank, which terms will be prohibition to any other Bank to
issue notes within twenty-five miles of London. This being granted, the
Bank will do the public business for 100,000£ a year less. The whole
question of country banking, whether it is to be with limited or unlimited
responsibility, a limited or an unlimited number of partners, is to be left
open to Parliament.
I suggested that the most important question was the revision of taxation.
My view now is that we must take off some of the taxes which press most on
the poorer classes, and have an income tax. I dislike an income tax as much
as any one. To me it is a very oppressive tax, but I believe it may become
necessary.
Walked to the corner of Hyde Park with Lord Rosslyn. Had some conversation
with him respecting the changes necessary in the Government before we meet
Parliament. He says Lord Althorpe will not come in without Lord Grey, and
he is not sure Lord Grey would not stipulate for Lord Durham. The latter is
out of the question on account of his temper. I do not think the Government
could go on with the Duke and Lord Grey. Of the Huskissonians, Palmerston
is the only one. To E. Stanley there is no objection.
_August 26._
At 3 Count Moltke came to the office. He had two Danish claims to speak
about.
Dinner at the Albion for Clare. There were present of the Ministers, Peel,
Rosslyn, Goulburn, Herries; then Lord F. Leveson, Calcraft, the Solicitor-
General, W. Peel, Lord G. Somerset, Planta, Gen. Macdonald, Col. Fitz-
Clarence, Lord Tenterden. Of Clare's friends Glengall, Agar Ellis, Sneyd,
Lord Templeton, besides H. Vyner, and Upton, who go with him.
I spoke feebly, not being well; besides, I did not think it in good taste
to make a great speech; but to leave Clare's the first speech of the day.
Peel made a very good speech; but too much of it. Clare really spoke very
feelingly and well. He spoke a little too much of his gratitude to the
Court.
I had some conversation with Loch. I was as well received as I expected,
and better, considering the run that has been made at me. The Duke went off
to Walmer Castle, very wisely, for he wants sea air; but Clare would have
been more pleased had he been present, and the Directors too. The
Ministers' healths were well received.
_August 28._
Received from Elphinstone his remarks upon the proposed letter to Bombay,
respecting native education, of which he generally approves. He strongly
urges the sending out of European professors, young men, acquainted with
English literature, to learn the language there, and teach the natives. I
have sent the extract from his letter to Astell, suggesting that the
Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, and Edinburgh should each name
those from whom should be selected the necessary number. I have observed
that the object of native education is of such importance that the state of
the finances must not prevent its accomplishment.
_August 30._
Wrote a very long letter to Hardinge on the present position of the
Government and our policy. I gave my opinion that any accession of men
which destroyed the unity of the Duke's Government would do harm. That we
must meet our difficulties by measures. That the first was a revision of
taxation, that no men we could get would add moral strength to the
Government, and the Whigs would not support unless they had half the
Government. That the question of Reform could not be made an open question.
It was best for the country that parties should be decidedly separated. It
might then choose which it preferred, and men would be obliged to take a
side. We had better be out with character than in with a detachment of the
enemy, in possession of a gate. Still TALK we must have, and we want a
financier. I said of myself that I cared little about office. I should
without reluctance acquiesce in retirement if the Duke could fill my office
more advantageously, and I believe Rosslyn would do. I thought Rosslyn
would like Ireland or Paris.