To meet this he expected

£

Surplus of last year 1,700,000

Additional from general improvement 400,000

Additional malt by reducing beer duties 500,000

Increased duty on spirits 500,000

Reducing Four per Cents 750,000

Savings 1,400,000

Ireland, soap, &c. 450,000

Stamps 200,000

---------

5,900,000

4,500,000

---------

1,400,000

There may have been more; but he spoke, and I write from memory.

I told him I thought that with a diminished duty on beer and an increased

duty on spirits he could not expect an increase of 500,000£ on spirits. He

admitted that was the weak point. He said he was sure we could not carry an

income tax while we had a million surplus. If we have a good harvest, I

have no doubt the increase on malt will be great; but I apprehend there

must be a repayment of beer duties, and if there should be, the loss will

be enormous.

_March 8._

Sent Mr. Elphinstone a letter giving an account of the travels to the North

of the Paropamisan range into Cabul.

The Duke said we really must look out for a new Governor-General. I

suggested Hardinge. He said Hardinge had not as yet station enough in the

opinion of the public, in the army, or in Parliament. He wished him to be

Secretary in Ireland. It would have been much better if he had gone there

instead of Lord F. Gower, and Lord P. to the War Office. To be sure, then

we should not have had the reductions Hardinge had effected. He had, as I

knew, always wished Hardinge to go to Ireland.

I observed that Hardinge was rising every day in public estimation, which

the Duke acknowledged, and I added that I was sure none would do the duty

better, for he had firmness and habits of business. The Duke seems to think

of Elphinstone. He said he was a very clever man. I told him I had been an

hour and a half with Elphinstone last night. I told the Duke all my notions

respecting individual responsibility, members of Council, &c., and that I

had begged Elphinstone to think of them. The Duke seemed generally to

approve of them. It seems Lord Wellesley never would go to Council. I do

not wonder at it; but the Duke used to tell him he was Governor-General _in

Council_--that he ought always to go there.

_March 10._

Dined with the Duke. Cabinet dinner. Only the Peers there. The others

detained by Lord Palmerston's motion on Portugal, on which there was a

majority of two to one, 150 odd to 70 something. Huskisson made a very bad

dull speech. We talked about a successor to the Speaker. They seem to think

he will not resign now, as he would not get a good pension in the present

temper of the House.

The candidates are Sir J. Beckett, Littleton, G. Bankes, Wynn of course. I

mentioned Frankland Lewis as a good man, which he would be. I dare say the

Chairs will think he should be elected unanimously.

It seems there must be a Bill of Indemnity for not taking the declaration,

two Bishops, Chester and Oxford, not having taken it. The Duke finds he has

at Dover, as Lord Warden.

We had some little conversation about the income tax, which the Duke is

very hostile to, and I am glad we shall not have it.

_March 11._

The Russians have at last sent their reply to our expostulatory note. I

have not had time to read it. Lord Heytesbury calculates that the last war

cost them 12,000,000£, but they endeavour to conceal the amount.

Peel told me the House was quite excited against the Bombay judges, and

that the division fairly represented its real opinion.

_March 12._

There was but one black ball in the election of Lord Clare, and the Chairs

think that was put in by mistake; no one objected.

_March 13._

Read Sir H. Parnell's pamphlet on taxation.

Cabinet room at two. I had only got half through the Russian answer when

the Cabinet met for the subject of taxation.

I rather expected to find that the Duke had had communications with

Goulburn, and that the idea of a property tax was given up. However, that

seemed not to be the case. It was determined the whole beer duty should be

given up in any case.

£

The expected revenue is 50,250,000

The expected expenditure 47,930,000

----------

Surplus 2,320,000

Add by reduction of Four per Cents 777,000

By 1_s_. 6_d_. on British,

and 2_d_. on Irish and Scotch Spirits 400,000

By stamps in Ireland 220,000

3,717,000

Deduct beer tax, £3,200,000, but the loss to

the revenue from the probable increase of malt,

calculated at 2,500,000

----------

1,217,000

Probable increase of revenue 450,000

----------

Sinking fund 1,667,000

The conversion of stock into annuities is proceeding at the rate of

1,000,000 pounds a month, and the increased annual charge already is

250,000 pounds. Certainly to this extent the estimated three millions of

surplus might be fairly reduced; but to reduce the surplus to 1,200,000

pounds or 1,600,000 pounds would be an entire abandonment of the system

adopted by the Finance Committee and the Government.

It seemed to me that the members of the House of Commons were all in favour

of the income tax; all the Peers against it. The Duke was strongly against

it. He apprehended the reduction of establishments, and particularly the

pressure of the tax on men of 1,200 pounds a year, and under.

If I imposed the income tax, I would make it the means of a thorough

reconciliation between the higher and lower classes. In this manner only

would it be effectual and make a strong Government.

I object greatly to Goulburn's deductions from the old income tax. He

excepts _occupiers_; that is, as regards land occupiers, quite right; but

he excepts manufacturing capital and capital engaged in commerce. Now, why

should the man who has 100,000 pounds in a manufactory, and makes 10 per

cent, on that sum, pay nothing, while the man who invests his 100,000

pounds in the funds gets only 3 1/2 per cent, and pays 5 per cent, out of

that reduced profit? The man who has a manufacturing or _commercial

capital_ is a _saving man_. He can afford to pay something to the State,

and why should he not? So the lawyer who may be making 10,000 pounds a

year is to pay nothing. If he takes 5,500£. a year and becomes a judge, he

pays 137 pounds 10 shillings. Yet his interest is still for life.

In all this there seems to me unfairness.

If the tax be imposed as it is proposed, it will be very difficult to

include afterwards the classes now exempted. It will be impossible to take

off the tax, and whenever a tax is unpopular, those upon whom it presses

will say, 'Take it off. It is only adding 1/4 or 1/2 per cent. to the

income tax.'

A real property tax is the fairest of all taxes--but an income tax is the

most unfair even when it affects all income; but when it affects the income

of some who have a life interest, and not the income of others in the same

situation, it is most unfair indeed.

It is quite erroneous to suppose that those who pay an income tax are the

only persons who suffer from it. The reduction of establishments, the

diminished consumption, the increased economy in every article of

expenditure on the part of those affected by it have necessarily the effect

of reducing the wages of labour. The labourer may buy some things cheaper,

but he has less wherewith to buy.

_Sunday, March 14._

Saw Hardinge at two. Told him how we stood as to the question of taxation.

He said he thought the income tax would be popular, but agreed with me in

thinking it should be established on strictly just principles.

Cabinet at three. Goulburn read a new statement showing the surplus this

year, if we reduced beer and leather, and next year too. The surplus this

year is about 2 millions. Next year about 1,500,000£.

The income tax reaches the funds, and the Irish, and the parsimonious, and

the rich--so far it is good, but it likewise reaches the man of 100£ a

year. It tends to diminution of establishments, to diminished demand for

labour. To create an alteration in demand generally.

It was proposed to exempt professions and trades. This was unjust, and it

would have led to an entire separation and hostility between the landed

proprietors and the united body of labourers and manufacturers.

These last would have joined on all occasions in urging a further and still

a further increase of income tax, and would never have consented to a tax

on consumption. The income tax would finally absorb all other taxes.

Another great objection to the income tax now is that it would have the

effect of perilling the reduction of the 3 per cents.

The Duke, Rosslyn, and I were decidedly against income tax. Lord Bathurst

and Lord Melville, as well as the Chancellor, less decidedly so, but still

in favour of abiding by the reduction of the beer and leather tax. Aberdeen

said nothing, neither did Sir G. Murray, so they were understood to go with

the majority.

Goulburn acknowledged the discussion had to a great extent changed his

opinion, and that he was not then prepared to propose the tax.

Herries seemed much in its favour; but more, as it seemed to me, because he

wished to maintain a large surplus according to the decision of the Finance

Committee than for any good reason. Peel was decidedly for a property tax.

He wished to reach such men as Baring, his father, Rothschild, and others,

as well as absentees and Ireland. He thought too it was expedient to

reconcile the lower with the higher classes, and to diminish the burthen of

taxation on the poor man. I accede to the principle; but I doubt whether

taxes on consumption do really press more heavily on the poor man than an

income tax. What he has to look to is not the actual price of the article

he wants, but the proportion which his wages bear to that price. It matters

little to him what the price of candles may be, if he has not money

wherewith to purchase them. That system of taxation is best for the poor

man which most tends to increase the funds for the employment of labour;

and every disturbance in the system, every alteration of demand, does

intrinsic mischief.

After this matter was decided, Peel behaving most fairly, and declaring he

would support the decision of the Cabinet whatever it might be, and that in

this case the decision of the Treasury was to be principally looked to, we

talked of Queen Donna Maria, in whose name Don Pedro has established a

Regency in Terceira.

I read Leopold's letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he refers to his letter

of February 11, for the statement of his views in taking the Greek coronet,

saying that he only acceded from courtesy, and as a matter of form, to the

protocol, and further urging some alteration in the frontier. He has made

an application for a joint guarantee by the three Powers of a loan of

60,000,000 paras, or 2,400,000£. Now we only agreed to guarantee 50,000£ a

year, and that for troops. Nothing will be said upon this point till he has

withdrawn his letter. He seems to be Aberdeen's pet. I do not think, had

the Greeks searched Europe, they could have found a man whose character was

more congenial to their own.

_March 17._

Leopold has withdrawn his obnoxious letter.

_March 18._

House at five. Debate on the Duke of Richmond's motion for a select

Committee on the state of the labouring classes, and the effect of taxation

upon the productive powers of industry.

A most dull debate, till Lord Holland spoke. I answered him. Lord Lansdowne

next, then the Duke. I spoke, showing the impracticability of the

Committee. I however showed up Committees rather too much. This Lord

Lansdowne took hold of, not very fairly, but he did it well.

We had in the House 69; they 39.

With proxies we had 140 to 61. My uncle voted in the minority, and so did

Coplestone. Dudley, Lord Malmesbury, Lord Gower, voted with us.

The Whigs, Brunswickers, and Canningites were in the minority. The Duke of

Cumberland was there.

I find we have some recruits--in proxies Lord Lauderdale, Duke of Bedford,

Downshire, Lord Wilton; and Lord Jersey sits behind us. He has now Lord

Lauderdale's proxy. All this is consequent upon Lord Rosslyn's accession.

Lord Grey has now no one left. No one expressed a wish to turn out the

Ministers.

_March 19._

It seems that in the House of Commons Huskisson made a friendly speech,

finding he can do no harm, and Lord Althorp a very friendly one. In short,

everybody seems to be of opinion that the worst thing that could be done

would be to turn out the Government.

Peel says, and so does Herries, that the House is in favour of an income

tax. That what we have determined upon is the best for this year, but that

next year there must be an income tax.

Cabinet. Leopold wants more money. It was agreed he should have 70,000

pounds a year loan guaranteed to him for seven years, instead of 50,000

pounds.

The holders of 4 per cents. are to have the option of 100 pounds stock 3

1/2, or 70 pounds stock 5 per cents. Trustees may only convert into the 3

1/2 per cents.

_March 20._

Chairs at 11. They have made some alterations in the letter to the Indian

Government respecting their conduct, and have praised Lord William for his

_perseverance_, &c. This is contrary to the Duke's view and to mine. I

shall see whether I can allow their amendments.

A Political Diary, 1828-1830, Volume II · 第 28 / 48 题