6. He stipulates that the Greeks should have the power of declining him,
_le soussigné_, as their Prince.
A guarantee there will probably be, and therefore the alteration of
boundaries, which Leopold knew could not be listened to, is in fact
unnecessary.
Each power separately and individually may use its good offices with the
Porte for the protection of the Greeks in Samos and Candia, and indeed,
under the agreement as to an amnesty, each would be bound to do so; but no
triple agreement will be entered into, the object being to get out of the
Treaty of July 6.
Aberdeen seemed disposed to allow 1,000 men of each of the three Powers to
go to Greece. This would continue the triple action, and as these troops
would go, not against any external enemy, but against Greeks, the measure
would be somewhat in contradiction to the declaration the other night that
the Greeks and their Prince might make what Government they pleased. After
some conversation it seemed the general opinion that it would be better to
pay the cost of the troops than to have our own there, and in fact the same
money would enable Greece to have twice the number of Germans or Swiss that
she could have of British. This I thought. But I suggested that Greece
could not want a large sum down. A sum might be required for outfit, but
then an annual sum. Peel proposed the whole loan guaranteed should be
700,000£, of which 100,000£ to be paid down as outfit, and then 100,000£ a
year for six years at 5 per cent; the three Powers guaranteeing each a
third part of the interest. It is better to guarantee the loan, then to pay
money down. The loan, they say, can be made at three. Aberdeen says the
Greeks give a most flourishing exposé of their future finances, and he
thinks they will become a rich State, and the Powers be exposed to no
danger of being called upon for the payment of the interest. I think he
begins to love his Greek progeny.
The Duke only desired we would get out of the treaty. I suggested the
inexpediency of our joining in the guarantee. A guarantee gave no right of
intervention we should not otherwise possess, and it obliged us to
interfere when we might not desire to do so. However, I fear there will be
a guarantee.
_February 16._
Cabinet. There seems to be little doubt that the Emperor Pedro means to
direct an expedition from Rio against Portugal, Terceira being the point of
_rassemblement_. This is a practical answer to the question recently put by
us conjointly with France and Austria as to the intentions of the Emperor,
and therefore we are at liberty to act as if a specific answer had been
received. It seems Austria will be very unwilling to recognise Don Miguel;
France not.
The object of recognising him is to prevent a revolutionary war in Portugal
and the entrance of Spanish troops into Portugal to oppose it.
Whenever Miguel is recognised, I think Lord Rosslyn will be made Master-
General of the Ordnance, Lord Beresford going to Portugal as Minister, and
then the Privy Seal will be disposable. I dare say the Duke, out of good
nature, will offer it to Lord Westmoreland.
Aberdeen read the remonstrance he proposed sending to Spain against the
proposed expedition to Mexico.
Leopold met the Plenipotentiaries, and Aberdeen thinks he would have
acceded, but he evidently required the sanction of another person. The
French Ambassador used very strong language, telling him his Court would be
very much hurt indeed at finding him make these difficulties after all that
had passed, &c.
Peel told me he was disposed to grant the motion for any correspondence
between the Board of Control or any member of it, &c., with a direct
negative. To move the previous question was an admission of some error. I
was telling him the circumstances when it was necessary to attend to
Aberdeen's business. I must tell him to-morrow.
_February 17._
At the Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's, talked to Peel and gave him a
copy of the report of the Privy Council and of my letter to Sir J. Grant.
He is disposed to take a high tone, and thinks men will follow him better
when he does than when he temporises. I am sure they will.
He says he would reduce everything so low as not to be beat upon
establishments. If he is beat upon unimportant questions he does not care,
and will not go out. They will not get a majority for stopping supplies,
and if they can agree upon motions, he is prepared to play the game of '83
[Footnote: Alluding to Pitt's course at the beginning of his first
Ministry. He retained office a whole Session in spite of the motions
carried against him, and in the general election of 1784 obtained an
overwhelming majority.] with them. I am sure he is right.
_February 18._
House. First a question from Lord Holland whether the orders to the Admiral
respecting Greek slaves, &c., would, after the settlement of Greece, apply
to Candiot Greeks. Then Lord Melbourne's motion for Portuguese papers. He
did not speak well--but very bitterly. Goderich spoke pathetically against
the Terceira affair--Lord Wharncliffe well with us--Lansdowne wide and
loose--the Duke very excellent--Aberdeen worse than usual, and very
imprudent, abusing Miguel and making awkward admissions.
It was quite established that Canning had nothing to say to the Portuguese
Constitution, and I think we shall hear no more of Terceira. Fifty-two to
twenty-one--no proxies.
_February 19._
Cabinet. Leopold's answer. He wants troops and money. After long talk it
was resolved the French troops might stay a year, till he could raise
others, and money should be given.
_February 20, 1830._
In riding with Lord Rosslyn had a long conversation with him upon Indian
matters. He had just been reading the despatches from Lord Stuart and Lord
Heytesbury upon these subjects. I told him I had anticipated all Lord H.
suggested and had done, I really thought, all that could be done. I am to
send him the secret letter. He thinks, as I do, that Aberdeen is in a great
hurry to get rid of the Greek question, and disposed to incur future
embarrassments to avoid present inconvenience.
Lord Rosslyn does not much like the division of last night, but I believe
it was a good one.
_February 21._
This morning looked through the finance accounts of the three years, ending
1819, and the three ending 1828, with a view to comparing the state of the
country with what it was before Peel's Bill. The increased consumption is
astonishing. The increase of British tonnage and in the number of seamen
since 1819 is equal to the whole tonnage and to all the seamen in the
foreign trade with Great Britain, although that is increased nearly in the
same proportion with our own.
The increased consumption of tea and coffee is 50 per cent. The number of
pounds in 1819 being about 30,000,000 of pounds, and now 45,000,000 pounds.
The import of foreign raw produce is much increased--of that produce which
competes with the landed produce of England.
Hardinge called. He thinks the Government quite safe now. Indeed, he never
had much apprehension. He regrets Sir James Graham's divergence from the
road which leads to office. He thinks he came up to London intending well;
but that he thought under present circumstances he could be a more
considerable man out of office than he would be in a subordinate situation.
The Duke of Northumberland says the salary of the Lord-Lieutenant may well
be reduced to 20,000£ a year.
_February 24._
Lord Rosslyn, who called upon me at the office, thinks I may go a little
too far in my directions with regard to Russian spies, that is, in a public
despatch. I had directed that if it appeared danger was likely to arise
from their return to Europe or from their passage into any Asiatic country,
their persons should be placed under restraint, and in all cases their
papers and letters got possession of. He suggests that this might be
mentioned in a private letter, or left to the discretion of the Local
Governments.
We had a long conversation on Lord Stanhope's motion for to-morrow, when
Whigs and Tories are to combine to beat us.
The division last night in the House of Commons on Lord J. Russell's motion
for giving two members to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, was not
satisfactory. There were 140 for it, and only 188 against it. The Tories
stayed away.
_February 25._
House at 4 and until 2. Lord Stanhope's motion for a Committee of the whole
House on the internal state of the country. He made a weak speech, because
to get votes he abstained from stating the cause of distress, which in his
opinion is currency, or any remedy. Goderich and Lansdowne made good
speeches. Rosebery not a bad one, though as usual pompous. All suggesting
some remedies--all for reducing taxation, but against a Committee of the
House. Lord Radnor made a good vulgar speech. King spoke better than usual.
He proposed, but afterwards withdrew, an amendment for a Committee
upstairs. The Duke, who alone spoke on our side, did not speak well, and
some of his statements were hazardous. Lords Darnley and Bute declared
there was no distress near them.
We divided well. There being but fifteen present for Lord Stanhope's
motion, and ten proxies.
_February 26._
Chairs at 11. Went over with them the letter on Batta.
Lord Wharncliffe intends on Tuesday to propose examining the Chairman of
the East Indian Company.
_February 27._
Wrote a note to Loch to tell him of Lord Wharncliffe's intention. He does
not like the idea at all, and wishes to see me before the Committee sits. I
have named Monday at eleven. I told him my feeling was against his being
examined, as I thought it unfair; besides, he was not the best witness. I
told Lord Wharncliffe he should examine Lord Amherst.
At the Cabinet room I attempted to read the papers respecting Irish
education. My opinion is that it would be better to let the matter rest for
the present; the agitation of it may revive animosities, and if any good be
attainable, it may be attained at a more favourable period than the
present. I rather doubt whether it might not be yet more safely left to the
people themselves, as education in England and in Scotland.
_March 1._
Cabinet. We were to have talked about Irish education, but more important
matters intervened. There is a motion on Friday of Mr. Davenport's for a
Committee on the internal state of the country. Peel thinks there will be a
union of parties in favour of it. He feels it must be opposed. Some of the
friends of Government have said they must vote for it. He proposes that
Goulburn should to-morrow give notice of his intention of explaining his
views as to taxation on Monday week. Peel thinks that he can procure an
adjournment of the debate till after Goulburn's exposé.
Goulburn suggests taking off the whole of the beer tax, and remitting the
hop duty for this year, as well as remodelling it. He likewise proposes
lowering the duties on East and West India sugar, the former from 37_s_. to
25_s_., and the latter from 27_s_. to 20_s_.
As the revenue is decreasing, these reductions cannot be taken from it.
There must be a commutation. This he proposes to be a modified property
tax, to apply to landed property, all fixed property, and the funds as well
as all offices, but not to the profits of trade.
_March 2._
There seems to have been some incivility last night on the part of Sir
Charles Burrell and Sir E. Knatchbull against me, with reference to my
opposition to the Duke of Richmond's motion on the wool question last year.
_March 3._
Peel's. Met Bankes, Graham, and Ashley. It was, after talk, agreed that the
papers asked should be refused, unless in the course of the debate it
should appear that the granting of Grant's petition and the report of the
Privy Council would improve the division. I expect a regular attack upon
myself from all quarters. I would give a year of the House of Lords to be
there to throw grape-shot amongst the small lawyers.
Cabinet room. Read despatches relating to the expedition to Algiers, which
is certainly going.
Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The affair of the vacated offices becomes
serious, for it seems certain that it is necessary to take the declaration
again upon any new patent, and the Board of Admiralty should have taken the
declaration as well as Castlereagh--the Board of Control as well as me.
The Chancellor continues to have no objection to reducing the salaries of
the Supreme Court Judges.
_March 5._
Chairs at 11. I got rid of them as soon as I could, as I wished to go to
the Committee.
Loch showed me a letter from Lord William Bentinck, by which it appears
that the officers of the Cawnpore division of the army wished to have a
general meeting for the election of delegates to England. Sir J.
Whittingham forwarded their request to Lord Combermere, highly disapproving
of it. Lord Combermere directed the Adjutant-General to write a letter
coinciding with Sir J. Whittingham's opinions, and adding that he would be
the advocate of the army both in India and in England. Lord William
(Bentinck) is going up the country with the _Government_ and wishes to take
Lord Dalhousie with him. He expects very uncivil treatment, and says the
discontent is deep-seated. The same account is received from other
quarters.
The debate was adjourned last night. R. Grant made a speech in a moderate
tone, but disingenuous. Lord Ashley spoke good stuff apparently, but Henry
says he could not hear him. Lord Graham was unembarrassed and did well; but
the 'Times' hardly gives him ten words.
I sent a note to Peel to-day observing upon the disingenuousness of Grant's
speech. He told me he had been reading the papers, and saw it was no
question of judicial independence, but of judicial aggression, and he
thought the tone of the Governor who was in the right much better than that
of the Judge who was in the wrong. So I hope he will make a good speech.
_March 6._
Read letters from Sir J. Macdonald. They came by Constantinople. The only
news they contain is that the Russians certainly have the intention of
conquering Khiva and Bokhara. This comes from Chasanes Murza. I told the
Duke, who seems disposed to make it an European question.
I showed the Duke a most atrocious libel on royalty which has been
published in the 'Calcutta Gazette.' If the King saw it he would recall
Lord William by the Sign Manual. A letter must be written immediately in
the press. It is in such a state that our Government cannot stand if it be
permitted to go on uncontrolled.
I asked the Duke as to taxation. He said he thought it could be done
without income tax. To lay on income tax would be to weaken ourselves in
the opinion of all foreign Powers. Besides, it would prevent our reducing
the Four per Cents.
He calculated the loss of the beer duty at 3,500,000£. and, marine
insurance, cider, remission of hop duty, &c., would make the loss
4,500,000£.