_August 6._
Chairs at 11.
Astell does not seem to like my letters relative to the delay in answering
despatches from India and in communicating events in India; and respecting
the amount of military stores sent to India, and the expediency of
enquiring whether their amount could not be diminished. Loch did not say
anything. It was an attempt at bullying on Astell's part, which I resisted,
and successfully.
_August 10._
The Russians appear to have passed the defiles on the northern side of the
Balkans, and almost without loss. There is, I conclude, a force near
Bourgas, but all that is to be hoped is that the Turks will be wise enough
not to fight. It was an unlucky appointment, that of the Grand Vizier. Old
Hussein never would have committed his fault.
R. Gordon has been magnificently received at Constantinople.
Polignac has been made Prime Minister of France. De Rigny is made Minister
of Marine. The Government is Tory, and I should think very favourable to
English alliance, not Greek, and certainly not Russian. If it should be
able to stand, it must be good for us. Received letters from Colonel
Macdonald from Tabriz. He says the Russians at Tiflis talk as if they were
going to war with us.
_August 11._
Received Persian despatches. The Persians will pay no more. They wanted to
go to war. No one would go as Envoy to Petersburg but an _attaché_. They
all thought they should be beheaded. Macdonald seems to have kept them
quiet.
Cabinet room. Met Lord Melville. Read Gordon's letters from Constantinople.
The Turks have not above 20,000 men there. They are not disposed to yield
at all. Gordon thinks if we declared we would fix in any manner the limits
of Greece, and maintain them, the Porte would not quarrel with us, and
would rather do anything than yield the point of honour by acknowledging
the independence of the Greeks.
The Russians mean to pass the Balkans with 60,000 men and march on
Adrianople. They send a large force by sea to Sizeboli to turn Bourgas.
Lord Francis Leveson holds out the apprehension of a long religious contest
in Ireland. [Footnote: Unhappily, like other pessimists, he seems to have
judged Ireland correctly.] I believe he looks only at the surface and
judges from first appearances.
_August 12._
A victory gained by Paskewitz over the Seraskier, whom he has taken
prisoner, with thirty-one pieces of cannon, &c., near Erzeroum--that is,
three days after the battle, Paskewitz, still in pursuit, was within forty
miles of Erzeroum.
Wrote two letters to the Duke--one on the subject of Sir J. P. Grant, who
has closed the Courts at Bombay because the Government would not execute an
unlawful process, and the other respecting Persian affairs, giving the
substance of the despatches which I enclosed.
We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 12 on Turkish affairs. I would not allow the
Russians to advance any further. I would send one from our own body,
_incognito,_ to Paris to talk to Polignac and endeavour to get him to join
us in an act of vigorous intervention which would give character to his
Government and save Constantinople. I would pass the English and French
fleets through the Dardanelles, and give Russia a leaf out of the Greek
Treaty. But I do not expect that this will be Aberdeen's course.
Drummond, whom I saw, said the Duke was delighted with the account of the
Jaghirdars of the Kistna. Granville is gone to Ireland.
The Duke was gone to Windsor. It is the King's birthday.
_August 13._
When the Cabinet was assembled the Duke said we were not to consider the
state of things at Constantinople, and what we should do. He thought the
Russians would get to Constantinople, and into it. If they did he thought
there was an end of the Ottoman Empire. He was doubtful whether, after the
innovations introduced, the Turks would cordially support Mahmoud,
[Footnote: Sultan Mahmoud, as is well known, remodelled the whole internal
organisation of the Turkish Empire. He was denounced as the Giaour Sultan
by old-fashioned Turks.] and already there were insurrections of the
Greeks. It was just what he predicted in his letter to La Ferronays, and
what Lord Dudley afterwards said in a letter to Lièven; the success of the
Russians was the dissolution of an Empire which could not be reconstituted.
It was too late to interfere by force, even if we had been disposed to do
so alone.
He thought France, if we did nothing, would be quiet--if we did anything,
she would take the other line. Polignac was a more able man than people
supposed, and he would adhere to the course he adopted. We might endeavour,
at any rate, to ascertain his feelings and intentions.
As to the Greek question we must have a conference, and consider the
suggestions of the Ambassadors, namely, that whatever we chose to make
Greece, should be declared independent, and guaranteed. Both the Duke and
Aberdeen thought France and Russia would both take the proposition into
consideration. The former as to _limits_, the latter for delay. France had
already told us that, provided we could agree upon the limits, she was
inclined to adopt the suggestion of the Ambassadors.
We asked whether the permanent occupation of Constantinople by Russia was
to be submitted to? The answer was, _No_, to be opposed by war. It seemed
to me and to Fitzgerald we had better endeavour to prevent, at a small
expense, even if alone, a measure we could only retrieve if it took place
at an enormous expense, if at all, and which would in all probability
effect the ruin of the Turkish Empire. I did not think affairs quite so
desperate. I thought the Russians might get to Adrianople, but not to
Constantinople, and that they could not maintain themselves at Adrianople
without the command of the sea. We had six ships at the mouth of the
Dardanelles, and these with the Turkish Fleet would open the Black Sea.
I was for passing our ships up to Constantinople and placing them at the
disposal of the Ambassador, for from hence we cannot give orders adapted to
circumstances. It was replied _that_ would be war. If war were to be
declared we should do as much mischief as possible, and go to Cronstadt,
not to the Black Sea. We should have our ships beyond the Bosphorus when
Russia occupied the Dardanelles, and shut us in. This would make us
ridiculous.
As the object is not to do mischief to Russia, but to save the Turkish
Empire, I should say that measure was to be effected at the Bosphorus, for
Constantinople, once taken, and the Ottoman Power annihilated, it would be
of no use to distress Russia.
Fitzgerald seemed to be of my opinion that, however desperate the chance,
we should do all we could to save Constantinople, and at any risk.
It was determined that our fleet in the Mediterranean should be reinforced
by three or four line-of-battle ships, on the principle that wherever any
Power had a large force, we should have one--not a very wise principle, it
seems to me, if we are never to use force. I interceded for a few powerful
steamers, with 68 pound carronades, and I think Lord Melville seemed
inclined to acquiesce.
Questions are to be put to Polignac to ascertain what he would do in
certain events. I said he never would open himself to Lord Stuart. It was
then suggested by the Duke that Aberdeen could write a private letter. This
will, I believe, be done. I said to Fitzgerald, who was next to me,
'Neither letter nor Stuart will get anything out of Polignac. One of
ourselves should go to Paris as an individual, see Polignac, and return
before the Conference.'
I suggested Rosslyn, as he had nothing to do. Fitzgerald said he could go
and return in a week, and seemed to wish to do so. However, nothing was
said openly; and with all the means of success in our hands, for, I think,
Polignac _might_ be brought into our views, we shall lose all by not using
proper instruments; just as we have lost the Greek question by persisting
in keeping Stratford Canning.
We had a good deal of conversation as to the limits of Greece. The Duke was
for adhering to the Morea. It was _really_ the best line. It was what we
had guaranteed. We had told the Turks we did not mean to go beyond it.
Aberdeen has always had a little private hankering after Athens, though he
ridicules it. He had no scruple about annexing Athens, although not yet
taken. I said I thought Polignac would be disposed to hold our language to
Russia, if we would make some concession on the subject of Greece, and
enable him to settle that question with _éclat_. He would then be supported
by France in any strong language he might hold, and would establish himself
by the experiment of his first fortnight of office.
However, the Cabinet seems disposed to look at accessories, not at
principles, at the minor objects rather than at _the one great object_,
which is inducing France to act with us to prevent the occupation of
Constantinople or to force its evacuation. Instead of yielding upon points
of minor importance, in order to carry the question, we are to insist now
on the minor points-the evacuation of the Morea by the French, and then, I
fear we shall weaken Polignac's Government, and lose our object.
Our foreign policy has certainly been, most unsuccessful. We have succeeded
in nothing.
The communication to be made to Polignac is to be made to him
confidentially, and he is to know it is not to be made to Austria. It is
considered that in any case Austria would support France and England if
they acted together, and any indication Austria might give of moving alone
would bring down Prussia upon her. This line, I think, well considered and
prudent.
It seemed to be thought that, if the Turkish Empire should be _dissolved_,
Austria might be inclined to share the spoils and be quiet; but if it were
only _weakened_, she would feel she suffered.
It seemed to be admitted by all that we ought to have taken a decided step
long ago. That we were too late, and that we were inexcusable.
I said a year ago Aberdeen would ruin us--he would gradually let us down,
not by any flagrant error, but by being always under the mark. The Duke,
occupied as he is as Prime Minister, wanted an efficient secretary for
Foreign Affairs, and he could not have had a worse.
Peel seems to think Ireland stands much better since the proclamation
respecting the attack made by the Ribbonmen upon the Orangemen in
Fermanagh. He seems to think the Irish Government ready enough when things
are brought to their notice, but that they do not read or attend to the
reports made to them.
_August 19._
I am inclined to think from what Colonel Hodgson says that leather might be
made in India as well as here. They have the hide of the buffalo. They want
the _tanning_, and some one must be sent from this country to teach them.
He told me of a Mr. Cotton who was long at Tanjore, where the iron is, and
I have written to him.
_August 22._
The Russians have taken Erzeroum, and have quite dispersed the Turkish army
in Asia. Every success of theirs in that quarter makes my heart bleed. I
consider it a victory gained over me, as Asia is _mine_.
_August 28._
The 'Courier' of last night throws doubts on the reported victory of
Kirkhilissa. The Sultan is said to be now ready to treat. The plague is in
the Russian army, and in the country before them. Had a long conversation
with Hardinge on Indian affairs.
_August 29._
Read a letter from Mr. Cartwright, the Consul at Constantinople, dated the
9th. The loss of Erzeroum is to be attributed to the Janizaries. In all
Asia they seem to be rising. The Russians are not expected to advance till
they are joined by 15,000 men, coming by sea. Thus our fleet would have
saved Constantinople.
Cabinet at half-past three. Before the Cabinet read Lord Heytesbury's and
Mr. Gordon's despatches. Lord Heytesbury seems to be a mere Russian.
_August 31._
Mr. Gordon describes the Turkish Empire as falling to pieces. The national
enthusiasm and religious feeling of the people seem to be gone. The Sultan
is unpopular. The populace of Adrianople desires the advance of the
Russians, so scandalous has been the conduct of the Asiatics. The Pacha of
Egypt gives no assistance, and thinks the weakness of the Porte constitutes
his strength. The people of Trebizond have invited Count Paskewitz.
Erzeroum was lost by the treachery of the Janizaries.
The Sultan has acceded to the Treaty of London. This accession is
qualified, but not in such a manner as to preclude negotiation. He has
consented to treat with Russia, to give freedom to the navigation of the
Black Sea, and to observe the Treaty of Akerman--but he stipulates for the
integrity of the Ottoman dominions in Europe and Asia. He has not, however,
sent Plenipotentiaries.
General Muffling, the Prussian, is arrived at Constantinople. He reports
the moderate views of the Emperor Nicholas, and states them.
The French Government, from the information it derived from its Minister at
Berlin, has instructed Count Guilleminot to declare to the Turks the terms
on which Russia will make peace. Russia requires the execution of the
Treaty of Akerman--indemnity--(but moderate) for the expenses of the war
and the losses sustained by her commerce, for which indemnity, as it seems,
she is willing to take Anapa.
She requires the free navigation of the Dardanelles for all nations. This
cession to be secured by treaty, not by territorial occupation.
The terms of the Turks are not very dissimilar; but as Count Diebitch has
orders to advance till preliminaries are signed, a catastrophe may take
place still.
Mr. Gordon managed to get a paper into the Sultan's own hands, which may
have led in some measure to this result. He naturally gave credit to the
information contained in the Despatches of Count Guilleminot, but the
French Government have no authority for their opinion as to the terms on
which Russia will make peace. No communication to that effect has been made
officially to them.
The French and Russian Ministers at the Conference said they could not act
on Mr. Gordon's letter, which is as yet uncorroborated by Count
Guilleminot. They could not yet act as if Turkey had acceded to the Treaty
of London.
The Russians would now declare the independence of Greece within the Gulfs
of Volo and Arta, and they wanted Aberdeen to take that instead of the
treaty. He thought he could get them to declare the independence of Greece
_within the Morea_--that they would be satisfied with that, and that, if
they would, we had better secure that for the Turks now, than run the risk
of the event of war and of the extension which might be given to the terms
which might be forced upon them under the Treaty of London.
However, even admitting that the Russians would be content with the
independence of Greece within the Morea (with Attica, [Footnote: Attica was
still held by the Turks, having been reconquered after its first occupation
by the Greeks.] by-the-bye), it was the opinion of the Duke and of every
one (but Aberdeen) that it would neither be generous nor honourable to
force upon the Turks in their distress terms which _they_, attaching much
value to the _suzeraineté_, might think less favourable than what they
might obtain under the Treaty of London, and that we should be drawing
ourselves into the embarrassment of what would be practically a new treaty
at the moment that we were beginning to entertain hopes of getting out of
that which had so long harassed us.
Upon the whole, I think the aspect of Eastern affairs is better than it has
been since we have been a Government.
Diebitch is said to have 35,000 men, and a reserve of 40,000. I doubt the
reserve being so strong. The 15,000 from Sebastopol have joined.
Paskewitz is made Grand Cross of St. George.
Diebitch will be so, of course.
The King, Peel said, is very blind. He has lost the sight of one eye. The
Duke said when he was at Windsor last, the King was particularly civil to
him, and Peel and the Duke were both of opinion that the King would be most
cordial with the Government if the Duke of Cumberland were away, and was
now more so than could be expected under his influence.
Aberdeen seems to have written the letter to Stuart, and Stuart to have
communicated it to Prince Polignac. Stuart's idea is that Polignac has had
too much to do in fixing himself to think much of foreign politics. He
expressed himself, however, disposed to consult with England as to the
measures which should be adopted if Russia should break her engagements.
Several representations have been made to France for the withdrawing of the
French troops from the Morea--but hitherto without effect. These troops
keep the country quiet, and enable the whole force of the Greek State to
act offensively. Thus, assisted by French and Russian money, the Greeks
have acquired possession of everything within the Gulfs of Volo and Arta,
except the Island of Negropont.
_September 1, 1829._
Read with attention a paper of Courtney's on Leach's observations. Wrote
some memoranda upon it, which I shall send with it to the Duke, when I have
got from Shepheard a statement of the benefit derived by the territory from
the fixed rate of exchange. It is a valuable paper. I have written to thank
him for it, and to ask him to give me the result of his considerations on
the mode of transferring the Government of India from the Company to the
King, without materially increasing the patronage of the Crown; and
likewise the view he takes of the alterations it would be desirable to
introduce, if the Company should continue to govern India, in the powers of
the Board of Control and in its relations with the Court.
_September 3._
The Directors are much afraid of the Russians. So am I, and the Russians
begin to threaten us. They hint that they have open to them the route to
Bagdad, and they announce the presence in Petersburg of an Afghan Chief,
and of Ambassadors from Runjeet Singh.
I feel confident we shall have to fight the Russians on the Indus, and I
have long had a presentiment that I should meet them there, and gain a
great battle. All dreams, but I have had them a long time.
I have some idea of a secret letter to Bombay, directing the Government to
take possession of the Island of Karak, [Footnote: A small island in the
Persian Gulf to the north-west of Bushire.] and of any other tenable point
to seal the Euphrates, in the event of the Russians moving down.
Loch wants to dethrone Runjeet Singh!
_September 4, 1829._
Saw Colonel Willoughby Cotton, who commanded _en second_ in Ava. He has
lately visited, as Adjutant-General of King's troops, all the stations of
the army in Bengal. He says no army can be in finer order. Lord Combermere
has weeded all the old men. The regiments manoeuvre beautifully.
Lord C. wishes to have two King's regiments cantoned under the Himalaya
Mountains, where the climate is as good as in England.
Runjeet Singh has conquered Cabul and Cashmere. He has French officers at
the head of his infantry and cavalry, and about five others. His artillery
he keeps under his own family. He has of regular troops 30,000 infantry,
and 10,000 cavalry, about eighty guns. All these easily assembled near the
capital.
He is old, and when he dies his two sons are likely to quarrel and call us
in.
The two ex-Kings of Cabul are living at Ludeana on pensions. Zemaun Shah,
the blind King, and his brother, who was King in Mr. Elphinstone's time.
Colonel Cotton speaks most highly of the Madras troops. They are more
disposable than the Bengal troops, more free from prejudice of caste.
He regrets the reduction of the bodyguard which conducted itself nobly in
Ava. I like a guard, and I would have an infantry as well as a cavalry
guard, to be formed by picked men.
Colonel Willoughby Cotton says Colonel Skinner is about 55. His son is a
merchant, and goes every year into Cashmere for shawls. Skinner has still
about 1,300 men, and is quartered not far from Delhi. His people fire the
matchlock over the arm at full gallop, and with correct aim. They strike a
tent-peg out of the ground with their lances.
_September 5._
Received an answer from the Duke. He thinks the question of the six
regiments begins to be serious, as the Court throw upon the Government the
responsibility of running the risk of a mutiny in the army--desires to see
the paper, which I have sent him, and says it must go to the Cabinet.
I feel satisfied I am right. If the Cabinet give in to the Court, they
weaken my hands so much that I shall be unable to effect any great reform.
They make the Directors the real Ministers of India, and almost emancipate
the Indian Government. So I told the Duke in my letter.
_September 7._
Office. Saw Sir A. Campbell. He came to offer himself for a command in
India. I spoke to him of his papers respecting war with the Burmese. He
says large boats carrying 100 men could go up to Aeng, the troops need not
land at Ramree. He was never an advocate for a diversion at Rangoon, and
thinks they make too much fuss about the frontier of Munnipore.
Saw a Mr. Cotton, for a long time collector of Tanjore. He is against
introducing the Ryotwaree settlement into that country, and by his account
it seems very ill adapted to it, for according to him the Murassidars are
there really proprietors, and with them the settlement is now made for the
village.
I sent for him to tell me about the iron I had understood to be in the
neighbourhood of Tanjore; but there is none, it is at Satara. He seems a
sensible man, and I must see him again.
The Turks seem to have endeavoured to back out of their accession to the
Treaty of London, or rather to clog it with insuperable objections. But Mr.
Gordon has brought them back again, and on August 12 all was right, but no
Plenipotentiaries sent. The Russians were said to be moving on Adrianople.
They had not above 35,000 men. There is a very bad account from Smyrna of
the state of the population in Asia. In fact the Duke of Wellington's
prediction is fulfilled. The Turkish Empire is breaking to pieces. By Lord
Heytesbury's account the Russians are very desirous of peace, and very
apprehensive that a popular tumult may put an end to the Sultan. It is
impossible to see the end of the calamities which would occur, complicated
as they would be, if such an event as the dissolution of the Turkish Empire
took place.
The new French Ministry is changing the municipalities. They hope to
succeed at the next elections. Lord Stuart considers M. de la Bourdonnaye
as the real head.
Polignac very prudently rests on his oars as to Greece, and properly
observes it is idle to make protocols here when the march of events may
have altogether changed the state of things before the protocols arrive.
_September 8._
Office at 11. Went to the Duke. He read to me a long letter he had written
on the question of the six regiments, in which he entered at length into
the state of the Indian army such as he knows it to be, and concludes in
favour of a revision of the line I had adopted with his approbation. He
said the Government of India was wrong--every line of the proposed letter
abstractedly right; but there was to be considered the expediency of
writing it.
I have written a letter to Lord W. Bentinck, stating confidentially the
grounds of the change of opinion as to the disbanding of the six extra
regiments. I added, 'However, such an event will not happen in your time,
nor I hope in mine,' or something to that effect.
_September 11._
Chairs at 11. Read to them the Duke's letter on the six regiments. Told
them I had written a private letter to Lord William to relieve his mind
from the censure intended for former Governments (a very small portion of
which is chargeable on him), and to caution him against similar errors.
Gave them the alteration I had intended to make in the draft respecting
pensions granted to King's soldiers enlisted into their army. They will
consider it.
_September 14._
Read the papers containing the correspondence with the local Governments
respecting the provision of stores in India. It is hardly credible, yet it
is true, that till within these few years the Medical Board indented upon
England for drugs which were produced in India! From Madras as late at 1827
they indented for file handles and blacksmiths' tongs! From Bombay in 1826
for wooden canteens and triangles! It is evident the local Governments have
never displayed any energy.
_September 16._
Received from the Duke his ideas on the subject of a campaign against Ava.
He would hold the great Dagon Temple at Rangoon, but only for the purpose
of having vessels in the river to co-operate with the army.
_September 17._
To-day has been an idle day. I have done nothing; but I have taken
exercise, and so acquired _health_, without which I cannot do business.
_September 20._
Met Mr. Conyngham of the Foreign Office. He told me the Turks were ready to
make the required concessions. Of the disposition of the Russians nothing
seems known. R. Gordon has of his own authority ordered up Sir Pulteney
Malcolm from Vourla to the Dardanelles. I suppose to carry away Englishmen
and their property in the event of an insurrection or of some terrible
catastrophe at Constantinople.
Lord Stuart, as I suspected, gives no opinion as to the probable result of
the political contest in France.