Discovery of a North-West Passage," by the Clerk of the _California_,
London, 1748], vol. ii. p. 260, that the musk-ox is lower than a deer,
but larger as to belly and quarters; which is very far from the truth;
they are of the size I have here described them, and the Indians always
estimate the flesh of a full-grown cow to be equal in quantity to three
deer. I am sorry also to be obliged to contradict my friend Mr. Graham,
who says that the flesh of this animal is carried on sledges to Prince
of Wales's Fort, to the amount of three or four thousand pounds
annually. To the amount of near one thousand pounds may have been
purchased from the natives in some particular years, but it more
frequently happens that not an ounce is brought one year out of five. In
fact, it is by no means esteemed by the Company's servants, and of
course no great encouragement is given to introduce it; but if it had
been otherwise, their general situation is so remote from the
settlement, that it would not be worth the Indians while to haul it to
the Fort. So that, in fact, all that has ever been carried to Prince of
Wales's Fort, has most assuredly been killed out of a herd that has been
accidentally found within a moderate distance of the settlement; perhaps
an hundred miles, which is only thought a step by an Indian.
[AK] Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 232.
[68] _Gulo luscus_ Linn. See p. 346.
[69] _Citellus parryi_ Richardson.--E. A. P.
[AL] This river runs nearly North East, and in all probability empties
itself into the Northern Ocean, not far from the Copper River.
[70] He reached the Coppermine River at Sandstone Rapids, having
travelled one hundred and forty-five miles north-westward from
Congecathawhachaga in thirteen days, making an average of eleven miles a
day, or, omitting the two days on which the party did not travel, an
average of thirteen miles a day. The distance stated in the text is one
hundred and eighty-eight miles. Considering the very rough nature of the
country over which he was travelling, this is not a very extravagant
estimate nor a very unreasonable error. While his estimate of distance
is not very bad, his direction should have been N. 58° W. instead of N.
23° W., as shown on his map. Mr. Frank Russell, who crossed the
Coppermine River in the spring of 1894 while on a hunt for musk oxen,
says that its present Chipewyan name is Tson Te ("Explorations in the
Far North," p. 112).
In 1821 Sir John Franklin explored and surveyed this river from Point
Lake to the Arctic Ocean, a distance of about two hundred and
seventy-five miles. Its length above Point Lake is not known, but it is
probably about two hundred miles. A short distance below Point Lake
Franklin says that it "is about two hundred yards wide and ten feet
deep, and flows very rapidly over a rocky bottom" ("First Journey," p.
327).
Sir John Richardson writes of the river farther north as follows: "The
river contracting to a width of a hundred and twenty yards at length
forces itself through the _Rocky Defile_, a narrow channel which it has
cut during a lapse of ages in the shelving foot of a hill" ("First
Journey," p. 527).
{145} CHAP. VI.
Transactions at the Copper-mine River, and till we joined all
the women to the South of Cogead Lake.
_Some Copper Indians join us--Indians send three spies down the
river--Begin my survey--Spies return, and give an account of
five tents of Esquimaux--Indians consult the best method to
steal on them in the night, and kill them while asleep--Cross
the river--Proceedings of the Indians as they advance towards
the Esquimaux tents--The Indians begin the massacre while the
poor Esquimaux are asleep, and slay them all--Much affected at
the sight of one young woman killed close to my feet--The
behaviour of the Indians on this occasion--Their brutish
treatment of the dead bodies--Seven more tents seen on the
opposite side of the river--The Indians harass them, till they
fly to a shoal in the river for safety--Behaviour of the Indians
after killing those Esquimaux--Cross the river, and proceed to
the tents on that side--Plunder their tents, and destroy their
utensils--Continue my survey to the river's mouth--Remarks
there--Set out on my return--Arrive at one of the
Coppermines--Remarks on it--Many attempts made to induce the
Copper Indians to carry their own goods to market--Obstacles to
it--Villany and cruelty of Keelshies to some of those poor
Indians--Leave the Copper-mine, and walk at an amazing rate till
we join the women, by the side of Cogead Whoie--Much
foot-foundered--The appearance very alarming, but soon changes
for the better--Proceed to the Southward, and join the remainder
of the women and children--Many other Indians arrive with them._
[Sidenote: 1771. July. 14th].
We had scarcely arrived at the Copper-mine River when four Copper
Indians joined us, and brought with them two canoes. They had seen all
the Indians who were sent from us at various times, except Matonabbee's
{146} brother, and three others that were first dispatched from
Congecathawhachaga.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
On my arrival here I was not a little surprised to find the river differ
so much from the description which the Indians had given of it at the
Factory; for, instead of being so large as to be navigable for shipping,
as it had been represented by them, it was at that part scarcely
navigable for an Indian canoe, being no more than one hundred and eighty
yards wide, every where full of shoals, and no less than three falls
were in sight at first view.
Near the water's edge there is some wood; but not one tree grows on or
near the top of the hills between which the river runs. There appears to
have been formerly a much greater quantity than there is at present; but
the trees seem to have been set on fire some years ago, and, in
consequence, there is at present ten sticks lying on the ground, for one
green one which is growing beside them. The whole timber appears to have
been, even in its greatest prosperity, of so crooked and dwarfish a
growth as to render it of little use for any purpose but fire-wood.
Soon after our arrival at the river-side, three Indians were sent off as
spies, in order to see if any Esquimaux were inhabiting the river-side
between us and the sea. After walking about three-quarters of a mile by
the side of the river, we put up, when most of the Indians went a {147}
hunting, and killed several musk-oxen and some deer. They were employed
all the remainder of the day and night in splitting and drying the meat
by the fire. As we were not then in want of provisions, and as deer and
other animals were so plentiful, that each day's journey might have
provided for itself, I was at a loss to account for this unusual
oeconomy of my companions; but was soon informed, that those
preparations were made with a view to have victuals enough ready-cooked
to serve us to the river's mouth, without being obliged to kill any in
our way, as the report of the guns, and the smoke of the fires, would be
liable to alarm the natives, if any should be near at hand, and give
them an opportunity of escaping.
[Sidenote: 1771. July. 15th.]
Early in the morning of the fifteenth, we set out, when I immediately
began my survey, which I continued about ten miles down the river, till
heavy rain coming on we were obliged to put up; and the place where we
lay that night was the end, or edge of the woods, the whole space
between it and the sea being entirely barren hills and wide open
marshes. In the course of this day's survey, I found the river as full
of shoals as the part which I had seen before; and in many places it was
so greatly diminished in its width, that in our way we passed by two
more capital falls.
[Sidenote: 16th.]
Early in the morning of the sixteenth, the weather being fine and
pleasant, I again proceeded with my survey, and continued it for ten
miles farther down the river; {148} but still found it the same as
before, being every where full of falls and shoals. At this time (it
being about noon) the three men who had been sent as spies met us on
their return, and informed my companions that five tents of Esquimaux
were on the west side of the river. The situation, they said, was very
convenient for surprising them; and, according to their account, I
judged it to be about twelve miles from the place we met the spies. When
the Indians received this intelligence, no farther attendance or
attention was paid to my survey, but their whole thoughts were
immediately engaged in planning the best method of attack, and how they
might steal on the poor Esquimaux the ensuing night, and kill them all
while asleep. To accomplish this bloody design more effectually, the
Indians thought it necessary to cross the river as soon as possible;
and, by the account of the spies, it appeared that no part was more
convenient for the purpose than that where we had met them, it being
there very smooth, and at a considerable distance from any fall.
Accordingly, after the Indians had put all their guns, spears, targets,
&c. in good order, we crossed the river, which took up some time.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
When we arrived on the West side of the river, each painted the front of
his target or shield; some with the figure of the Sun, others with that
of the Moon, several with different kinds of birds and beasts of prey,
and many with the images of imaginary beings, which, {149} according to
their silly notions, are the inhabitants of the different elements,
Earth, Sea, Air, &c.
On enquiring the reason of their doing so, I learned that each man
painted his shield with the image of that being on which he relied most
for success in the intended engagement. Some were contented with a
single representation; while others, doubtful, as I suppose, of the
quality and power of any single being, had their shields covered to the
very margin with a group of hieroglyphics, quite unintelligible to every
one except the painter. Indeed, from the hurry in which this business
was necessarily done, the want of every colour but red and black, and
the deficiency of skill in the artist, most of those paintings had more
the appearance of a number of accidental blotches, than "of any thing
that is on the earth, or in the water under the earth"; and though some
few of them conveyed a tolerable idea of the thing intended, yet even
these were many degrees worse than our country sign-paintings in
England.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
When this piece of superstition was completed, we began to advance
toward the Esquimaux tents; but were very careful to avoid crossing any
hills, or talking loud, for fear of being seen or overheard by the
inhabitants; by which means the distance was not only much greater than
it otherwise would have been, but, for the sake of keeping in the lowest
grounds, we were obliged to walk through {150} entire swamps of stiff
marly clay, sometimes up to the knees. Our course, however, on this
occasion, though very serpentine, was not altogether so remote from the
river as entirely to exclude me from a view of it the whole way: on the
contrary, several times (according to the situation of the ground) we
advanced so near it, as to give me an opportunity of convincing myself
that it was as unnavigable as it was in those parts which I had
surveyed before, and which entirely corresponded with the accounts
given of it by the spies.
It is perhaps worth remarking, that my crew, though an undisciplined
rabble, and by no means accustomed to war or command, seemingly acted on
this horrid occasion with the utmost uniformity of sentiment. There was
not among them the least altercation or separate opinion; all were
united in the general cause, and as ready to follow where Matonabbee
led, as he appeared to be ready to lead, according to the advice of an
old Copper Indian, who had joined us on our first arrival at the river
where this bloody business was first proposed.
Never was reciprocity of interest more generally regarded among a number
of people, than it was on the present occasion by my crew, for not one
was a moment in want of any thing that another could spare; and if ever
the spirit of disinterested friendship expanded the heart of a Northern
Indian, it was here exhibited in the most {151} extensive meaning of the
word. Property of every kind that could be of general use now ceased to
be private, and every one who had any thing which came under that
description, seemed proud of an opportunity of giving it, or lending it
to those who had none, or were most in want of it.
The number of my crew was so much greater than that which five tents
could contain, and the warlike manner in which they were equipped so
greatly superior to what could be expected of the poor Esquimaux, that
no less than a total massacre of every one of them was likely to be the
case, unless Providence should work a miracle for their deliverance.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
The land was so situated that we walked under cover of the rocks and
hills till we were within two hundred yards of the tents. There we lay
in ambush for some time, watching the motions of the Esquimaux; and here
the Indians would have advised me to stay till the fight was over, but
to this I could by no means consent; for I considered that when the
Esquimaux came to be surprised, they would try every way to escape, and
if they found me alone, not knowing me from an enemy, they would
probably proceed to violence against me when no person was near to
assist. For this reason I determined to accompany them, telling them at
the same time, that I would not have any hand in the murder they were
about to commit, {152} unless I found it necessary for my own safety.
The Indians were not displeased at this proposal; one of them
immediately fixed me a spear, and another lent me a broad bayonet for my
protection, but at that time I could not be provided with a target; nor
did I want to be encumbered with such an unnecessary piece of lumber.
While we lay in ambush, the Indians performed the last ceremonies which
were thought necessary before the engagement. These chiefly consisted in
painting their faces; some all black, some all red, and others with a
mixture of the two; and to prevent their hair from blowing into their
eyes, it was either tied before and behind, and on both sides, or else
cut short all round. The next thing they considered was to make
themselves as light as possible for running; which they did, by pulling
off their stockings, and either cutting off the sleeves of their
jackets, or rolling them up close to their armpits; and though the
muskettoes at that time were so numerous as to surpass all credibility,
yet some of the Indians actually pulled off their jackets and entered
the lists quite naked, except their breech-cloths and shoes. Fearing I
might have occasion to run with the rest, I thought it also advisable to
pull off my stockings and cap, and to tie my hair as close up as
possible.
[Sidenote: 17th.]
By the time the Indians had made themselves thus completely frightful,
it was near one o'clock in the {153} morning of the seventeenth; when
finding all the Esquimaux quiet in their tents, they rushed forth from
their ambuscade, and fell on the poor unsuspecting creatures,
unperceived till close at the very eves of their tents, when they soon
began the bloody massacre, while I stood neuter in the rear.
[Illustration: _From "Franklin's First Journey."_
BLOODY FALLS, COPPERMINE RIVER]
[Illustration: COPPER IMPLEMENTS FROM COPPERMINE RIVER]
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
In a few seconds the horrible scene commenced; it was shocking beyond
description; the poor unhappy victims were surprised in the midst of
their sleep, and had neither time nor power to make any resistance; men,
women, and children, in all upward of twenty, ran out of their tents
stark naked, and endeavoured to make their escape; but the Indians
having possession of all the land-side, to no place could they fly for
shelter. One alternative only remained, that of jumping into the river;
but, as none of them attempted it, they all fell a sacrifice to Indian
barbarity!
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
The shrieks and groans of the poor expiring wretches were truly
dreadful; and my horror was much increased at seeing a young girl,
seemingly about eighteen years of age, killed so near me, that when the
first spear was stuck into her side she fell down at my feet, and
twisted round my legs, so that it was with difficulty that I could
disengage myself from her dying grasps. As two Indian men pursued this
unfortunate victim, I solicited very hard for her life; but the
murderers made no reply till they had {154} stuck both their spears
through her body, and transfixed her to the ground. They then looked me
sternly in the face, and began to ridicule me, by asking if I wanted an
Esquimaux wife; and paid not the smallest regard to the shrieks and
agony of the poor wretch, who was twining round their spears like an
eel! Indeed, after receiving much abusive language from them on the
occasion, I was at length obliged to desire that they would be more
expeditious in dispatching their victim out of her misery, otherwise I
should be obliged, out of pity, to assist in the friendly office of
putting an end to the existence of a fellow-creature who was so cruelly
wounded. On this request being made, one of the Indians hastily drew his
spear from the place where it was first lodged, and pierced it through
her breast near the heart. The love of life, however, even in this most
miserable state, was so predominant, that though this might justly be
called the most merciful act that could be done for the poor creature,
it seemed to be unwelcome, for though much exhausted by pain and loss of
blood, she made several efforts to ward off the friendly blow. My
situation and the terror of my mind at beholding this butchery, cannot
easily be conceived, much less described; though I summed up all the
fortitude I was master of on the occasion, it was with difficulty that I
could refrain from tears; and I am confident that my features must have
feelingly expressed how sincerely I was affected at the barbarous scene
I then {155} witnessed; even at this hour I cannot reflect on the
transactions of that horrid day without shedding tears.
The brutish manner in which these savages used the bodies they had so
cruelly bereaved of life was so shocking, that it would be indecent to
describe it; particularly their curiosity in examining, and the remarks
they made, on the formation of the women; which, they pretended to say,
differed materially from that of their own. For my own part I must
acknowledge, that however favourable the opportunity for determining
that point might have been, yet my thoughts at the time were too much
agitated to admit of any such remarks; and I firmly believe, that had
there actually been as much difference between them as there is said to
be between the Hottentots and those of Europe, it would not have been in
my power to have marked the distinction. I have reason to think,
however, that there is no ground for the assertion; and really believe
that the declaration of the Indians on this occasion, was utterly void
of truth, and proceeded only from the implacable hatred they bore to the
whole tribe of people of whom I am speaking.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
When the Indians had completed the murder of the poor Esquimaux, seven
other tents on the East side of the river immediately engaged their
attention: very luckily, however, our canoes and baggage had been left
at a little distance up the river, so that they had no way of {156}
crossing to get at them. The river at this part being little more than
eighty yards wide, they began firing at them from the West side. The
poor Esquimaux on the opposite shore, though all up in arms, did not
attempt to abandon their tents; and they were so unacquainted with the
nature of fire-arms, that when the bullets struck the ground, they ran
in crowds to see what was sent them, and seemed anxious to examine all
the pieces of lead which they found flattened against the rocks. At
length one of the Esquimaux men was shot in the calf of his leg, which
put them in great confusion. They all immediately embarked in their
little canoes, and paddled to a shoal in the middle of the river, which
being somewhat more than a gun-shot from any part of the shore, put them
out of the reach of our barbarians.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
When the savages discovered that the surviving Esquimaux had gained the
shore above mentioned, the Northern Indians began to plunder the tents
of the deceased of all the copper utensils they could find; such as
hatchets, bayonets, knives, &c. after which they assembled on the top of
an adjacent high hill, and standing all in a cluster, so as to form a
solid circle, with their spears erect in the air, gave many shouts of
victory, constantly clashing their spears against each other, and
frequently calling out _tima! tima!_[AM] by way of derision to the poor
surviving {157} Esquimaux, who were standing on the shoal almost
knee-deep in water. After parading the hill for some time, it was agreed
to return up the river to the place where we had left our canoes and
baggage, which was about half a mile distant, and then to cross the
river again and plunder the seven tents on the East side. This
resolution was immediately put in force; and as ferrying across with
only three or four canoes[AN] took a considerable time, and as we were,
from the crookedness of the river and the form of the land, entirely
under cover, several of the poor surviving Esquimaux, thinking probably
that we were gone about our business, and meant to trouble them no more,
had returned from the shoal to their habitations. When we approached
their tents, which we did under cover of the rocks, we found them busily
employed tying up bundles. These the Indians seized with their usual
ferocity; on which, the Esquimaux having their canoes lying ready in the
water, immediately embarked, and all of them got safe to the former
shoal, except an old man, who was so intent on collecting his things,
that the Indians coming upon him before he could reach his canoe, he
fell a sacrifice to their fury: I verily believe not less than twenty
had a hand in his death, as his whole body was like a cullender. It is
here necessary to observe that the spies {158} when on the look-out,
could not see these seven tents, though close under them, as the bank,
on which they stood, stretched over them.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]
[Sidenote: 17th.]
It ought to have been mentioned in its proper place, that in making our
retreat up the river, after killing the Esquimaux on the West side, we
saw an old woman sitting by the side of the water, killing salmon,[71]
which lay at the foot of the fall as thick as a shoal of herrings.
Whether from the noise of the fall, or a natural defect in the old
woman's hearing, it is hard to determine, but certain it is, she had no
knowledge of the tragical scene which had been so lately transacted at
the tents, though she was not more than two hundred yards from the
place. When we first perceived her, she seemed perfectly at ease, and
was entirely surrounded with the produce of her labour. From her manner
of behaviour, and the appearance of her eyes, which were as red as
blood, it is more than probable that her sight was not very good; for
she scarcely discerned that the Indians were enemies, till they were
within twice the length of their spears of her. It was in vain that she
attempted to fly, for the wretches of my crew transfixed her to the
ground in a few seconds, and butchered her in the most savage manner.
There was scarcely a man among them who had not a thrust at her with his
spear; and many in doing this, aimed at torture, rather than immediate
death, as they not only poked out her eyes, {159} but stabbed her in
many parts very remote from those which are vital.
[Sidenote: 1771. July.]