the setting in of the second Winter their number was reduced to twenty.
That Winter (one thousand seven hundred and twenty) some of the
Esquimaux took up their abode on the opposite side of the harbour to
that on which the English had built their houses,[E] and {xxxi}
frequently supplied them with such provisions as they had, which chiefly
consisted of whale's blubber and seal's flesh and train oil. When the
Spring advanced, the Esquimaux went to the continent, and on their
visiting Marble Island again, in the Summer of one thousand seven
hundred and twenty-one, they only found five of the English alive, and
those were in such distress for provisions that they eagerly eat the
seal's flesh and whale's blubber quite raw, as they purchased it from
the natives. This disordered them so much, that three of them died in a
few days, and the other two, though very weak, made a shift to bury
them. Those two survived many days after the rest, and frequently went
to the top of an adjacent rock, and earnestly looked to the South and
East, as if in expectation of some vessels coming to their relief. After
continuing there a considerable time together, and nothing appearing in
sight, they sat down close together, and wept bitterly. At length one of
the two died, and the other's strength was so far exhausted, that he
fell down and died also, in attempting to dig a grave for his companion.
The {xxxii} sculls and other large bones of those two men are now lying
above-ground close to the house. The longest liver was, according to the
Esquimaux account, always employed in working of iron into implements
for them; probably he was the armourer, or smith.
Some Northern Indians who came to trade at Prince of Wales's Fort in the
Spring of the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight, brought
farther accounts of the grand river, as it was called, and also several
pieces of copper, as samples of the produce of the mine near it; which
determined Mr. Norton, who was then Governor at Churchill, to represent
it to the Company as an affair worthy of their attention; and as he went
that year to England, he had an opportunity of laying all the
information he had received before the Board, with his opinion thereon,
and the plan which he thought most likely to succeed in the discovery of
those mines. In consequence of Mr. Norton's representations, the
Committee resolved to send an intelligent person by land to observe the
longitude and latitude of the river's mouth, to make a chart of the
country he might walk through, with such remarks as occurred to him
during the Journey; when I was pitched on as a proper person to conduct
the expedition. By the ship that went to Churchill in the Summer of one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine, the Company sent out some
astronomical instruments, very portable, and fit for such observations
as they required me {xxxiii} to make, and at the same time requested me
to undertake the Journey, promising to allow me at my return, a gratuity
proportionable to the trouble and fatigue I might undergo in the
expedition.[F]
{xxxiv} I did not hesitate to comply with the request of the Company,
and in the November following, when some Northern Indians came to trade,
Mr. Norton, who was then returned to the command of Prince of Wales's
Fort, engaged such of them for my guides as he thought were most likely
to answer the purpose; but none of them had been at this grand river. I
was fitted out with everything thought necessary, and with ammunition to
serve two years. I was to be accompanied by two of the Company's
servants, two of the Home-guard[G] (Southern) Indians, {xxxv} and a
sufficient number of Northern Indians to carry and haul my baggage,
provide for me, &c. But for the better stating this arrangement, it will
not be improper to insert my Instructions, which, with some occasional
remarks thereon, will throw much light on the following Journal, and be
the best method of proving how far those orders have been complied with,
as well as shew my reasons for neglecting some parts as unnecessary, and
the impossibility of putting other parts of them in execution.
"ORDERS _and_ INSTRUCTIONS _for_ Mr. SAMUEL HEARNE, _going on an
Expedition by Land towards the Latitude 70° North, in order to
gain a Knowledge of the Northern Indians Country, &c. on Behalf
of the Honourable Hudson's Bay Company, in the Year 1769_.
"Mr. SAMUEL HEARNE,
"SIR,
"Whereas the Honourable Hudson's Bay Company have been informed
by the report from Indians, that there is a great probability of
considerable advantages to be expected from a better knowledge
of their country by us, than what hitherto has been obtained;
and as it is the Company's earnest desire to embrace every
circumstance that may tend to the benefit of the said Company,
or the Nation at large, they have requested you to conduct this
Expedition; and as you {xxxvi} have readily consented to
undertake the present Journey, you are hereby desired to proceed
as soon as possible, with William Isbester sailor, and Thomas
Merriman landsman, as companions, they both being willing to
accompany you; also two of the Home-guard Southern Indians, who
are to attend and assist you during the Journey; and Captain
Chawchinahaw, his Lieutenant Nabyah, and six or eight of the
best Northern Indians we can procure, with a small part of their
families, are to conduct you, provide for you, and assist you
and your companions in every thing that lays in their power,
having particular orders so to do.
"2dly, Whereas you and your companions are well fitted-out with
every thing we think necessary, as also a sample of light
trading goods; these you are to dispose of by way of presents
(and not by way of trade) to such far-off Indians as you may
meet with, and to smoke your Calimut[H] of Peace with their
leaders, in order to establish a friendship with them. You are
also to persuade them as much as possible from going to war with
each other, to encourage them to exert themselves in procuring
furrs and other articles for trade, and to assure them of good
payment for them at the Company's Factory.
"It is sincerely recommended to you and your companions to treat
the natives with civility, so as not to give {xxxvii} them any
room for complaint or disgust, as they have strict orders not to
give you the least offence, but are to aid and assist you in any
matter you may request of them for the benefit of the
undertaking.
"If any Indians you may meet, that are coming to the Fort,
should be willing to trust you with either food or clothing,
make your agreement for those commodities, and by them send me a
letter, specifying the quantity of each article, and they shall
be paid according to your agreement. And, according to the
Company's orders, you are to correspond with me, or the Chief at
Prince of Wales's Fort for the time being, at all opportunities:
And as you have mathematical instruments with you, you are to
send me, or the Chief for the time being, an account of what
latitude and longitude you may be in at such and such periods,
together with the heads of your proceedings; which accounts are
to be remitted to the Company by the return of their ships.[I]
"3dly, The Indians who are now appointed your guides, are to
conduct you to the borders of the Athapuscow[J] Indians country,
where Captain Matonabbee {xxxviii} is to meet you[K] in the
Spring of one thousand seven hundred and seventy, in order to
conduct you to a river represented by the Indians to abound with
copper ore, animals of the furr kind, &c., and which is said to
be so far to the Northward, that in the middle of the Summer the
Sun does not set, and is supposed by the Indians to empty itself
into some ocean. This river, which is called by the Northern
Indians Neetha-san-san-dazey, or the Far Off Metal River, you
are, if possible, to trace to the mouth, and there determine the
latitude and longitude as near as you can; but more particularly
so if you find it navigable, and that a settlement can be made
there with any degree of safety, or benefit to the Company.
"Be careful to observe what mines are near the river, what water
there is at the river's mouth, how far the woods are from the
sea-side, the course of the river, the nature of the soil, and
the productions of it; and make any other remarks that you may
think will be either necessary or satisfactory. And if the said
river be likely to be of any utility, take possession of it on
behalf of the Hudson's Bay Company, by cutting your {xxxix} name
on some of the rocks, as also the date of the year, month,
&c.[L]
"When you attempt to trace this or any other river, be careful
that the Indians are furnished with a sufficient number of
canoes for trying the depth of water, the strength of the
current, &c. If by any unforeseen accident or disaster you
should not be able to reach the before-mentioned river, it is
earnestly recommended to you, if possible, to know the event of
Wager Strait;[M] for it is represented by the last discoverers
to terminate in small rivers and lakes. See how far the woods
are from the navigable parts of it; and whether a settlement
could with any propriety be made there. If this should prove
unworthy of notice, you are to take the same method with Baker's
Lake, which is the head of {xl} Bowden's or Chesterfield's
Inlet;[N] as also with any other rivers you may meet with; and
if likely to be of any utility, you are to take possession of
them, as before mentioned, on the behalf of the Honourable
Hudson's Bay Company. The draft of Bowden's Inlet and Wager
Strait I send with you, that you may have a better idea of those
places, in case of your visiting them.
"4thly, Another material point which is recommended to you, is
to find out, if you can, either by your own travels, or by
information from the Indians, whether there is a passage through
this continent.[O] It will be {xli} very useful to clear up this
point, if possible, in order to prevent farther doubts from
arising hereafter respecting a passage out of Hudson's Bay[P]
into the Western Ocean, as hath lately been represented by the
American Traveller. The particulars of those remarks you are to
insert in your Journal, to be remitted home to the Company.
"If you should want any supplies of ammunition, or other
necessaries, dispatch some trusty Indians to the Fort with a
letter, specifying the quantity of each article, and appoint a
place for the said Indians to meet you again.
"When on your return, if at a proper time of the year, and you
should be near any of the harbours that are frequented by the
brigantine _Charlotte_, or the sloop _Churchill_, during their
voyage to the Northward, and you should chuse to return in one
of them, you are desired to make frequent smokes as you approach
those harbours, and they will endeavour to receive you by making
smokes in answer to yours; and as one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-one will probably be the year in which you will return,
the Masters of those vessels at that period shall have
particular orders on that head.
{xlii} "It will be pleasing to hear by the first opportunity, in
what latitude and longitude you meet the Leader Matonabbee, and
how far he thinks it is to the Coppermine River, as also the
probable time it may take before you can return. But in case any
thing should prevent the said Leader from joining you, according
to expectation, you are then to procure the best Indians you can
for your guides, and either add to, or diminish, your number, as
you may from time to time think most necessary for the good of
the expedition.
"So I conclude, wishing you and your companions a continuance of
health, together with a prosperous Journey, and a happy return
in safety. Amen.
"MOSES NORTON, Governor.
"Dated at Prince of Wales's Fort, Churchill River, Hudson's
"Bay, North America, November 6th, 1769."
Isbester and Merriman, mentioned in my Instructions, actually
accompanied me during my first short attempt; but the Indians knowing
them to be but common men, used them so indifferently, particularly in
scarce times, that I was under some apprehensions of their being starved
to death, and I thought myself exceedingly happy when I got them safe
back to the Factory. This extraordinary behaviour of the Indians made me
determine not to take any Europeans with me on my two last expeditions.
{xliii} With regard to that part of my Instructions which directs me to
observe the nature of the soil, the productions thereof, &c., it must be
observed, that during the whole time of my absence from the Fort, I was
invariably confined to stony hills and barren plains all the Summer, and
before we approached the woods in the Fall of the year, the ground was
always covered with snow to a considerable depth; so that I never had an
opportunity of seeing any of the small plants and shrubs to the
Westward. But from appearances, and the slow and dwarfy growth of the
woods, &c. (except in the Athapuscow country), there is undoubtedly a
greater scarcity of vegetable productions than at the Company's most
Northern Settlement; and to the Eastward of the woods, on the barren
grounds, whether hills or vallies, there is a total want of herbage
except moss, on which the deer feed; a few dwarf willows creep among the
moss; some wish-a-capucca and a little grass may be seen here and there,
but the latter is scarcely sufficient to serve the geese and other birds
of passage during their short stay in those parts, though they are
always in a state of migration, except when they are breeding and in a
moulting state.
In consequence of my complying with the Company's request, and
undertaking this Journey, it is natural to suppose that every necessary
arrangement was made for the easier keeping of my reckoning, &c., under
the many inconveniences I must be unavoidably obliged to labour in such
an expedition. I drew a Map on a large skin of parchment, that contained
twelve degrees of latitude {xliv} North, and thirty degrees of longitude
West, of Churchill Factory, and sketched all the West coast of the Bay
on it, but left the interior parts blank, to be filled up during my
Journey. I also prepared detached pieces on a much larger scale for
every degree of latitude and longitude contained in the large Map. On
those detached pieces I pricked off my daily courses and distance, and
entered all lakes and rivers, &c., that I met with; endeavouring, by a
strict enquiry of the natives, to find out the communication of one
river with another, as also their connections with the many lakes with
which that country abounds: and when opportunity offered, having
corrected them by observations, I entered them in the general Map. These
and several other necessary preparations, for the easier, readier, and
more correctly keeping my Journal and Chart, were also adopted; but as
to myself, little was required to be done, as the nature of travelling
long journies in those countries will never admit of carrying even the
most common article of clothing; so that the traveller is obliged to
depend on the country he passes through, for that article, as well as
for provisions. Ammunition, useful iron-work, some tobacco, a few
knives, and other indispensable articles, make a sufficient load for any
one to carry that is going a journey likely to last twenty months, or
two years. As that was the case, I only took the shirt and clothes I
then had on, one spare coat, a pair of drawers, and as much cloth as
would make me two or three pair of Indian stockings, which, together
with a blanket for bedding, composed the whole of my stock of clothing.
FOOTNOTES:
[13] John Bean was master of the Company's sloop trading to Knapp's Bay
and Whale Cove in 1756 and subsequent years, but no more is known of
him. Captain Christopher was sent from Churchill in 1761 to examine
Chesterfield Inlet, and during that and the following years he explored
it to the head of Baker Lake. Magnus Johnson explored Rankin Inlet in
1764. Captain Duncan in 1791 explored Corbett's Inlet, and in the
following year made a re-examination of Chesterfield Inlet, and ascended
a short distance up Dubawnt River.
[14] "An Account of the Countries adjoining to Hudson's Bay." By Arthur
Dobbs. London, 1774.
"A Voyage to Hudson's Bay by the _Dobbs Galley_ and _California_ in the
Years 1746 and 1747." By Henry Ellis. London, 1748.
"An Account of Six Years' Residence in Hudson's Bay." By Joseph Robson.
London, 1752.
"An Account of a Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage
Performed in the Years 1746 and 1747," 2 vols. By the Clerk of the
_California_ [T. S. Dragge]. London, 1748.
"The American Traveller." By an Old and Experienced Trader [Alexander
Cluny], London, 1769.
[B] Since the above was written, a Mr. Umfreville has published an
account of Hudson's Bay, with the same ill-nature as the former Authors;
and for no other reason than that of being disappointed in succeeding to
a command in the Bay, though there was no vacancy for him.[15]
[15] Umfreville states (p. 3) that he entered the service of the
Hudson's Bay Company in the capacity of writer at the salary of £15 a
year, and continued in that employ eleven years. But some disagreement
arising in point of salary he quitted the service. ("The Present State
of Hudson's Bay." By Edward Umfreville. London, 1790.)
[C] American Traveller, p. 23.[17]
[16] As Hearne's latitudes of the Coppermine River are much too far
north, this should be changed to read "the sixty-seventh degree of
latitude."
[17] The American Traveller is speaking of the possibility of opening up
a trade in copper, and he says that in 1744 he discovered several large
lumps of copper, but he doubtless meant that he was shown it by the
natives, or found it with them.
[D] Captain Barlow was Governor at Albany Fort when the French went over
land from Canada to besiege it in 1704. The Canadians and their Indian
guides lurked in the neighbourhood of Albany for several days before
they made the attack, and killed many of the cattle that were grazing in
the marshes. A faithful Home-Indian, who was on a hunting excursion,
discovering those strangers, and supposing them to be enemies,
immediately returned to the Fort, and informed the Governor of the
circumstance, who gave little credit to it. However, every measure was
taken for the defence of the Fort, and orders were given to the Master
of a sloop that lay at some distance, to come to the Fort with all
possible expedition on hearing a gun fired.
Accordingly, in the middle of the night, or rather in the morning, the
French came before the Fort, marched up to the gate, and demanded
entrance. Mr. Barlow, who was then on the watch, told them that the
Governor was asleep, but he would get the keys immediately. The French,
hearing this, expected no opposition, and flocked up to the gate as
close as they could stand. Barlow took the advantage of this
opportunity, and instead of opening the gate, only opened two port
holes, where two six-pounders stood loaded with grape shot, which were
instantly fired. This discharge killed great numbers of the French, and
among them the Commander, who was an Irishman.
Such an unexpected reception made the remainder retire with great
precipitation; and the Master of the sloop hearing the guns, made the
best of his way up to the Fort; but some of the French who lay concealed
under the banks of the river killed him, and all the boat's crew.
The French retired from this place with reluctance; for some of them
were heard shooting in the neighbourhood of the Fort ten days after they
were repulsed; and one man in particular walked up and down the platform
leading from the gate of the Fort to the Launch for a whole day. Mr.
Fullarton, who was then Governor at Albany, spoke to him in French, and
offered him kind quarters if he chose to accept them; but to those
proposals he made no reply, and only shook his head. Mr. Fullarton then
told him, that unless he would resign himself up as a prisoner, he would
most assuredly shoot him; on which the man advanced nearer the Fort, and
Mr. Fullarton shot him out of his chamber window. Perhaps the hardships
this poor man expected to encounter in his return to Canada, made him
prefer death; but his refusing to receive quarter from so humane and
generous an enemy as the English, is astonishing.
[E] I have seen the remains of those houses several times; they are on
the West side of the harbour, and in all probability will be discernible
for many years to come.
It is rather surprising, that neither Middleton, Ellis, Christopher,
Johnston, nor Garbet, who have all of them been at Marble Island, and
some of them often, ever discovered this harbour; particularly the
last-mentioned gentleman, who actually sailed quite round the island in
a very fine pleasant day in the Summer of 1766. But this discovery was
reserved for a Mr. Joseph Stephens! a man of the least merit I ever
knew, though he then had the command of a vessel called the _Success_,
employed in the whale-fishery; and in the year 1769, had the command of
the _Charlotte_ given to him, a fine brig of one hundred tons; when I
was his mate.
[F] The conditions offered me on this occasion cannot be better
expressed than in the Company's own words, which I have transcribed from
their private letter to me, dated 25th May 1769:
"From the good opinion we entertain of you, and Mr. Norton's
recommendation, we have agreed to raise your wages to £----[18] _per
annum_ for two years, and have placed you in our Council at Prince of
Wales's Fort; and we should have been ready to advance you to the
command of the _Charlotte_, according to your request, if a matter of
more immediate consequence had not intervened.
"Mr. Norton has proposed an inland Journey, far to the North of
Churchill, to promote an extension of our trade, as well as for the
discovery of a North West Passage, Copper Mines, &c.; and as an
undertaking of this nature requires the attention of a person capable of
taking an observation for determining the longitude and latitude, and
also distances, and the course of rivers and their depths, we have fixed
upon you (especially as it is represented to us to be your own
inclination) to conduct this Journey, with proper assistants.
"We therefore hope you will second our expectations in readily
performing this service, and upon your return we shall willingly make
you any acknowledgment suitable to your trouble therein.
"We highly approve of your going in the _Speedwell_, to assist on the
whale-fishery last year, and heartily wish you health and success in the
present expedition.
"We remain your loving Friends,
"BIBYE LAKE, Dep. Gov.
"JOHN ANTHONY MERLE.
"ROBERT MERRY.
"SAMUEL WEGG.
"JAMES WINTER LAKE.
"HERMAN BERENS.
"JOSEPH SPURREL.
"JAMES FITZ GERALD."
The Company had no sooner perused my Journals and Charts, than they
ordered a handsome sum to be placed to the credit of my account; and in
the two first paragraphs of their letter to me, dated 12th May 1773,
they express themselves in the following words:
"Mr. SAMUEL HEARNE,
"SIR,--Your letter of the 28th August last gave us the agreeable
pleasure to hear of your safe return to our Factory. Your
Journal, and the two charts you sent, sufficiently convince us
of your very judicious remarks.
"We have maturely considered your great assiduity in the various
accidents which occurred in your several Journies. We hereby
return you our grateful thanks; and to manifest our obligation
we have consented to allow you a gratuity of £----[19] for those
services."
As a farther proof of the Company's being perfectly satisfied with my
conduct while on that Journey, the Committee unanimously appointed me
Chief of Prince of Wales's Fort in the Summer of 1775; and Mr. Bibye
Lake, who was then Governor, and several others of the Committee,
honoured me with a regular correspondence as long as they lived.
[18] Stated by Beckles Willson to be £130.
[19] Stated by Beckles Willson to be £200.
[G] By the Home-guard Indians we are to understand certain of the
natives who are immediately employed under the protection of the
Company's servants, reside on the plantation, and are employed in
hunting for the Factory.[20]
[20] The Southern or Homeguard Indians here referred to were Crees, one
of the most numerous tribes of the Algonquian family. The Northern
Indians were Chipewyans, a tribe of the Tinné family.
[H] The Calimut is a long ornamented stem of a pipe, much in use among
all the tribes of Indians who know the use of tobacco. It is
particularly used in all cases of ceremony, either in making war or
peace; at all public entertainments, orations, &c.
[I] No convenient opportunity offered during my last Journey, except
one, on the 22d March 1771; and as nothing material had happened during
that part of my Journey, I thought there was not any necessity for
sending an extract of my Journal; I therefore only sent a Letter to the
Governor, informing him of my situation with respect to latitude and
longitude, and some account of the usage which I received from the
natives, &c.
[J] By mistake in my former Journal and Draft called Arathapefcow.