supposedly wonderful bravery and efficiency, because a few hundred of
them, scattered thinly through a score of towns, have been able
apparently to overawe many thousands of strikers. But the credit is
undeserved. In strikes they always form, in point of actual weight, an
insignificant part of the armed forces arrayed against the strikers. For
instance, in a steel town, during the strike, there would usually be a
dozen or so State Police and from 3,000 to 4,000 deputy sheriffs,
company police, etc. The latter classes of gunmen make up the body of
the real repressive force; the State Police are merely raiders. It is
their particularly dirty job to harass the enemy; to break the strike
by scientifically bulldozing the strikers in their homes and on the
streets. Thus they are thrown into the limelight, while the company
thugs remain in comparative obscurity.
The State Police feel reasonably sure of their skins when carrying on
their calculated campaigns of terrorism, for behind them are large
numbers of armed guards of various sorts ready to spring to their
support at an instant's notice, should the workers dare to resist them.
Besides, they know they have _carte blanche_ to commit the greatest
excesses, since the highest state officials, not to speak of local
courts and other authorities, give them undivided support. They are
above the law, when the rights of the workers are concerned. Moreover,
they realize fully that they can depend upon trade-union leaders to hold
the strikers in check from adopting measures of retaliation. Few of them
are hurt during their depredations. Once in a while, however, they drive
their victims to desperation and get themselves into trouble.
For example, a few days after a fight in Farrell, Pa., that cost the
strikers two dead and a dozen seriously wounded, the local secretary
there, S. Coates, was on his way to Ohio to hold a meeting, when the
delivery truck upon which he was riding overturned, rendering him
unconscious. He woke up in a Sharon hospital. The six beds adjoining his
were occupied by Cossacks, injured in the riot started by themselves in
Farrell. The public knew nothing of their injuries, it being the regular
thing to suppress such facts, in order to surround the dreaded Cossacks
with a reputation for invulnerability. The way the latter "get even"
for their casualties is to victimize and outrage as many workers as they
think necessary to balance the score. But such methods cannot go on
indefinitely. It will be marvellous, indeed, if some day the State
Constabulary, with their policy of deliberate intimidation, are not the
means of causing riots such as this country has not yet experienced in
labor disputes. Not always will the unions be able to hold their men as
steady in the face of brutal provocation as they did in the recent steel
strike.
Hand in glove with the Cossacks in their work of terrorizing
Pennsylvania's steel towns went the less skilful but equally vicious
company police, gunmen, deputy sheriffs, etc., many of whom, ex-service
men, disgraced their uniforms by wearing them on strike duty. Nor were
the city police, save for a few honorable exceptions here and there,
appreciably better. As for the police magistrates, almost to a man they
seconded unquestioningly the work of the sluggers. In fact, all the
forces of "law and order" in Western Pennsylvania, official and
unofficial, worked together like so many machines--in the interest of
their powerful master, the Steel Trust.
Many of the armed guards were murderous criminals; penitentiary birds
scraped together from the slums of the great cities to uphold Garyism by
crushing real Americanism. They took advantage of the strike situation
and the authority vested in them to indulge in an orgy of robbery and
thievery. Dressed in United States army uniforms and wearing deputies'
badges, they even robbed strikers in broad daylight on the main
streets. And if the latter dared to protest they were lucky not to be
beaten up, jailed and fined for disorderly conduct. The strike
committees have records of many such cases. And worse yet, more than one
striker was robbed while he was in jail. Liberty bonds and cash
disappeared frequently. To lose watches, knives, etc., was a common
occurrence.
Picketing was out of the question, although, like many other liberties
denied the steel strikers, it is theoretically permitted under the laws
and court rulings of Pennsylvania. Strikers foolhardy enough to attempt
it were usually slugged and arrested. Even the right to strike was
virtually overthrown. The practice was for several company and city
police, without warrants, to seek a man in his home, crowd in and demand
his return to work. Upon refusal he would be arrested and fined from $25
to $100 for disorderly conduct. Then he would be offered his money back,
if he would agree to be a scab. This happened not once, but scores, if
not hundreds of times. Like practices were engaged in almost everywhere.
In Monessen State Police and other "peace officers" would regularly
round up batches of strikers before the mill gates. Those that agreed to
go to work were set free; the rest were jailed. Many were kept overnight
in an old, unlighted building and threatened from time to time with
hanging in the morning, if they would not become scabs. This was
particularly terrifying, as the strikers, mainly foreigners knowing
little of their supposed legal rights, had very good reason to think
that State Police, as well as armed thugs, would go to any extreme
against them. In Pittsburgh itself, the decisive question asked petty
prisoners in the police courts was, "Are you working?" Those who could
show that they were strike-breakers were released forthwith; while those
who admitted being on strike were usually found guilty without further
questioning. Throughout the whole district, to be a scab was to be a
peaceable, law abiding citizen; to be a striker was criminal.
The courts put every obstacle in the way of the strikers getting
justice. In those towns where it was possible to get lawyers at all no
courtesies were extended the representatives of the men. They were
denied the right of cross-examination; could not get the necessary
papers for appeals, and in some cases were actually ordered out of
court. Attorney Roe was arrested in McKeesport for attempting to confer
with a dozen of his clients in a private hall. The strikers were held
under excessive bail and fined shamefully for trivial charges, to
disprove which they were often denied the right to produce witnesses.
The following quotations from a report by J. G. Brown, formerly
president of the International Union of Timber Workers, who was a
general organizer in the Pittsburgh district and later director of the
legal department of the National Committee, will give an indication of
the situation and some of the reasons therefor:
... The next day came the strike. The jails swarmed with
arrested strikers. This was especially true in the Soho
district of Pittsburgh, where are located the main entrances
of the National Tube Works, and the Jones and Laughlin
Company's plants. In the afternoon two organizers who were
walking down the street in this section were taken to jail,
held without bail on charges of being "suspicious persons."
Information was given to us that only the Supt. of Police
had authority to fix bail. He could not be located. Indeed,
that these men were arrested at all was learned only through
the newspapers. They were not allowed to communicate with
their friends or attorneys. Attorney Brennan eventually
found the Chief of Police and went bail for the men.
Deciding to utilize the right of picketing, which the laws
of the state permit, a group of men were chosen for this
work, captains assigned and stationed at the entrances of
the mills in Soho. No sooner had they arrived there than
they were hustled right on to jail, which was already filled
to overflowing. Many were convicted on disorderly conduct
charges; others were warned of dire things in store for
them, and all were advised to return to their work in the
mills.
Many women and young girls were among the victims of police
brutalities in the Soho district. Located in this section
were only city policemen; the State Constabulary did not
"work" much within the city limits. Much wonder was created
by the undiminishing brutality of the Soho police. The
Central Labor Council of Pittsburgh tried to have the City
Council inaugurate an investigation of the shameful state of
affairs, but nothing could be done.
Shortly after the strike was called off the Pittsburgh
papers carried a story to the effect that the city policemen
working in the Soho district had been "paid" $150 each by
the National Tube Co. It was stated also that the same men
were paid a like amount by the Jones and Laughlin Company.
This explains, perhaps, why justice was so blind in this
section.
On the opposite side of the Monongahela river, where the
Jones and Laughlin Company has other immense works the
police were equally bad, the police magistrate even worse.
The Police Commissioner was boss of the situation. And now
come the Pittsburgh papers with the story that this very
Commissioner, Peter P. Walsh, has made application to be
retired from the Pittsburgh police force on half pay in
order that he might accept the appointment as chief of the
mill police of the Jones and Laughlin Company. The half pay
allowance gives, according to reports, $1800 per year. The
new position Mr. Walsh is to fill is popularly understood to
carry with it a salary of $5000 per year.... The Central
Labor Council is making an effort to have this matter
investigated, but without serious hope of success.
When a labor committee demanded that Mayor Babcock of Pittsburgh
investigate the situation, the honorable gentleman refused. He admitted
that the action of the steel companies was ill-advised; the money should
have been given to the pension fund, instead of to a few men; however,
the matter was now past history, and there was nothing to be added to
the fair name of Pittsburgh by airing it in public. The Mayor admitted,
though, that he would object to having labor unions raise funds to pay
policemen to favor them during strikes. So reason public officials in
the steel districts.
* * * * *
Suppression of the rights of free speech and free assembly; gigantic
organized campaigns of outlawry by the State Police and armies of
selected plug-uglies; subornation and intimidation of city, county,
state and federal officials and police; prostitution of the
courts--these are some of the means used to crush the strike of the
steel workers, and to force these over-worked, under-paid toilers still
deeper into the mire of slavery. And the whole monstrous crime was
hypocritically committed in the name of a militant, 100 per cent.
Americanism.
IX
EFFORTS AT SETTLEMENT
THE NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCE--THE SENATE COMMITTEE
--THE RED BOOK--THE MARGOLIS CASE--THE INTERCHURCH WORLD
MOVEMENT
Upon October 6 the National Industrial Conference opened its sessions in
Washington, D. C. This body was called together by President Wilson to
make an effort to solve the pressing labor difficulties confronting the
country, and was the one, pending whose deliberations the steel workers
had been asked to postpone their strike. It was a three-party
arrangement, Capital, Labor and the Public being represented. Naturally
it was only advisory in character; and under the rules adopted all
action taken, not relating merely to methods of procedure, had to have
the endorsement of all three sections, each of which voted as a unit in
accordance with the majority sentiment of its members.
The Conference met in the midst of a tense situation. The steel industry
was almost completely paralysed; the miners were just about to launch
their national general strike; the railroaders were in a foment of
discontent, and many other large and important sections of workers were
demanding better conditions. Capital and Labor were arrayed against
each other as never before. Both appeared determined to fight; Capital
in a bitter, revengeful spirit to oust Labor from the favorable position
won during the war, and Labor in a decided effort to hold what it had
and to make more winnings to offset the rapidly mounting cost of living.
The United States seemed upon the brink of an industrial war.
From the beginning the touchstone of the Conference, the measure by
which all its activities were gauged, was the steel strike. It was clear
that its attitude towards this great issue would settle its general
policy. This was felt by all parties to the Conference, even though some
hated the thought. The labor delegation, headed by Samuel Gompers,
precipitated matters by introducing, by previous arrangement with the
National Committee for Organizing Iron and Steel Workers, the following
resolution:
WHEREAS, The Nation-wide strike now in progress in
the steel industry of America affects not only the men and
women directly concerned, but tends to disturb the relations
between employers and workers throughout our industrial
life; and
WHEREAS, This conference is called for the purpose
of stabilizing industries and bringing into being a better
relation between employers and employees; and
WHEREAS, Organized Labor wishes to manifest its
sincere and fair desire to prove helpful in immediately
adjusting this pending grave industrial conflict; therefore,
be it,
RESOLVED, That each group comprising this
conference select two of its number and these six so
selected to constitute a committee to which shall be
referred existing differences between the workers and
employers in the steel industry for adjudication and
settlement. Pending the findings of this committee, this
conference requests the workers involved to return to work
and the employers to re-instate them in their former
positions.
This resolution provoked a storm of opposition from the reactionary
employers, who, headed by Mr. Gary (ironically seated with John D.
Rockefeller, Jr., as a representative of the Public) insisted that the
Conference ignore the steel strike situation altogether, its purpose
being, according to them, not the settlement of existing disputes, but
the formulation of principles and plans which would provide for the
prevention of such disputes in the future. Finally, seeing that if they
insisted upon their resolution it would wreck the Conference, the
workers held it in abeyance temporarily and submitted the following:
The right of wage earners to organize without
discrimination, to bargain collectively, to be represented
by representatives of their own choosing in negotiations and
adjustments with employers in respect to wages, hours of
labor and relations and conditions of employment, is
recognized.
Such a mild proposition as this would hardly meet with serious
opposition in a similar conference in any other important country than
ours. All over Europe it would be far too conservative to fit the
situation. In England, for example, the British Industrial Conference
recently adopted the following:
The basis of negotiation between employers and work people
should, as is presently the case in the chief industries of
the country, be the full, frank acceptance of the employers'
organizations on the one hand, and trade unions on the other
as the recognized organizations to speak and act on behalf
of their members.
And just across our border, in Canada, this advanced conception was
formulated but a few months before:
On the whole we believe the day has passed when any employer
should deny his employees the right to organize. Employers
claim that right for themselves and it is not denied by the
workers. There seems to be no reason why the employer should
deny like rights to those who are employed by him. Not only
should employees be accorded the right of organizing, but
the prudent employer will recognize such organization and
will deal with the duly accredited representatives thereof
in all matters relating to the interests of the employees
when it is fairly established to be representative of them
all.
But Mr. Gary and his associates care nothing about the reputation of
America as a progressive, liberty-loving country. They have their
prerogatives, and they intend to exercise them, cost what it may. They
organize as they see fit and pick out such representatives as they will;
but by virtue of their economic strength they deny to their workers
these same rights. So they voted down Labor's collective bargaining
resolution, and at the same time the one providing for a settlement of
the steel strike. The employers insisted upon absolute rule by
themselves.
This action discredited the Conference, and sentenced it to dissolution.
By its refusal to meet the great steel strike issue the Conference
showed that it had neither the will nor the power to settle industrial
disputes. Labor, openly denied the fundamental right of organization,
could no longer sit with it. The workers' representatives, therefore,
took the only honorable course left to them; they withdrew, allowing the
whole worthless structure to collapse. Said Mr. Gompers in his final
speech:
Gentlemen, I have sung my swan song in this conference. You
have, by your action--the action of the employers'
group--legislated us out of this conference. We have nothing
further to submit; and with a feeling of regret we have not
been enabled with a clear conscience to remain here longer.
We have responsibilities to employees and workers and those
dependent upon them. We must fulfill these obligations.
Thus ingloriously ended the Conference upon which the steel workers had
been asked to hang all their hopes. Even with powerful organizations
intact and with their industry almost entirely at a standstill, the
latter could get no consideration from it. What, then, would have been
their fate if they had postponed the strike? With their forces
shattered, half of their men being on strike and the rest at work
thoroughly disgusted, they would have been helpless and unable to strike
in any event. They would have been absolutely at the mercy of the
employers. And any one who may imagine that the latter would have done
anything short of giving the steel workers their _coup de grace_ at the
Conference is an optimist indeed. The steel strike was a clean fight
and an honorable defeat for Labor. Its bad effects will soon wear off.
But it would have been a ruinous calamity, with ineradicable harm, had
the strike been postponed for the sake of the ill-fated Industrial
Conference.
* * * * *
Pursuant to a resolution adopted by the Senate on September 23, in the
white heat of the strike excitement, the Committee on Education and
Labor was instructed to investigate the steel strike and to report back
to the Senate as soon as possible. Accordingly this Committee held
sittings in Washington and Pittsburgh, hearing about one hundred
witnesses all told. Its active members were Senators Kenyon (Chairman),
McKellar, Walsh (Mass.), Sterling and Phipps.
For the workers Samuel Gompers, John Fitzpatrick, M. F. Tighe and many
organizers and strikers testified, setting forth in detail the
grievances and demands of the men. For the steel companies came the
usual crop of strike-breakers and company officials, pliable city
authorities and business men from the steel towns. The star witness was
Judge Gary, who presented practically the entire case for the whole
steel industry. It is noteworthy that with the exception of one minor
hothead, the so-called "independents" made no defense before the
committee. They left it all to their master, the United States Steel
Corporation.
Mr. Gary was a good witness. Not for him were the antiquated blusterings
of a "divine-right" Baer or a "public-be-damned" Vanderbilt. He used the
modern method,--a mass of silky hypocrisies and misrepresentations for
the public, to cover up the mailed fist he has for his workers. He was
suave, oily, humble, obliging, persuasive, patriotic. He pictured the
steel industry as a sort of industrial heaven and the U. S. Steel
Corporation as a beneficent institution, leading even the trade-union
movement in reform work.
Inasmuch as Mr. Gary's peculiar notions of the "open shop," minority
rule by the unions, etc., set forth afresh by him at the strike
hearings, are discussed quite generally throughout this book, there is
no need to review them again here. We will note his testimony no more
than to give the facts of the death of Mrs. Fannie Sellins, of whose
murder he was so anxious to clear the Steel Trust.
Mrs. Fannie Sellins was an organizer for the United Mine Workers of
America, stationed in the notorious, anti-union Black Valley district
along the Allegheny river. An able speaker, and possessed of boundless
courage, energy, enthusiasm and idealism, she was a most effective
worker. Due largely to her efforts many thousands of miners and
miscellaneous workers in this hard district were organized. She was the
very heart of the local labor movement, which ranked second to none in
Pennsylvania for spirit and progress. When the steel campaign began,
Mrs. Sellins threw herself whole-heartedly into it. She worked
indefatigably. More than any other individual she was responsible for
the unionization of the big United States Steel Corporation mills at
Vandergrift, Leechburg and New Kensington, as well as those of the
so-called independent Allegheny and West Penn Steel Companies at
Brackenridge. The results secured by her will compare favorably with
those of any other organizer in the whole campaign.
By her splendid work in behalf of the toilers Mrs. Sellins gained the
undying hatred of the untamed employers in the benighted Black Valley
district. Open threats were made to "get" her. The opportunity came on
August 26, 1919, when she was deliberately murdered under the most
brutal circumstances.
The miners of the Allegheny Coal and Coke Company were on strike at West
Natrona. The mine is situated in the mill yard of the Allegheny Steel
Company and furnishes fuel for that concern. All was going peacefully
when a dozen drunken deputy sheriffs on strike duty, led by a mine
official, suddenly rushed the pickets, shooting as they came. Joseph
Strzelecki fell, mortally wounded. Mrs. Sellins, standing close by,
rushed first to get some children out of danger. Then she came back to
plead with the deputies, who were still clubbing the prostrate
Strzelecki, not to kill him. What happened then is told in the _New
Majority_ (Chicago) of September 20:
---- ----, the mine official, snatched a club and felled the
woman to the ground.
This was not on company ground, but just outside the fence
of a friend of Mrs. Sellins.
She rose and tried to drag herself toward the gate.
---- shouted: "Kill that -- -- -- -- -- --!"
Three shots were fired, each taking effect.
She fell to the ground, and ---- cried: "Give her another!"
One of the deputies, standing over the motionless and
silent body, held his gun down and, without averting his
face, fired into the body that did not move.
An auto truck, in waiting, was hurried to the scene and the
body of the old miner thrown in; then Mrs. Sellins was
dragged by the heels to the back of the car. Before she was
placed in the truck, a deputy took a cudgel and crushed in
her skull before the eyes of the throng of men, women and
children, who stood in powerless silence before the armed
men. Deputy ---- picked up the woman's hat, placed it on his
head, danced a step, and said to the crowd: "I'm Mrs.
Sellins now."
Thus perished noble Fannie Sellins: shot in the back by so-called peace
officers. And she 49 years old, a grandmother, and mother of a boy
killed in France, fighting to make the world safe for democracy.
Many people witnessed this horrible murder. The guilty men were named
openly in the newspapers and from a hundred platforms. Yet no one was
ever punished for the crime. Witnesses were spirited away or
intimidated, and the whole matter hushed up in true Steel Trust fashion.
A couple of deputies were arrested; but they were speedily released on
smaller bonds than those often set for strikers arrested for picketing.
Eventually they were freed altogether.
The killing of Mrs. Sellins, right in the teeth of the strike as it was,
lent much bitterness to the general situation. Rightly or wrongly, the
steel workers, almost to a man, felt that this devoted woman was a
martyr to their cause.
[Illustration: MRS. FANNIE SELLINS, TRADE UNION ORGANIZER