between Christianity and paganism. It was a bloody conflict for the
Christians; and yet, though they refrained from resisting evil with
material weapons, they conquered. Women in great numbers were again
faithful unto death. Some were for the time frightened from their
allegiance to Christ; for the pure precepts were becoming increasingly
diluted with worldliness as well as superstition. Among these women were
the wife and daughter of Diocletian, Prisca and Valeria. These had
become converts to the faith; but when the edict was published against
the Christians, they sacrificed to the traditional gods. It availed them
little, however; for they gained only a few years of most distressful
life at the cost of the martyr's crown. In the end the violent death
came to them without the honor, for in the year 314 Licinius caused them
to be beheaded and their bodies thrown into the sea. They had committed
no fault of which any evidence is left; and for several years they had
suffered from the loss of their property and from the hardships of
exile. Diocletian was still alive, but could render them no aid, as he
had abdicated the throne and was now busying himself solely in growing
vegetables. Licinius was mistakenly supposed to be a friend to
Christianity; Constantine had become its champion. But, as Victor Duruy
says: "Notwithstanding celestial visions and marvellous dreams, these
men were destitute of heart, and their faith, if they had any, was
without influence upon their conduct. Their cruelty was universally
commended; in reference to all these murders, the Christian preceptor of
a son of Constantine utters a cry of triumph. The inspiration of the
gentle Galilean Teacher was replaced by that of the implacable Jehovah
of the Mosaic law." The tables had turned; Christianity was now in
power; the heretofore persecuted soon set out on the way to become the
persecutors.
IV
SAINT HELENA AND THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE
At last we see Christianity triumphant. What has been an obscure but
hated and persecuted sect now becomes the dominant religion in the
Empire; the people who had hidden underground in the Catacombs are now
the favorites of the palace. It had been a conflict between spiritual
forces and carnal weapons, between patient propagandism and vindictive
conservatism; on one side, invincible missionary zeal joined with
undefensive submission, on the other, senseless misrepresentation and
cruel persecution. But what can overcome the idea for which men and
women are ready to die? It was a conflict in which, on the Christian
part, women were as well fitted to engage as were men. The exalted
purity of Christian maidens was as effective in setting at naught the
counsels of the ungodly as were the elaborate arguments of the
apologists; the blood of believing matrons was as fertile for the
increase of the Church as was that of bishops and presbyters. The
followers of Christ clung to the Cross and conquered.
At the same time, victory did not come without heavy loss to the Church.
In this loss, however, must not be reckoned the lives of the martyrs.
The men and women who sacrificed themselves to the Cause were considered
to have won thereby, not mere fame, but the enjoyment of celestial glory
in a conscious eternal life; and their death was always repaid to the
Church by an increase of a hundred-fold. But as the Church gained in
extension, it lost in intention. The organization, the religion, the
name won; but the spirit, the inner principles of Christianity lost. In
this sense the victory was much in the nature of a compromise.
Christianity became the faith of the Empire; but the Empire did not
adopt for its rule the pure precepts of Christ. Constantine's court
worshipped the Nazarene; but Constantine's conduct was not superior to
that of many of his heathen predecessors. The ancient religion was
superstitious, and it is not possible to contend that the religion of
Helena was free from that fault. The women of an older Rome were greatly
subject to frailties of the flesh, and like scandals were by no means
uncommon in the palaces of Christian emperors. It is not difficult to
match Agrippina and Poppæa in the history of Rome after the Council of
Nicæa. The religious revolution which took place in the world was much
more rapid in respect to theory than it was in practice.
This is the history of all evolutions of the ideal. The first
missionaries are exalted by their enthusiasm above common nature; they
soar to the clouds. The martyrs are not restrained by any of the ties of
various sorts which bind humanity; they despise the flesh. But their
converts partake of their spirit in a lesser degree; as these increase,
a growing proportion of them realize that for them life must continue to
be very much what it always has been. It is not possible for all to
maintain themselves in an intense and eager quest for the ideal. The
heroic leaders may attain the empyrean, but the multitude must drag on
the ground, thankful if at the most they can keep their feet; for, be
our ideals what they may, in reality the chief business of life is
living.
Again, as in all other movements, when the Church began to grow in
popularity, numbers came within her pale whose minds were more attracted
by her philosophy than their hearts were affected by her principles.
Consequently the Christians were early divided on matters of theological
opinion. There were all shades of variation in belief, and each
distinction of faith meant a sect more or less divided from the common
body of Christians. And it must be admitted that very quickly, even
before the fires of persecution had been quenched, there appeared that
bitterness which has always characterized and disgraced theological
differences in the Church. The leaders of orthodoxy began to deprecate
deviations from the common rule of faith with greater severity than they
did lapses from fundamental morality. The Church consequently lost much
of its pristine influence, which had been so successful in purifying the
lives of the Christians. Metaphysical dogmas were exalted at the expense
of holy deeds, and it became possible for corrupt rulers to be lauded as
defenders of the faith and for unchaste women to receive those
ecclesiastical privileges which formerly had been but grudgingly
restored to those who had done no more than burn a handful of incense on
the altar of Venus to save themselves from martyrdom.
In the letter of the bishops against Paul of Samosata, who was
Metropolitan of Antioch about the year 290, he is charged with conniving
at the institution of the _subintroduçtæ_,--that is, women who were
pledged to virginity and who yet were so intrepid as to take up their
abode in the houses of clergy who also professed celibacy. The idea of
this proceeding seems to have been that the constant presence of
temptation, which the people were supposed to believe was always
overcome, enhanced the victory achieved by these champions of purity.
The leaders of the Church, however, looked with disfavor upon this
hazardous method of demonstrating the power of the new religion; but
Paul of Samosata seems not only to have allowed this practice, but to
have been himself far from careful to avoid suspicious appearances. The
bishops, in their letter referred to above, complain thus: "We are not
ignorant how many have fallen or incurred suspicion through the women
whom they have thus brought in. So that, even if we should allow that he
commits no sinful act, yet he ought to avoid the suspicion which arises
from such a thing, lest he scandalize some one, or lead others to
imitate him. For how can he reprove or admonish another not to be too
familiar with women ... when he has sent one away already, and now has
two with him, blooming and beautiful, and takes them with him wherever
he goes." Paul was probably not so black as he was thus painted by his
enemies; especially is this likely, seeing that his patroness was
Zenobia, the queen of Palmyra, who was remarkably careful in her
conduct. But the point we wish to establish is found in the admission
made by the bishops that, since Paul was a heretic, they had no concern
about his conduct. In a note on this, Dr. McGiffert remarks: "We get
here a glimpse of the relative importance of orthodoxy and morality in
the minds of the Fathers. Had Paul been orthodox, they would have asked
him to explain his course, and would have endeavored to persuade him to
reform his conduct; but since he was a heretic it was not worth while.
It is noticeable that he is not condemned because he is immoral, but
because he is heretical. The implication is that he might have been even
worse than he was in his morals and yet no decisive steps taken against
him, had he not deviated from the orthodox faith." All this goes to show
that, after Christianity was established as the dominant religion of the
empire, the life of women as well as of men was less changed by the
effect of their new devotions than those devotions were altered in their
form and direction. Though a new heaven was proclaimed, the new earth
had not yet come into being. "The sweet reasonableness" of the Gospel
was beclouded by speculation; the primitive holiness degenerated into a
sickly asceticism; for half-converted pagans, the early saints served in
the place of the old divinities; and human nature still remained capable
of most of the vices to which it had formerly been addicted.
Yet the ideal is never without its witnesses. Very early there arose
within the Church the movement known as Montanism, which endeavored to
reproduce the ancient purity by an exaggerated rigidity of discipline
and the early simplicity of the Church by a stern opposition to
ecclesiasticism. This movement carries an interest relative to our
subject, inasmuch as two women held a prominent place as its founders.
The three original prophets of the sect were Montanus, Priscilla, and
Maximilla. The former of the two women was so influential in the
movement that its adherents are frequently spoken of as Priscillianists.
The two women were ladies of noble birth who left their husbands in
order to attach themselves to Montanus. They believed themselves to be
the mediums of the divine Comforter promised by Christ. It was their
habit to fall into ecstasies, in which condition they would prophesy.
They claimed that their teaching was divinely inspired and consequently
infallible. According to them, all gross offenders were to be
excommunicated, and never afterward readmitted to the fold of the
Church. Celibacy was encouraged by them, all worldly amusements were to
be eschewed, and they greatly increased the number of the fasts.
Of Priscilla and Maximilla, Dr. McGiffert says: "They were regarded with
the most profound reverence by all Montanists. It was a characteristic
of this sect that they insisted upon the religious equality of men and
women; that they accorded just as high honor to the women as to the men,
and listened to their prophecies with the same reverence. The human
person was but an instrument of the Spirit, according to their view, and
hence a woman might be chosen by the Spirit as his instrument just as
well as a man, the ignorant as well as the learned. Tertullian, for
instance, cites, in support of his doctrine of the materiality of the
soul, a vision seen by one of the female members of his church, whom he
believed to be in the habit of receiving revelations from God."
These people were reactionaries; they rebelled against the spirit of
laxity, worldliness, and officialdom which was fast taking hold of the
Church. Their prophesying women were simply a revival of what had been
common in Apostolic times, when the daughters of Philip were
prophetesses. But order had been evolved in the ecclesia. In fact, out
of the numerous forms of evangelical activity that existed in the
original unsettled condition of the Church, three orders had been
established, in none of which were women represented. Moreover, the
female friends of Montanus seem to have been rather unconvincing in
regard to their prophecies. Maximilla declared that after her there
would be no other prophet, intimating that the end of the world was
about to take place, a prediction as common among such enthusiasts as it
is hazardous in its nature. She also prophesied that wars and anarchy
were near at hand, which, as an anonymous writer quoted by Eusebius
found no difficulty in showing, was clearly false. With a jubilation
which, under the circumstances, was not unwarranted, he cries: "It is
to-day more than thirteen years since the woman died, and there has been
neither a partial nor general war in the world; but rather, through the
mercy of God, continued peace even to the Christians." From this time,
any attempt, on the part of women or men, to revive the gift of prophecy
after the apostolic manner was always classed with heresy, schism, and
other works of the devil, which it was the duty of the faithful
zealously to cast out.
During the many and long intermissions during which the Christians were
not persecuted, the Church steadily grew in prominence and in social
standing. Before the time of Diocletian, large and handsome edifices had
been erected in many places for the use of Christian worship. The
doctrines therein taught were no longer unknown to the rulers and chief
men of paganism; the faith was no longer the possession almost solely of
bondservants and the lowly. Among its conquests were men and women of
high position; even the imperial family was now and again strongly
suspected of contributing friends to the new religion. Prisca and
Valeria, the wife and daughter of Diocletian, were certainly
catechumens, though they sacrificed to the heathen deities when the
emperor gave his edict for persecution. The world was not to see a Roman
empress playing the tragic part of a martyr to Christianity.
Of the time immediately preceding the persecution of Diocletian,
Eusebius says: "It is beyond our ability to describe in a suitable
manner the extent and nature of the glory and freedom with which the
word of piety toward the God of the universe, proclaimed to the world
through Christ, was honored among all men, both Greeks and barbarians.
The favor shown our people by the rulers might be adduced as evidence;
as they committed to them the government of provinces, and on account of
the great friendship which they entertained toward their doctrine,
released them from anxiety in regard to sacrificing. Why need I speak of
those in the royal palaces, and of the rulers over all, who allowed the
members of their households, wives and children and servants, to speak
openly before them for the divine word and life, and suffered them
almost to boast of the freedom of their faith?"
Thus it came to pass that Christianity grew to be a power which must be
reckoned with in the state; all the more so, since, as the historian
just quoted admits, many of the motives, influences and usages natural
to the world began to be adopted in the Church. It is really doubtful
whether the persecution under Diocletian was at all instigated by any
animosity on the part of the rulers toward Christian principles. The
Church was looked upon as a great party in the state, opposed to
traditional conditions, and, while not yet strong enough to be courted,
was too numerous to be tolerated. Constantine saw the futility of
endeavoring to extirpate the Church, even if his disposition could have
allowed him to resort to such cruel measures, and--it is not
uncharitable to his memory to say it--he shrewdly concluded to attach
this vigorously growing power to himself.
Before we enter upon the study of the character and time of a woman to
whose influence the political triumph of Christianity was probably very
largely due, it will not be out of place to notice a little more closely
the unfortunate career of Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian. She has
previously been referred to as a Christian who, with Prisca, her mother,
saved herself from martyrdom by sacrificing, though very reluctantly, to
the pagan deities. By her father, Diocletian, she had been given in
marriage to Galerius, who at that time was made Cæsar and was afterward
to become emperor. In every way she proved herself a most estimable
wife; and although her courage was not equal to the endurance of
martyrdom, her Christian principles beautified her life with the graces
of virtue and charity. Having no children of her own, she adopted
Candidianus, the illegitimate son of her husband, and evinced toward him
all the affection of a real mother. After the death of Galerius, the
great fortune, no less than the personal attractions, of Valeria aroused
the desires of Maximin, his successor. This Maximin was the most
licentious man that ever disgraced the imperial throne, and to attain
preeminence among such competitors required a monster of sensuality. His
eunuchs catered to his passions by forcing from their homes wives and
virgins of the noblest families; any sign of unwillingness on the part
of these victims was regarded as treason and punished accordingly.
During his reign, the custom arose that no person should marry without
the emperor's consent, in order that he might in all nuptials act the
part of _prægustator_.
The fate of Valeria is best described in the words of Gibbon: "He
(Maximin) had a wife still alive; but divorce was permitted by the Roman
law, and the fierce passions of the tyrant demanded an immediate
gratification. The answer of Valeria was such as became the daughter and
widow of emperors; but it was tempered by the prudence which her
defenceless condition compelled her to observe. She represented to the
persons whom Maximin had employed on this occasion, 'that, even if honor
could permit a woman of her character and dignity to entertain a thought
of second nuptials, decency at least must forbid her to listen to his
addresses at a time when the ashes of her husband and his benefactor
were still warm, and while the sorrows of her mind were still expressed
by her mourning garments. She ventured to declare that she could place
very little confidence in the professions of a man whose cruel
inconstancy was capable of repudiating a faithful and affectionate
wife.' On this repulse the love of Maximin was converted into fury; and
as witnesses and judges were always at his disposal, it was easy for him
to cover his fury with an appearance of legal proceedings, and to
assault the reputation as well as the happiness of Valeria. Her estates
were confiscated, her eunuchs and domestics devoted to the most inhuman
tortures, and several innocent and respectable matrons, who were honored
with her friendship, suffered death, on a false accusation of adultery.
The empress herself, together with her mother Prisca, was condemned to
exile; and as they were ignominiously hurried from place to place before
they were confined to a sequestered village in the deserts of Syria,
they exposed their shame and distress to the provinces of the East,
which, during thirty years, had respected their august dignity.
Diocletian (who before this had abdicated his throne and was therefore
powerless) made several ineffectual efforts to alleviate the misfortunes
of his daughter; and, as the last return that he expected for the
imperial purple, which he had conferred upon Maximin, he entreated that
Valeria might be permitted to share his retirement at Salona, and to
close the eyes of her afflicted father. He entreated; but as he could no
longer threaten, his prayers were received with coldness and disdain;
and the pride of Maximin was gratified in treating Diocletian as a
suppliant, and his daughter as a criminal.
"The death of Maximin seemed to assure the empresses of a favorable
alteration in their fortune. The public disorders relaxed the vigilance
of their guard, and they easily found means to escape from the place of
their exile, and to repair, though with some precaution, and in
disguise, to the court of Licinius. His behavior, in the first days of
his reign, and the honorable reception which he gave to young
Candidianus, inspired Valeria with secret satisfaction, both on her own
account and on that of her adopted son. But these grateful prospects
were soon succeeded by horror and astonishment; and the bloody
executions which stained the palace of Nicomedia sufficiently convinced
her that the throne of Maximin was filled by a tyrant more inhuman than
himself. Valeria consulted her safety by a hasty flight, and, still
accompanied by her mother, Prisca, they wandered above fifteen months
through the provinces, concealed in the disguise of plebeian habits.
They were at length discovered at Thessalonica; and as the sentence of
their death was already pronounced, they were immediately beheaded, and
their bodies thrown into the sea. The people gazed on the melancholy
spectacle; but their grief and indignation were suppressed by the
terrors of a military guard. Such was the unworthy fate of the wife and
daughter of Diocletian. We lament their misfortunes, we cannot discover
their crimes." It is by no means unlikely, judging from the character of
these women, that if the true facts were known, though they were not
martyrs in the accepted sense of the word, it would be seen that they
suffered for their Christianity, being induced by its principles to
refuse their consent to such conduct as would have gained the favor of
their persecutors. There have been many more martyrs for the substance
of Christianity than there have been for its form; and doubtless there
were not a few women, in the times of which we are writing, who would
have sacrificed on pagan altars, but who would not have defiled their
consciences with acts which paganism excused.
In the preceding pages of this chapter, we have attempted to indicate
the fact that, while Christianity was growing in numbers and influence,
its effect upon the moral conditions of the world was not so great as
might be expected by a student who confines his attention to its
doctrines, rather than to an investigation of the character of the men
and women who made the history of that time. As has already been said,
the material and political triumph of Christianity was in reality a
moral compromise with the world. If the faithful practice of the
teachings and the humble following of the example of Christ had been
rigidly insisted upon as the _sine qua non_ of membership in the Church,
it is doubtful if Constantine would have proved a better friend to the
Church than was Trajan. Nevertheless, the fact that Constantine did find
himself able to favor the Christian religion, without incurring any
mental discomfort in the pursuit of his own ideas, rendered it possible
for earnest believers in Christ to devote themselves to their faith in
perfect security.