Another thing, too, you should observe, Athenians, that a decree is

worth nothing, without a readiness on your part to do what you

determine. Could decrees of themselves compel you to perform your duty,

or execute what they prescribe, neither would you with many decrees have

accomplished little or nothing, nor would Philip have insulted you so

long. Had it depended on decrees, he would have been chastised long ago.

But the course of things is otherwise. Action, posterior in order of

time to speaking and voting, is in efficacy prior and superior. This

requisite you want; the others you possess. There are among you,

Athenians, men competent to advise what is needful, and you are

exceedingly quick at understanding it; ay, and you will be able now to

perform it, if you act rightly. For what time or season would you have

better than the present? When will you do your duty, if not now? Has not

the man got possession of all our strongholds? And if he become master

of this country, shall we not incur foul disgrace? Are not they, to whom

we promised sure protection in case of war, at this moment in

hostilities? Is he not an enemy, holding our possessions--a barbarian

[Footnote: _Barbarians_ (among the Greeks) designates persons who

were not of Hellenic origin. Alexander, an ancestor of Philip, had

obtained admission to the Olympic games by proving himself to be of

Argive descent. But the Macedonian people were scarcely considered as

Greeks till a much later period; and Demosthenes speaks rather with

reference to the nation than to Philip personally.]--anything you like

to call him? But, O heavens! after permitting, almost helping him to

accomplish these things, shall we inquire who were to blame for them? I

know we shall not take the blame to ourselves. For so in battles, no

runaway accuses himself, but his general, his neighbor, any one rather;

though, sure enough, the defeat is owing to all the runaways; for each

one who accuses the rest might have stood his ground, and had each done

so they would have conquered. Now then, does any man not give the best

advice? Let another rise and give it, but not censure the last speaker.

Does a second give better advice? Follow it, and success attend you!

Perhaps it is not pleasant: but that is not the speaker's fault, unless

he omits some needful prayer. [Footnote: Demosthenes sneers at the

custom of introducing into the debate sententious professions of

good-will, and prayers for prosperity; a poor substitute (he would say)

for good counsel. Compare Virg. Georg. III. 454.

Alitur vitium vivitque tegendo,

Dum medicas adhibere manus ad vulnera pastor

Abnegat, et meliora, Deos sedet omina poscens.]

To pray is simple enough, Athenians, collecting all that one desires in

a short petition: but to decide, when measures are the subject of

consideration, is not quite so easy; for we must choose the profitable

rather than the pleasant, where both are not compatible.

But if any one can let alone our theatrical fund, and suggest other

supplies for the military, is he not cleverer? it may be asked. I grant

it, if this were possible: but I wonder if any man ever was or will be

able, after wasting his means in useless expenses, to find means for

useful. The wishes of men are indeed a great help to such arguments, and

therefore the easiest thing in the world is self-deceit; for every man

believes what he wishes, though the reality is often different. See

then, Athenians, what the realities allow, and you will be able to serve

and have pay. It becomes not a wise or magnanimous people, to neglect

military operations for want of money, and bear disgraces like these;

or, while you snatch up arms to march against Corinthians and Megarians,

to let Philip enslave Greek cities for lack of provisions for your

troops.

I have not spoken for the idle purpose of giving offense: I am not so

foolish or perverse, as to provoke your displeasure without intending

your good: but I think an upright citizen should prefer the advancement

of the commonweal to the gratification of his audience. And I hear, as

perhaps you do, that the speakers in our ancestors' time, whom all that

address you praise, but not exactly imitate, were politicians after this

form and fashion;--Aristides, Nicias, my namesake, [Footnote:

Demosthenes, the general so distinguished in the Peloponnesian war, who

defeated the Spartans at Pylus, and afterward lost his life in Sicily.]

Pericles. But since these orators have appeared, who ask, What is your

pleasure? what shall I move? how can I oblige you? the public welfare is

complimented away for a moment's popularity, and these are the results;

the orators thrive, you are disgraced. Mark, O Athenians, what a summary

contrast may be drawn between the doings in our olden time and in yours.

It is a tale brief and familiar to all; for the examples by which you

may still be happy are found not abroad, men of Athens, but at home. Our

forefathers, whom the speakers humored not nor caressed, as these men

caress you, for five-and-forty years took the leadership of the Greeks

by general consent, and brought above ten thousand talents into the

citadel; and the king of this country was submissive to them, as a

barbarian should be to Greeks; and many glorious trophies they erected

for victories won by their own fighting on land and sea, and they are

the sole people in the world who have bequeathed a renown superior to

envy. Such were their merits in the affairs of Greece: see what they

were at home, both as citizens and as men. Their public works are

edifices and ornaments of such beauty and grandeur in temples and

consecrated furniture, that posterity have no power to surpass them. In

private they were so modest and attached to the principle of our

constitution, that whoever knows the style of house which Aristides had,

or Miltiades, and the illustrious of that day, perceives it to be no

grander than those of the neighbors. Their politics were not for

money-making; each felt it his duty to exalt the commonwealth.

[Footnote: As Horace says:--

Privatus illis census erat brevis,

Commune magnum.]

By a conduct honorable toward the Greeks, pious to the gods, brotherlike

among themselves, they justly attained a high prosperity.

So fared matters with them under the statesmen I have mentioned. How

fare they with you under the worthies of our time? Is there any likeness

or resemblance? I pass over other topics, on which I could expatiate;

but observe: in this utter absence of competitors, (Lacedaemonians

depressed, Thebans employed, none of the rest capable of disputing the

supremacy with us,) when we might hold our own securely and arbitrate

the claims of others, we have been deprived of our rightful territory,

and spent above fifteen hundred talents to no purpose; the allies, whom

we gained in war, these persons have lost in peace, and we have trained

up against ourselves an enemy thus formidable. Or let any one come

forward and tell me, by whose contrivance but ours Philip has grown

strong. Well, sir, this looks bad, but things at home are better. What

proof can be adduced? The parapets that are whitewashed? The roads that

are repaired? fountains, and fooleries? [Footnote: Jacobs: _und

solches Geschwatz_. The proceedings of Eubulus are here more

particularly referred to.] Look at the men of whose statesmanship these

are the fruits. They have risen from beggary to opulence, or from

obscurity to honor; some have made their private houses more splendid

than the public buildings; and in proportion as the state has declined,

their fortunes have been exalted.

What has produced these results? How is it that all went prosperously

then, and nowgoes wrong? Because anciently the people, having the

courage to be soldiers, controlled the statesmen, and disposed of all

emoluments; any of the rest was happy to receive from the people his

share of honor, office, or advantage. Now, contrariwise, the statesmen

dispose of emoluments; through them every thing is done; you the people,

enervated, stripped of treasure and allies, are become as underlings and

hangers-on, happy if these persons dole you out show-money or send you

paltry beeves; [Footnote: Entertainments were frequently given to the

people after sacrifices, at which a very small part of the victim was

devoted to the gods, such as the legs and intestines, the rest being

kept for more profane purposes. Tho Athenians were remarkably

extravagant in sacrifices. Demades, ridiculing the donations of public

meat, compared the republic to an old woman, sitting at home in slippers

and supping her broth. Demosthenes, using the diminutive [Greek:

_boidia_], charges the magistrates with supplying lean and poor

oxen, whereas the victims ought to be healthy and large, [Greek:

teleia]. See Virgil, Aen. xi. 739.

Hic amor, hoc studium; dum sacra secundus aruspex

Nuntiet, ac lucos vocet hostia pinguis in altos.]

and, the unmanliest part of all, you are grateful for receiving your

own. They, cooping you in the city, lead you to your pleasures, and make

you tame and submissive to their hands. It is impossible, I say, to have

a high and noble spirit, while you are engaged in petty and mean

employments: whatever be the pursuits of men, their characters must be

similar. By Ceres, I should not wonder, if I, for mentioning these

things, suffered more from your resentment than the men who have brought

them to pass. For even liberty of speech you allow not on all subjects;

I marvel indeed you have allowed it here.

Would you but even now, renouncing these practices, perform military

service and act worthily of yourselves; would you employ these domestic

superfluities as a means to gain advantage abroad; perhaps, Athenians,

perhaps you might gain some solid and important advantage, and be rid of

these perquisites, which are like the diet ordered by physicians for the

sick. As that neither imparts strength, nor suffers the patient to die,

so your allowances are not enough to be of substantial benefit, nor yet

permit you to reject them and turn to something else. Thus do they

increase the general apathy. What? I shall be asked: mean you

stipendiary service? Yes, and forthwith the same arrangement for all,

Athenians, that each, taking his dividend from the public, may be what

the state requires. Is peace to be had? You are better at home, under no

compulsion to act dishonorably from indigence. Is there such an

emergency as the present? Better to be a soldier, as you ought, in your

country's cause, maintained by those very allowances. Is any one of you

beyond the military age? What he now irregularly takes without doing

service, let him take by just regulation, superintending and transacting

needful business. Thus, without derogating from or adding to our

political system, only removing some irregularity, I bring it into

order, establishing a uniform rule for receiving money, for serving in

war, for sitting on juries, for doing what each according to his age can

do, and what occasion requires. I never advise we should give to idlers

the wages of the diligent, or sit at leisure, passive and helpless, to

hear that such a one's mercenaries are victorious; as we now do. Not

that I blame any one who does you a service: I only call upon you,

Athenians, to perform on your own account those duties for which you

honor strangers, and not to surrender that post of dignity which, won

through many glorious dangers, your ancestors have bequeathed.

I have said nearly all that I think necessary. I trust you will adopt

that course which is best for the country and yourselves.

THE FIRST PHILIPPIC.

THE ARGUMENT.

Philip, after the defeat of Onomarchus, had marched toward

the pass of Thermopylae, which, however, he found occupied by

the Athenians, who had sent a force for the purpose of

preventing his advance. Being baffled there, he directed his

march into Thrace, and alarmed the Athenians for the safety

of their dominions in the Chersonese. At the same time he sent

a fleet to attack the islands of Lemnos and Imbrus, infested

the commerce of Athens with his cruisers, and even insulted

her coast. In Thrace he became involved in the disputes

between the rival kings Amadocus and Cersobleptes, espousing

the cause of the former; and for some time he was engaged in

the interior of that country, either at war with Cersobleptes,

or extending his own influence over other parts of Thrace,

where he established or expelled the rulers, as it suited him.

It was just at that time that Demosthenes spoke the following

oration, the first in which he called the attention of his

countrymen to the dangerous increase of Philip's power. He had

become convinced by the course of events, and by observing the

restless activity of Philip, that Athens had more to fear from

him than from Thebes, or from any new combination of the

Grecian republics. The orator himself, perhaps, hardly

appreciated the extent of Philip's resources, strengthened as

he was now by the friendship of Thessaly, possessed of a navy

and maritime towns, and relieved from the presence of any

powerful neighbors. What were the precise views of Demosthenes

as to the extent of the impending danger, we can not say. It

was not for him to frighten the Athenians too much, but to

awaken them from their lethargy. This he does in a speech,

which, without idle declamation or useless ornament, is

essentially practical. He alarms, but encourages, his

countrymen; points out both their weakness and their strength;

rouses them to a sense of danger, and shows the way to meet it;

recommends not any extraordinary efforts, for which at the

moment there was no urgent necessity, and to make which would

have exceeded their power, but unfolds a scheme, simple and

feasible, suiting the occasion, and calculated (if Athenians

had not been too degenerate) to lay the foundation of better things.

Had the question for debate been any thing new, Athenians, I should have

waited till most of the usual speakers [Footnote: By an ancient

ordinance of Solon, those who were above fifty years of age were first

called on to deliver their opinion. The law had ceased to be in force;

but, as a decent custom, the older men usually commenced the debate.

There would be frequent occasions for departing from such a custom, and

Demosthenes, who was now thirty-three, assigns his reason for speaking

first.] had been heard; if any of their counsels had been to my liking,

I had remained silent, else proceeded to impart my own. But as the

subjects of discussion is one upon which they have spoken oft before, I

imagine, though I rise the first, I am entitled to indulgence. For if

these men had advised properly in time past, there would be no necessity

for deliberating now.

First I say, you must not despond, Athenians, under your present

circumstances, wretched as they are; for that which is worst in them as

regards the past, is best for the future. What do I mean? That our

affairs are amiss, men of Athens, because you do nothing which is

needful; if, notwithstanding you performed your duties, it were the

same, there would be no hope of amendment.

Consider next, what you know by report, and men of experience remember;

how vast a power the Lacedaemonians had not long ago, yet how nobly and

becomingly you consulted the dignity of Athens, and undertook the war

[Footnote: He refers to the war in which Athens assisted the Thebans

against Lacedaemon, and in which Chabrias won the naval battle of Naxos.

That war commenced twenty-six years before the speaking of the first

Philippic, and would be well remembered by many of the hearers. See the

Historical Abstract in this volume.] against them for the rights of

Greece. Why do I mention this? To show and convince you, Athenians, that

nothing, if you take precaution, is to be feared, nothing, if you are

negligent, goes as you desire. Take for examples the strength of the

Lacedaemonians then, which you overcame by attention to your duties, and

the insolence of this man now, by which through neglect of our interests

we are confounded. But if any among you, Athenians, deem Philip hard to

be conquered, looking at the magnitude of his existing power, and the

loss by us of all our strongholds, they reason rightly, but should

reflect, that once we held Pydna and Potidaea and Methone and all the

region round about as our own, and many of the nations now leagued with

him were independent and free, and preferred our friendship to his. Had

Philip then taken it into his head, that it was difficult to contend

with Athens, when she had so many fortresses to infest his country, and

he was destitute of allies, nothing that he has accomplished would he

have undertaken, and never would he have acquired so large a dominion.

But he saw well, Athenians, that all these places are the open prizes of

war, that the possessions of the absent naturally belong to the present,

those of the remiss to them that will venture and toil. Acting on such

principle, he has won every thing and keeps it, either by way of

conquest, or by friendly attachment and alliance; for all men will side

with and respect those, whom they see prepared and willing to make

proper exertion. If you, Athenians, will adopt this principle now,

though you did not before, and every man, where he can and ought to give

his service to the, state, be ready to give it without excuse, the

wealthy to contribute, the able-bodied to enlist; in a word, plainly, if

you will become your own masters, and cease each expecting to do nothing

himself, while his neighbor does every thing for him, you shall then

with heaven's permission recover your own, and get back what has been

frittered away, and chastise Philip. Do not imagine, that his empire is

everlastingly secured to him as a god. There are who hate and fear and

envy him, Athenians, even among those that seem most friendly; and all

feelings that are in other men belong, we may assume, to his

confederates. But now they are all cowed, having no refuge through your

tardiness and indolence, which I say you must abandon forthwith. For you

see, Athenians, the case, to what pitch of arrogance the man has

advanced, who leaves you not even the choice of action or inaction, but

threatens and uses (they say) outrageous language, and, unable to rest

in possession of his conquests, continually widens their circle, and,

while we dally and delay, throws his net all around us. When then,

Athenians, when will ye act as becomes you? In what event? In that of

necessity, I suppose. And how should we regard the events happening now?

Methinks, to freemen the strongest necessity is the disgrace of their

condition. Or tell me, do ye like walking about and asking one

another:--is there any news? Why, could there be greater news than a man

of Macedonia subduing Athenians, and directing the affairs of Greece? Is

Philip dead? No, but he is sick. And what matters it to you? Should any

thing befall this man, you will soon create another Philip, if you

attend to business thus. For even he has been exalted not so much by his

own strength, as by our negligence. And again; should any thing happen

to him; should fortune, which still takes better care of us than we of

ourselves, be good enough to accomplish this; observe that, being on the

spot, you would step in while things were in confusion, and manage them

as you pleased; but as you now are, though occasion offered Amphipolis,

you would not be in a position to accept it, with neither forces nor

counsels at hand. [Footnote: Important advice this, to men in all

relations of life. Good luck is for those who are in a position to avail

themselves of it.

Illi poma cadunt qui poma sub arbore quaerit.]

However, as to the importance of a general zeal in the discharge of

duty, believing you are convinced and satisfied, I say no more.

As to the kind of force which I think may extricate you from your

difficulties, the amount, the supplies of money, the best and speediest

method (in my judgment) of providing all the necessaries, I shall

endeavor to inform you forthwith, making only one request, men of

Athens. When, you have heard all, determine; prejudge not before. And

let none think I delay our operations, because I recommend an entirely

new force. Not those that cry, quickly! to-day! speak most to the

purpose; (for what has already happened we shall not be able to prevent

by our present armament;) but he that shows what and how great and

whence procured must be the force capable of enduring, till either we

have advisedly terminated the war, or overcome our enemies: for so shall

we escape annoyance in future. This I think I am able to show, without

offense to any other man who has a plan to offer. My promise indeed is

large; it shall be tested by the performance; and you shall be my

judges.

First, then, Athenians, I say we must provide fifty warships, [Footnote:

The Athenian ship of war at this time was the Trireme, or galley with

three ranks of oars. It had at the prow a beak ([Greek:

_embolon_]), with a sharp iron head, which, in a charge, (generally

made at the broadside,) was able to shatter the planks of the enemy's

vessel. An ordinary trireme carried two hundred men, including the crew

and marines. These last ([Greek: _epibatai_]) were usually ten for

each ship, but the number was often increased. The transports and

vessels of burden, whether merchant vessels or boats for the carriage of

military stores, were round-bottomed, more bulky in construction, and

moved rather with sails than oars. Hence the fighting ship is called

[Greek: _tacheia_], _swift_. It carried a sail, to be used

upon occasion, though it was mainly worked with oars.] and hold

ourselves prepared, in case of emergency, to embark and sail. I require

also an equipment of transports for half the cavalry [Footnote: The

total number was one thousand, each tribe furnishing one hundred.] and

sufficient boats. This we must have ready against his sudden, marches

from his own country to Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and any

where he likes. For he should entertain the belief, that possibly you

may rouse from this over-carelessness, and start off, as you did to

Euboea, [Footnote: The expedition about five years before, when the

Thebans had sent an army to Euboea, and Timotheus roused his countrymen

to expel them from the island. Of this, Demosthenes gives an animated

account at the close of tho oration on the Chersonese.] and formerly

(they say) to Haliartus, [Footnote: B. C. 395, when the war between

Thebes and Sparta had begun and Lysander besieged Haliartus. He was

slain in a sally by the Thebans and Athenians.] and very lately to

Thermopylae. And although you should not pursue just the course I would

advise, it is no slight matter, that Philip, knowing you to be in

readiness--know it he will for certain; there are too many among our own

people who report every thing to him--may either keep quiet from

apprehension, or, not heeding your arrangements, be taken off his guard,

there being nothing to prevent your sailing, if he give you a chance, to

attack his territories. Such an armament, I say, ought instantly to be

agreed upon and provided. But besides, men of Athens, you should keep in

hand some force, that will incessantly make war and annoy him: none of

your ten or twenty thousand mercenaries, not your forces on paper,

[Footnote: Literally "written in letters," that is, promised to the

generals or allies, but never sent. Jacobs: _eine Macht die auf dem

Blatte steht_. Compare Shakspeare, Henry IV, Second Part, Act i.

We fortify in paper and in figures.

Using the names of men instead of men.]

but one that shall belong to the state, and, whether you appoint one or

more generals, or this or that man or any other, shall obey and follow

him. Subsistence too I require for it. What the force shall be, how

large, from what source maintained, how rendered efficient, I will show

you, stating every particular. Mercenaries I recommend--and beware of

doing what has often been injurious--thinking all measures below the

occasion, adopting the strongest in your decrees, you fail to accomplish

the least--rather, I say, perform and procure a little, add to it

afterward, if it prove insufficient. I advise then two thousand soldiers

in all, five hundred to be Athenians, of whatever age you think right,

serving a limited time, not long, but such time as you think right, so

as to relieve one another; the rest should be mercenaries. And with them

two hundred horse, fifty at least Athenians, like the foot, on the same

terms of service; and transports for them. Well; what besides? Ten swift

galleys: for, as Philip has a navy, we must have swift galleys also, to

convoy our power. How shall subsistence for these troops be provided? I

will state and explain; but first let me tell you why I consider a force

of this amount sufficient, and why I wish the men to be citizens.

The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes Literally translated with notes · 第 2 / 8 段