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THE
OLYNTHIACS
AND THE
PHILIPPICS
OF
DEMOSTHENES
_Literally Translated, with Notes_
BY
CHARLES RANN KENNEDY
THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
* * * * *
THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
Olynthus was a city in Macedonia, at the head of the Toronaic
gulf, and north of the peninsula of Pallene. It was colonized
by a people from Chalcis in Euboea, and commanded a large
district called Chalcidice, in which there were thirty-two
cities. Over all this tract the sway of Olynthus was
considerable, and she had waged wars anciently with Athens
and Sparta, and been formidable to Philip's predecessors on
the throne of Macedon. Soon after Philip's accession, the
Olynthians had disputes with him, which were at first
accommodated, and he gratified them by the cession of
Anthemus. They then joined him in a war against Athens, and
he gave up to them Potidaea, which had yielded to their
united arms. After the lapse of some years, during which
Philip had greatly increased his power, and acquired
considerable influence in Thessaly and Thrace, the Olynthians
became alarmed, and began to think him too dangerous a
neighbor. The immediate cause of rupture was an attack which
he made on one of the Chalcidian towns. An embassy was
instantly sent to Athens, to negotiate an alliance. Philip,
considering this as an infraction of their treaty with him,
declared war against them, and invaded their territory. A
second embassy was sent to Athens, pressing for assistance.
The question was debated in the popular assembly. Demades,
an orator of considerable ability, but profligate character,
opposed the alliance. Many speakers were heard; and at
length Demosthenes rose to support the prayer of the embassy,
delivering one of those clear and forcible speeches, which
seldom failed to make a strong impression on his audience.
The alliance was accepted, and succors voted.
The orator here delicately touches on the law of Eubulus,
which had made it capital to propose that the Theoric fund
should be applied to military service. This fund was in fact
the surplus revenue of the civil administration, which by the
ancient law was appropriated to the defense of the
commonwealth; but it had by various means been diverted from
that purpose, and expended in largesses to the people, to
enable them to attend the theatre, and other public shows and
amusements. The law of Eubulus perpetuated this abuse. (See my
article _Theorica_ in the Archaeological Dictionary.)
Demosthenes, seeing the necessity of a war supply, hints that
this absurd law ought to be abolished, but does not openly
propose it.
There has been much difference of opinion among the learned
as to the order of the three Olynthiac orations; nor is it
certain, whether they were spoken on the occasion of one
embassy, or several embassies. The curious may consult Bishop
Thirlwall's Appendix to the fifth volume of his Grecian
History, and Jacobs' Introduction to his translation. I have
followed the common order, as adopted by Bekker, whose edition
of Demosthenes is the text of this translation; and indeed my
opinion is, on the whole, in favor of preserving the common
order, though the plan of this work prevents my entering into
controversy on the question. To enable the reader more fully
to understand the following orations, I have in an Appendix
to this volume given a brief account of Olynthus, showing its
position with reference to Macedonia, and the importance of its
acquisition to Philip. The historical abstract prefixed to this
volume is intended chiefly to assist the reader in reference to
dates. Such occurrences only are noticed as may be useful to
illustrate Demosthenes.
I believe, men of Athens, you would give much to know, what is the true
policy to be adopted in the present matter of inquiry. This being the
case, you should be willing to hear with attention these who offer you
their counsel. Besides that you will have the benefit of all
preconsidered advice, I esteem it part of your good fortune, that many
fit suggestions will occur to some speakers at the moment, so that from
them all you may easily choose what is profitable.
The present juncture, Athenians, all but proclaims aloud, that you must
yourselves take these affairs in hand, if you care for their success. I
know not how we seem disposed in the matter. [Footnote: This is a
cautious way of hinting at the general reluctance to adopt a vigorous
policy. And the reader will observe the use of the first person, whereby
the orator includes himself in the same insinuation.] My own opinion is,
vote succor immediately, and make the speediest preparations for sending
it off from Athens, that you may not incur the same mishap as before;
send also embassadors, to announce this, and watch the proceedings. For
the danger is, that this man, being unscrupulous and clever at turning
events to account, making concessions when it suits him, threatening at
other times, (his threats may well be believed,) slandering us and
urging our absence against us, may convert and wrest to his use some of
our main resources. Though, strange to say, Athenians, the very cause of
Philip's strength is a circumstance favorable to you. [Footnote: After
alarming the people by showing the strength of their adversary, he turns
off skillfully to a topic of encouragement.] His having it in his sole
power to publish or conceal his designs, his being at the same time
general, sovereign, paymaster, and every where accompanying his army, is
a great advantage for quick and timely operations in war; but, for a
peace with the Olynthians, which he would gladly make, it has a contrary
effect. For it is plain to the Olynthians, that now they are fighting,
not for glory or a slice of territory, but to save their country from
destruction and servitude. They know how he treated those Amphipolitans
who surrendered to him their city, and those Pydneans who gave him
admittance. [Footnote: Amphipolis was a city at the head of the
Strymonic gulf, in that part of Macedonia which approaches western
Thrace. It had been built formerly by an Athenian colony, and was taken
by the Spartan general Brasidas in the Peloponnesian war. Ever since
Athens regained her character of an imperial state, she had desired to
recover Amphipolis, which was important for its maritime position, its
exportation of iron, and especially from the vicinity of the forests
near the Strymon, which afforded an inexhaustible supply of ship-timber.
But she had never been able to accomplish that object. Philip, who at
that time possessed no maritime town of importance, was for obvious
reasons anxious to win Amphipolis for himself; and he got possession of
it partly by force of arms, partly by the treachery of certain
Amphipolitans who were attached to his interest. It seems the Athenians
had been amused by a promise of Philip to give up the town to them. The
non-performance of this compact led to their first long war with him.
Immediately after the capture of Amphipolis, Philip marched against
Pydna, and was admitted into the town.] And generally, I believe, a
despotic power is mistrusted by free states, especially if their
dominions are adjoining. All this being known to you, Athenians, all
else of importance considered, I say, you must take heart and spirit,
and apply yourselves more than ever to the war, contributing promptly,
serving personally, leaving nothing undone. No plea or pretense is left
you for declining your duty. What you were all so clamorous about, that
the Olynthians should be pressed into a war with Philip, has of itself
come to pass, [Footnote: Compare Virgil, Aen. ix. 6.
Turne, quod optanti Divum promittere nemo
Auderet, volvenda dies en attulit ultro.]
and in a way most advantageous to you. For, had they undertaken the war
at your instance, they might have been slippery allies, with minds but
half resolved perhaps: but since they hate him on a quarrel of their
own, their enmity is like to endure on account of their fears and their
wrongs. You must not then, Athenians, forego this lucky opportunity, nor
commit the error which you have often done heretofore. For example, when
we returned from succoring the Euboeans, and Hierax and Stratocles of
Amphipolis came to this platform, [Footnote: The hustings from which the
speakers addressed the people. It was cut to the height of ten feet out
of the rock which formed the boundary wall of the assembly; and was
ascended by a flight of steps.] urging us to sail and receive possession
of their city, if we had shown the same zeal for ourselves as for the
safety of Euboea, you would have held Amphipolis then and been rid of
all the troubles that ensued. Again, when news came that Pydna,
[Footnote: Potidaea was in the peninsula of Pallene, near Olynthus, and
was therefore given by Philip to the Olynthians, as mentioned in the
argument. Methone and Pydna are on the Macedonian coast approaching
Thessaly. Pagasae is a Thessalian town in the Magnesian district. It was
the sea-port of Pherae, capital of the tyrant Lycophron, against whom
Philip was invited to assist the Thessalians. Philip overcame Lycophron,
and restored republican government at Pherae; but Pagasae he garrisoned
himself, and also Magnesia, a coast-town in the same district.]
Potidaea, Methone, Pagasae, and the other places (not to waste time in
enumerating them) were besieged, had we to any one of these in the first
instance carried prompt and reasonable succor, we should have found
Philip far more tractable and humble now. But, by always neglecting the
present, and imagining the future would shift for itself, we, O men of
Athens, have exalted Philip, and made him greater than any king of
Macedon ever was. Here then is come a crisis, this of Olynthus,
self-offered to the state, inferior to none of the former. And methinks,
men of Athens, any man fairly estimating what the gods have done for us,
notwithstanding many untoward circumstances, might with reason be
grateful to them. Our numerous losses in war may justly be charged to
our own negligence; but that they happened not long ago, and that an
alliance, to counterbalance them, is open to our acceptance, I must
regard as manifestations of divine favor. It is much the same as in
money matters. If a man keep what he gets, he is thankful to fortune; if
he lose it by imprudence, he loses withal his memory of the obligation.
So in political affairs, they who misuse their opportunities forget even
the good which the gods send them; for every prior event is judged
commonly by the last result. Wherefore, Athenians, we must be
exceedingly careful of our future measures, that by amendment therein we
may efface the shame of the past. Should we abandon these men [Footnote:
Here he points to the Olynthian embassadors.] too, and Philip reduce
Olynthus, let any one tell me, what is to prevent him marching where he
pleases? Does any one of you, Athenians, compute or consider the means,
by which Philip, originally weak, has become great? Having first taken
Amphipolis, then Pydna, Potidaea next, Methone afterward, he invaded
Thessaly. Having ordered matters at Pherae, Pagasae, Magnesia, every
where exactly as he pleased, he departed for Thrace; where, after
displacing some kings and establishing others, he fell sick; again
recovering, he lapsed not into indolence, but instantly attacked the
Olynthians. I omit his expeditions to Illyria and Paeonia, that against
Arymbas, [Footnote: Arymbas was a king of the Molossians in Epirus, and
uncle of Olympias, Philip's wife.] and some others.
Why, it may be said, do you mention all this now? That you, Athenians,
may feel and understand both the folly of continually abandoning one
thing after another, and the activity which forms part of Philip's habit
and existence, which makes it impossible for him to rest content with
his achievements. If it be his principle, ever to do more than he has
done, and yours, to apply yourselves vigorously to nothing, see what the
end promises to be. Heavens! which of you is so simple as not to know,
that the war yonder will soon be here, if we are careless? And should
this happen, I fear, O Athenians, that as men who thoughtlessly borrow
on large interest, after a brief accommodation, lose their estate, so
will it be with us; found to have paid dear for our idleness and
self-indulgence, we shall be reduced to many hard and unpleasant shifts,
and struggle for the salvation of our country.
To censure, I may be told, is easy for any man; to show what measures
the case requires, is the part of a counselor. I am not ignorant,
Athenians, that frequently, when any disappointment happens, you are
angry, not with the parties in fault, but with the last speakers on the
subject; yet never, with a view to self-protection, would I suppress
what I deem for your interest. I say then, you must give a two-fold
assistance here; first, save the Olynthians their towns, [Footnote: The
Chalcidian towns. See the Argument. Philip commenced his aggressions
upon the Olynthians by reducing several of these.] and send out troops
for that purpose; secondly, annoy the enemy's country with ships and
other troops; omit either of these courses, and I doubt the expedition
will be fruitless. For should he, suffering your incursion, reduce
Olynthus, he will easily march to the defense of his kingdom; or, should
you only throw succor into Olynthus, and he, seeing things out of danger
at home, keep up a close and vigilant blockade, he must in time prevail
over the besieged. Your assistance therefore must be effective, and
two-fold.
Such are the operations I advise. As to a supply of money: you have
money, Athenians; you have a larger military fund than any people; and
you receive it just as you please. If ye will assign this to your
troops, ye need no further supply; otherwise ye need a further, or
rather ye have none at all. How then? some man may exclaim: do you move
that this be a military fund? Verily, not I. [Footnote: There is some
studied obscurity in this passage, owing to the necessity under which
the speaker lay of avoiding the penalty of the law and a little quiet
satire on his countrymen, who seemed desirous of eating their pudding
and having it too. The logic of the argument runs thus--My opinion is,
that we ought to have a military fund, and that no man should receive
public money, without performing public service. However, as you prefer
taking the public money to pay for your places at the festivals, I will
not break the law by moving to apply that money to another purpose. Only
you gain nothing by it; for, as the troops must be paid, there must be
an extraordinary contribution, or property tax, to meet the exigency of
the case.] My opinion indeed is, that there should be soldiers raised,
and a military fund, and one and the same regulation for receiving and
performing what is due; only you just without trouble take your
allowance for the festivals. It remains then, I imagine, that all must
contribute, if much be wanted, much, if little, little. Money must be
had; without it nothing proper can be done. Other persons propose other
ways and means. Choose which ye think expedient; and put hands to the
work, while it is yet time.
It may be well to consider and calculate how Philip's affairs now stand.
They are not, as they appear, or as an inattentive observer might
pronounce, in very good trim, or in the most favorable position. He
would never have commenced this war, had he imagined he must fight. He
expected to carry every thing on the first advance, and has been
mistaken. This disappointment is one thing that troubles and dispirits
him; another is, the state of Thessaly. [Footnote: Philip's influence in
Thessaly was of material assistance to him in his ambitious projects. It
was acquired in this way. The power established by Jason of Pherae, who
raised himself to a sort of royal authority under the title of Tagus,
had devolved upon Lycophron. His sway extended more or less over the
whole of Thessaly; but was, if not generally unpopular, at least
unacceptable to the great families in the northern towns, among whom the
Aleuadae of Larissa held a prominent place. They invoked Philip's aid,
while Lycophron was assisted by the Phocian Onomarchus. After various
success, Onomarchus was defeated and slain, and Lycophron expelled from
Pherae. This established Philip's influence, and led to his being
afterward called in to terminate the Sacred war. How far the assertions
of Demosthenes, respecting the discontent of the Thessalians, are true,
can not exactly be told. They are confirmed, however, in some degree by
the fact, that at the close of the Sacred war Philip restored to them
Magnesia. A new attempt by the regnant family caused Philip again to be
invited, and Thessaly became virtually a province of Macedonia. Among
other advantages therefrom was the aid of a numerous cavalry, for which
Thessaly was famous.] That people were always, you know, treacherous to
all men; and just as they ever have been, they are to Philip. They have
resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasae, and have prevented his
fortifying Magnesia; and I was told, they would no longer allow him to
take the revenue of their harbors and markets, which they say should be
applied to the public business of Thessaly, not received by Philip. Now,
if he be deprived of this fund, his means will be much straitened for
paying his mercenaries. And surely we must suppose, that Paeonians and
Illyrians, and all such people, would rather be free and independent
than under subjection; for they are unused to obedience, and the man is
a tyrant. So report says, and I can well believe it; for undeserved
success leads weak-minded men into folly; and thus it appears often,
that to maintain prosperity is harder than to acquire it. Therefore must
you, Athenians, looking on his difficulty as your opportunity, assist
cheerfully in the war, sending embassies where required, taking arms
yourselves, exciting all other people; for if Philip got such an
opportunity against us, and there was a war on our frontier, how eagerly
think ye he would attack you! Then are you not ashamed, that the very
damage which you would suffer, if he had the power, you dare not seize
the moment to inflict on him?
And let not this escape you, Athenians, that you have now the choice,
whether you shall fight there, or he in your country. If Olynthus hold
out, you will fight there and distress his dominions, enjoying your own
home in peace. If Philip take that city, who shall then prevent his
marching here? Thebans? I wish it be not too harsh to say, they will be
ready to join in the invasion. Phocians? who can not defend their own
country without your assistance. Or some other ally? But, good sir, he
will not desire! Strange indeed, if, what he is thought fool-hardy for
prating now, this he would not accomplish if he might. As to the vast
difference between a war here or there, I fancy there needs no argument.
If you were obliged to be out yourselves for thirty days only, and take
the necessaries for camp-service from the land, (I mean, without an
enemy therein,) your agricultural population would sustain, I believe,
greater damage than what the whole expense of the late war [Footnote:
The Amphipolitan war, said to have cost fifteen hundred talents.]
amounted to. But if a war should come, what damage must be expected?
There is the insult too, and the disgrace of the thing, worse than any
damage to right-thinking men.
On all these accounts, then, we must unite to lend our succor, and drive
off the war yonder; the rich, that, spending a little for the abundance
which they happily possess, they may enjoy the residue in security; the
young, [Footnote: Strictly, _those of the military age_, which was
from eighteen years to sixty. Youths between eighteen and twenty were
liable only to serve in Attica, and were chiefly employed to garrison
the walls. Afterward they were compellable to perform any military
service, under the penalty of losing their privileges as citizens. The
expression in the text, it will be seen, is not rendered with full
accuracy; as those of the military age can only be called _young_
by comparison. But a short and apt antithesis was needed. Sometimes I
have "the service-able" or "the able-bodied." Jacobs: _die
waffenfahigen Junglinge_, and elsewhere, _die Rustige_.] that,
gaining military experience in Philip's territory, they may become
redoubtable champions to preserve their own; the orators, that they may
pass a good account [Footnote: Every man, who is required to justify the
acts for which he is responsible, may be said to be "called to account."
But Demosthenes spoke with peculiar reference to those accounts, which
men in official situations at Athens were required to render at the
close of their administration.] of their statesmanship; for on the
result of measures will depend your judgment of their conduct. May it
for every cause be prosperous.
THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Athenians had voted an alliance with the Olynthians, and
resolved to send succors. But the sending of them was delayed,
partly by the contrivance of the opposite faction, partly
from the reluctance of the people themselves to engage in a
war with Philip. Demosthenes stimulates them to exertion, and
encourages them, by showing that Philip's power is not so
great as it appears.
On many occasions, men of Athens, one may see the kindness of the gods
to this country manifested, but most signally, I think, on the present.
That here are men prepared for a war with Philip, possessed of a
neighboring territory and some power, and (what is most important) so
fixed in their hostility, as to regard any accommodation with him as
insecure, and even ruinous to their country; this really appears like an
extraordinary act of divine beneficence. It must then be our care,
Athenians, that we are not more unkind to ourselves than circumstances
have been; as it would be a foul, a most foul reproach, to have
abandoned not only cities and places that once belonged to us, but also
the allies and advantages provided by fortune.
To dilate, Athenians, on Philip's power, and by such discourse to incite
you to your duty, I think improper: and why? Because all that may be
said on that score involves matter of glory for him, and misconduct on
our part. The more he has transcended his repute, [Footnote: Jacobs
otherwise: uber sein Verdienst gelungen.] the more is he universally
admired; you, as you have used your advantages unworthily, have incurred
the greater disgrace. This topic, then, I shall pass over. Indeed,
Athenians, a correct observer will find the source of his greatness
here, [Footnote: In this assembly, by the contrivance of venal orators,
or through the supineness of the people. In the first Philippic there is
a more pointed allusion to the practices of Philip's adherents, who are
charged with sending him secret intelligence of what passed at home.
Such men as Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, perhaps Demades and others are
referred to. Aeschines had not yet begun to be a friend of Philip.] and
not in himself. But of measures, for which Philip's partisans deserve
his gratitude and your vengeance, I see no occasion to speak now. Other
things are open to me, which it concerns you all to know, and which
must, on a due examination, Athenians, reflect great disgrace on Philip.
To these will I address myself.
To call him perjured and treacherous, without showing what he has done,
might justly be termed idle abuse. But to go through all his actions and
convict him in detail, will take, as it happens, but a short time, and
is expedient, I think, for two reasons: first, that his baseness may
appear in its true light; secondly, that they, whose terror imagines
Philip to be invincible, may see he has run through all the artifices by
which he rose to greatness, and his career is just come to an end. I
myself, men of Athens, should most assuredly have regarded Philip as an
object of fear and admiration, had I seen him exalted by honorable
conduct; but observing and considering I find, that in the beginning,
when certain persons drove away the Olynthians who desired a conference
with us, he gained over our simplicity by engaging to surrender
Amphipolis, and to execute the secret article [Footnote: A secret
intrigue was carried on between Philip and the Athenians, by which he
engaged to put Amphipolis in their hands, but on the understanding that
they would deliver up Pydna to him. Demosthenes only mentions the former
part of the arrangement, the latter not being honorable to his
countrymen.] once so famous; afterward he got the friendship of the
Olynthians, by taking Potidaea from you, wronging you his former allies,
and delivering it to them; and lastly now the Thessalians, by promising
to surrender Magnesia, and undertake the Phocian war on their behalf. In
short, none who have dealt with him has he not deceived. He has risen by
conciliating and cajoling the weakness of every people in turn who knew
him not. As, therefore, by such means he rose, when every people
imagined he would advance their interest, so ought he by the same means
to be pulled down again, when the selfish aim of his whole policy is
exposed. To this crisis, O Athenians, are Philip's affairs come; or let
any man stand forward and prove to me, or rather to you, that my
assertions, are false, or that men whom Philip has once overreached will
trust him hereafter, or that the Thessalians who have been degraded into
servitude would not gladly become free.
But if any among you, though agreeing in these statements, thinks that
Philip will maintain his power by having occupied forts and havens and
the like, this is a mistake. True, when a confederacy subsists by
good-will, and all parties to the war have a common interest, men are
willing to co-operate and bear hardships and persevere. But when one has
grown strong, like Philip, by rapacity and artifice, on the first
pretext, the slightest reverse, all is overturned and broken up.
[Footnote: The original [Greek: _anechaitise_] is "shakes off," or
"throws off," as a horse does his rider, when he rears and tosses up his
neck. It will be observed that Demosthenes is very high-flown in his
language here, passing from one metaphor to another. Leland translates
these words, "overthrows him, and all his greatness is dashed at once to
the ground." Francis: "hath already shaken off the yoke and dissolved
their alliance." Wilson: "turneth all things upside down and layeth it
flat in the end." Auger, better: _suffisent pour l' ebranler et la
dissoudre_. Jacobs: _reicht Alles umzusturzen, und aufzulosen_.
Pabst, very nearly the same.] Impossible is it,--impossible,
Athenians,--to acquire a solid power by injustice and perjury and
falsehood. Such things last for once, or for a short period; maybe, they
blossom fairly with hope; [Footnote: So in Henry VIII. Act iii. Sc. 2.
Such is the state of man: to-day he puts forth
The tender leaves of hope, to-morrow blossoms,
And wears his blushing honors thick upon him.]
but in time they are discovered and drop away. [Footnote: Like the
leaves of a flower; pursuing the last metaphor. So says Moore, in _The
Last Rose of Summer_: "the gems drop away." Jacobs: _fallt sie von
selbst zusammen_. Pabst: _sturet in sich selbst zusammen_.] As a
house, a ship, or the like, ought to have the lower parts firmest, so in
human conduct, I ween, the principle and foundation should be just and
true. But this is not so in Philip's conduct.
I say, then, we should at once aid the Olynthians, (the best and
quickest way that can be suggested will please me most,) and send an
embassy to the Thessalians, to inform some of our measures, and to stir
up the rest; for they have now resolved to demand Pagasae, and
remonstrate about Magnesia. But look to this, Athenians, that our envoys
shall not only make speeches, but have some real proof that we have gone
forth as becomes our country, and are engaged in action. All speech
without action appears vain and idle, but especially that of our
commonwealth; as the more we are thought to excel therein, the more is
our speaking distrusted by all. You must show yourselves greatly
reformed, greatly changed, contributing, serving personally, acting
promptly, before any one will pay attention to you. And if ye will
perform these duties properly and becomingly, Athenians, not only will
it appear that Philip's alliances are weak and precarious, but the poor
state of his native empire and power will be revealed.
To speak roundly, the Macedonian power and empire is very well as a
help, as it was for you in Timotheus' time against the Olynthians;
likewise for them against Potidaea the conjunction was important; and
lately it aided the Thessalians in their broils and troubles against the
regnant house: and the accession of any power, however small, is
undoubtedly useful. But the Macedonian is feeble of itself, and full of
defects. The very operations which seem to constitute Philip's
greatness, his wars and his expeditions, have made it more insecure than
it was originally. Think not, Athenians, that Philip and his subjects
have the same likings. He desires glory, makes that his passion, is
ready for any consequence of adventure and peril, preferring to a life
of safety the honor of achieving what no Macedonian king ever did
before. They have no share in the glorious result; ever harassed by
these excursions up and down, they suffer and toil incessantly, allowed
no leisure for their employments or private concerns, unable even to
dispose of their hard earnings, the markets of the country being closed
on account of the war. By this then may easily be seen, how the
Macedonians in general are disposed to Philip. His mercenaries and
guards, indeed, have the reputation of admirable and well-trained
soldiers, but, as I heard from one who had been in the country, a man
incapable of falsehood, they are no better than others. For if there be
any among them experienced in battles and campaigns, Philip is jealous
of such men and drives them away, he says, wishing to keep the glory of
all actions to himself; his jealousy (among other failings) being
excessive. Or if any man be generally good and virtuous, unable to bear
Philip's daily intemperances, drunkenness, and indecencies, [Footnote:
The original signifies a certain lascivious dance, which formed a part
of riotous festivities. We gather from history that the orator's
description here is not wholly untrue, though exaggerated. Thirlwall
thus writes of Philip: "There seem to have been two features in his
character which, in another station, or under different circumstances,
might have gone near to lower him to an ordinary person, but which were
so controlled by his fortune as to contribute not a little to his
success. He appears to have been by his temperament prone to almost
every kind of sensual pleasure; but as his life was too busy to allow
him often to indulge his bias, his occasional excesses wore the air of
an amiable condescension. So his natural humor would perhaps have led
him too often to forget his dignity in his intercourse with his
inferiors; but to Philip, the great king, the conqueror, the restless
politician, these intervals of relaxation occurred so rarely, that they
might strengthen his influence with the vulgar, and could never expose
him to contempt." It has been observed, that Philips partiality for
drinking and dancing, his drollery, and a dash of scurrility in his
character, endeared him especially to the Thessalians. See Jacobs' note
on this passage.] he is pushed aside and accounted as nobody. The rest
about him are brigands and parasites, and men of that character, who
will get drunk and perform dances which I scruple to name before you. My
information is undoubtedly true; for persons whom all scouted here as
worse rascals than mountebanks, Callias the town-slave and the like of
him, antic-jesters, [Footnote: [Greek: _Mimous geloion_], players
of drolls, mimes, or farces. Our ancient word _droll_ signifies,
like [Greek: _mimos_], both the actor and the thing acted.] and
composers of ribald songs to lampoon their companions, such persons
Philip caresses and keeps about him. Small matters these may be thought,
Athenians, but to the wise they are strong indications of his character
and wrong-headedness. Success perhaps throws a shade over them now;
prosperity is a famous hider of such blemishes; but, on any miscarriage,
they will be fully exposed. And this (trust me, Athenians) will appear
in no long time, if the gods so will and you determine. For as in the
human body, a man in health feels not partial ailments, but, when
illness occurs, all are in motion, whether it be a rupture or a sprain
or any thing else unsound; so with states and monarchs, while they wage
eternal war, their weaknesses are undiscerned by most men, but the tug
of a frontier war betrays all.
If any of you think Philip a formidable opponent, because they see he is
fortunate, such reasoning is prudent, Athenians. Fortune has indeed a
great preponderance--nay, is every thing, in human affairs. Not but
that, if I had the choice, I should prefer our fortune to Philip's,
would you but moderately perform your duty. For I see you have many more
claims to the divine favor than he has. But we sit doing nothing; and a
man idle himself can not require even his friends to act for him, much
less the gods. No wonder then that he, marching and toiling in person,
present on all occasions, neglecting no time or season, prevails over us
delaying and voting and inquiring. I marvel not at that; the contrary
would have been marvelous, if we doing none of the duties of war had
beaten one doing all. But this surprises me, that formerly, Athenians,
you resisted the Lacedaemonians for the rights of Greece, and rejecting
many opportunities of selfish gain, to secure the rights of others,
expended your property in contributions, and bore the brunt of the
battle; yet now you are both to serve, slow to contribute, in defense of
your own possessions, and, though you have often saved the other nations
of Greece collectively and individually, under your own losses you sit
still. This surprises me, and one thing more, Athenians; that not one of
you can reckon, how long your war with Philip has lasted, and what you
have been doing while the time has passed. You surely know, that while
you have been delaying, expecting others to act, accusing, trying one
another, expecting again, doing much the same as ye do now, all the time
has passed away. Then are ye so senseless, Athenians, as to imagine,
that the same measures, which have brought the country from a prosperous
to a poor condition, will bring it from a poor to a prosperous?
Unreasonable were this and unnatural; for all things are easier kept
than gotten. The war now has left us nothing to keep; we have all to
get, and the work must be done by ourselves. I say then, you must
contribute money, serve in person with alacrity, accuse no one, till you
have gained your objects; then, judging from facts, honor the deserving,
punish offenders; let there be no pretenses or defaults on your own part
for you can not harshly scrutinize the conduct of others, unless you
have done what is right yourselves. Why, think you, do all the generals
[Footnote: A system of employing mercenary troops sprang up at the close
of the Peloponnesian war, when there were numerous Grecian bands
accustomed to warfare and seeking employment. Such troops were eagerly
sought for by the Persian satraps and their king, by such men as Jason
of Pherae, Dionysius of Syracuse, or Philomelus of Phocis. Athens, which
had partially employed mercenaries before, began to make use of them on
a large scale, while her citizens preferred staying at home, to attend
to commerce, politics, and idle amusements. The ill effects however were
soon apparent. Athenian generals, ill supplied with money, and having
little control over their followers, were tempted or obliged to engage
in enterprises unconnected with, and often adverse to, the interests of
their country. Sometimes the general, as well as the troops, was an
alien, and could be very little depended on. Such a person was
Charidemus, a native of Oreus in Euboea, who commenced his career as
captain of a pirate vessel. He was often in the service of Athens, but
did her more harm than good. See my article _Mercenarii_, Arch.
Dict.] whom you commission avoid this war, and seek wars of their own?
(for of the generals too must a little truth be told.) Because here the
prizes of the war are yours; for example, if Amphipolis be taken, you
will immediately recover it; the commanders have all the risk and no
reward. But in the other case the risks are less, and the gains belong
to the commanders and soldiers; Lampsacus, [Footnote: Chares, the
Athenian general, was said to have received these Asiatic cities from
Artabazus, the Persian satrap, in return for the service he had
performed. Probably it was some authority or privileges in those cities,
not the actual dominion, that was conferred upon him. Sigeum, which is
near the mouth of the Hellespont, and was a convenient situation for his
adventures, was the ordinary residence of Chares.] Sigeum, the vessels
which they plunder. So they proceed to secure their several interests:
you, when you look at the bad state of your affairs, bring the generals
to trial; but when they get a hearing and plead these necessities, you
dismiss them. The result is that, while you are quarreling and divided,
some holding one opinion, some another, the commonwealth goes wrong.
Formerly, Athenians, you had boards [Footnote: This refers to the
institution of the [Greek: _summoriai_], or boards for management
of the property-tax at Athens, as to which see Appendix IV. The argument
of Demosthenes is as follows--The three hundred wealthier citizens, who
were associated by law for purposes of taxation, had become a clique for
political purposes, with an orator at their head, (he intentionally uses
the term [Greek: _haegemon_], _chairman of the board_,) to
conduct the business of the assembly, while they stood to shout and
applaud his speeches. The general, who held a judicial court to decide
disputes about the property-tax, and who in matters of state ought to be
independent, was subservient to the orator, who defended him in the
popular assembly.] for taxes; now you have boards for politics. There is
an orator presiding on either side, a general under him, and three
hundred men to shout; the rest of you are attached to the one party or
the other. This you must leave off; be yourselves again; establish a
general liberty of speech, deliberation, and action. If some are
appointed to command as with royal authority, some to be ship-captains,
tax-payers, soldiers by compulsion, others only to vote against them,
and help in nothing besides, no duty will be seasonably performed; the
aggrieved parties will still fail you, and you will have to punish them
instead of your enemies. I say, in short; you must all fairly
contribute, according to each man's ability; take your turns of service
till you have all been afield; give every speaker a hearing, and adopt
the best counsel, not what this or that person advises. If ye act thus,
not only will ye praise the speaker at the moment, but yourselves
afterward, when the condition of the country is improved.
THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Athenians had dispatched succors to Olynthus, and
received, as Libanius says, some favorable intelligence; more
probably, however, some vague rumors, which led them to
imagine the danger was for the time averted. They began, very
prematurely, as the result showed, to be confident of success,
and talked of punishing Philip for his presumption. In this
they were encouraged by certain foolish orators, who sought to
flatter the national prejudices. Demosthenes in this oration
strives to check the arrogance of the people; reminds them of
the necessity of defensive rather than offensive measures, and
especially of the importance of preserving their allies.
He again adverts (and this time more boldly) to the law of
Eubulus, which he intimates ought to be repealed; and he
exhorts the Athenians generally to make strenuous exertions
against Philip,
Not the same ideas, men of Athens, are presented to me, when I look at
our condition and when at the speeches which are delivered. The
speeches, I find, are about punishing Philip; but our condition is come
to this, that we must mind we are not first damaged ourselves.
Therefore, it seems to me, these orators commit the simple error of not
laying before you the true subject of debate. That once we might safely
have held our own and punished Philip too, I know well enough; both have
been possible in my own time, not very long ago. But now, I am
persuaded, it is sufficient in the first instance to effect the
preservation of our allies. When this has been secured, one may look out
for revenge on Philip; but before we lay the foundation right, I deem it
idle to talk about the end.
The present crisis, O Athenians, requires, if any ever did, much thought
and counsel. Not that I am puzzled, what advice to give in the matter; I
am only doubtful, in what way, Athenians, to address you thereupon. For
I have been taught both by hearsay and experience, that most of your
advantages have escaped you, from unwillingness to do your duty, not
from ignorance. I request you, if I speak my mind, to be patient, and
consider only, whether I speak the truth, and with a view to future
amendment. You see to what wretched plight we are reduced by some men
haranguing for popularity.
I think it necessary, however, first to recall to your memory a few past
events. You remember, Athenians, when news came three or four years ago,
that Philip was in Thrace beieging Heraeum. [Footnote: A fortress on the
Propontis,(now Sea of Marmora,) near Perinthus. This was a post of
importance to the Athenians, who received large supplies of corn from
that district.] It was then the fifth month, [Footnote: Corresponding
nearly to our November. The Attic year began in July, and contained
twelve lunar months, of alternately 29 and 30 days. The Greeks attempted
to make the lunar and solar courses coincide by cycles of years, but
fell into great confusion. See _Calendarium_ in Arch. Dict.] and
after much discussion and tumult in the assembly you resolved to launch
forty galleys, that every citizen under forty-five [Footnote: This large
proportion of the serviceable citizens, [Greek: _ton en haelikia_],
shows the alarm at Athens. Philip's illness seems to have put a stop to
his progress in Thrace at this period. Immediately on his recovery he
began his aggression against Olynthus. See the Chronological Abstract
prefixed to this volume.] should embark, and a tax be raised of sixty
talents. That year passed; the first, second, third month arrived; in
that month, reluctantly, after the mysteries, [Footnote: The Eleusinian
Mysteries, in honor of Ceres and Proserpine, called The Mysteries from
their peculiar sanctity.] you dispatched Charidemus with ten empty ships
and five talents in money; for as Philip was reported to be sick or
dead, (both rumors came.) you thought there was no longer any occasion
for succors, and discontinued the armament. But that was the very
occasion; if we had then sent our succors quickly, as we resolved,
Philip would not have been saved to trouble us now.
Those events can not be altered. But here is the crisis of another war,
the cause why I mentioned the past, that you may not repeat your error.
How shall we deal with it, men of Athens? If you lend not the utmost
possible aid, see how you will have manoeuvred every thing for Philip's
benefit. There were the Olynthians, possessed of some power; and matters
stood thus: Philip distrusted them, and they Philip. We negotiated for
peace with them; this hampered (as it were) and annoyed Philip, that a
great city, reconciled to us, should be watching opportunities against
him. We thought it necessary by all means to make that people his
enemies; and lo, what erewhile you clamored for, has somehow or other
been accomplished. Then what remains, Athenians, but to assist them
vigorously and promptly? I know not. For besides the disgrace that would
fall upon us, if we sacrificed any of our interests, I am alarmed for
the consequences, seeing how the Thebans are affected toward us, the
Phocian treasury exhausted, nothing to prevent Philip, when he has
subdued what lies before him, from turning to matters here. Whoever
postpones until then the performance of his duty, wishes to see the
peril at hand, when he may hear of it elsewhere, and to seek auxiliaries
for himself, when he may be auxiliary to others; for that this will be
the issue, if we throw away our present advantage, we all know pretty
well.
But, it may be said, we have resolved that succors are necessary, and we
will send them; tell us only how. Marvel not then, Athenians, if I say
something to astonish the multitude. Appoint law-revisers: [Footnote: A
provision was made by Solon for a periodical revision, of the Athenian
laws by means of a legislative committee, called [Greek:
_Nomothetai_]. See my article _Nomothetes_, Arch. Dict.) They
were chosen by lot from the judicial body, on a reference to them by a
vote of the popular assembly, Demosthenes says, "enact no statutes,"
instead of saying, "let the committee enact no statutes." This is
because the committee would be taken from the people themselves, and the
part are treated as the whole. So in speeches to juries we shall
frequently observe that in mentioning the decision of some other jury he
says, "you did this or that," as if they were the same persons.] at
their session enact no statutes, for you have enough, but repeal those
which are at present injurious; I mean, just plainly, the laws
concerning our theatrical fund, and some concerning the troops, whereof
the former divide the military fund among stayers-at-home for theatrical
amusement, the latter indemnify deserters, and so dishearten men well
inclined to the service. When you have repealed these, and made the road
to good counsel safe, then find a man to propose what you all know to be
desirable. But before doing so, look not for one who will advise good
measures and be destroyed by you for his pains. Such a person you will
not find, especially as the only result would be, for the adviser and
mover to suffer wrongfully, and, without forwarding matters, to render
good counsel still more dangerous in future. Besides, Athenians, you
should require the same men to repeal these laws, who have introduced
them. It is unjust, that their authors should enjoy a popularity which
has injured the commonwealth, while the adviser of salutary measures
suffers by a displeasure that may lead to general improvement. Till this
is set right, Athenians, look not that any one should be so powerful
with you as to transgress these laws with impunity, or so senseless as
to plunge into ruin right before him.