Wagenaar, lxi. He had access to Witsen's papers, and has quoted largely
from them. It was Witsen who signed in violent agitation, "zo als" he
says, "myne beevende hand getuigen kan." The treaties will be found in
Dumont's Corps Diplomatique. They were signed in August 1689.]
[Footnote 453: The treaty between the Emperor and the States General is
dated May 12. 1689. It will be found in Dumont's Corps Diplomatique.]
[Footnote 454: See the despatch of Waldeck in the London Gazette, Aug.
26, 1689; historical Records of the First Regiment of Foot; Dangeau,
Aug. 28.; Monthly Mercury, September 1689.]
[Footnote 455: See the Dear Bargain, a Jacobite pamphlet clandestinely
printed in 1690. "I have not patience," says the writer, "after
this wretch (Marlborough) to mention any other. All are innocent
comparatively, even Kirke himself."]
[Footnote 456: See the Mercuries for September 1689, and the four
following months. See also Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus of Sept. 18.
Sept. 25. and Oct. 8. 1689. Melfort's Instructions, and his memorials to
the Pope and the Cardinal of Este, are among the Nairne Papers; and some
extracts have been printed by Macpherson.]
[Footnote 457: See the Answer of a Nonjuror to the Bishop of Sarum's
challenge in the Appendix to the Life of Kettlewell. Among the Tanner
MSS. in the Bodleian Library is a paper which, as Sancroft thought it
worth preserving, I venture to quote. The writer, a strong nonjuror,
after trying to evade, by many pitiable shifts the argument drawn by
a more compliant divine from the practice of the primitive Church,
proceeds thus: "Suppose the primitive Christians all along, from the
time of the very Apostles, had been as regardless of their oaths by
former princes as he suggests will he therefore say that their practice
is to be a rule? Ill things have been done, and very generally abetted,
by men of otherwise very orthodox principles." The argument from the
practice of the primitive Christians is remarkably well put in a tract
entitled The Doctrine of Nonresistance or Passive Obedience No Way
concerned in the Controversies now depending between the Williamites
and the Jacobites, by a Lay Gentleman, of the Communion of the Church of
England, as by Law establish'd, 1689.]
[Footnote 458: One of the most adulatory addresses ever voted by a
Convocation was to Richard the Third. It will be found in Wilkins's
Concilia. Dryden, in his fine rifacimento of one of the finest passages
in the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, represents the Good Parson
as choosing to resign his benefice rather than acknowledge the Duke of
Lancaster to be King of England. For this representation no warrant can
be found in Chaucer's Poem, or any where else. Dryden wished to write
something that would gall the clergy who had taken the oaths, and
therefore attributed to a Roman Catholic priest of the fourteenth
century a superstition which originated among the Anglican priests of
the seventeenth century.]
[Footnote 459: See the defence of the profession which the Right
Reverend Father in God John Lake, Lord Bishop of Chichester, made upon
his deathbed concerning passive obedience and the new oaths. 1690.]
[Footnote 460: London Gazette, June 30. 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary. "The eminentest men," says Luttrell.]
[Footnote 461: See in Kettlewell's Life, iii. 72., the retractation
drawn by him for a clergyman who had taken the oaths, and who afterwards
repented of having done so.]
[Footnote 462: See the account of Dr. Dove's conduct in Clarendon's
Diary, and the account of Dr. Marsh's conduct in the Life of
Kettlewell.]
[Footnote 463: The Anatomy of a Jacobite Tory, 1690.]
[Footnote 464: Dialogue between a Whig and a Tory.]
[Footnote 465: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 1697, Feb. 1692.]
[Footnote 466: Life of Kettlewell, iii. 4.]
[Footnote 467: See Turner's Letter to Sancroft, dated on Ascension Day,
1689. The original is among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library. But
the letter will be found with much other curious matter in the Life of
Ken by a Layman, lately published. See also the Life of Kettlewell, iii.
95.; and Ken's letter to Burnet, dated Oct. 5. 1689, in Hawkins's Life
of Ken. "I am sure," Lady Russell wrote to Dr. Fitzwilliam, "the Bishop
of Bath and Wells excited others to comply, when he could not bring
himself to do so, but rejoiced when others did." Ken declared that he
had advised nobody to take the oaths, and that his practice had been to
remit those who asked his advice to their own studies and prayers. Lady
Russell's assertion and Ken's denial will be found to come nearly to
the same thing, when we make those allowances which ought to be made
for situation and feeling, even in weighing the testimony of the most
veracious witnesses. Ken, having at last determined to cast in his lot
with the nonjurors, naturally tried to vindicate his consistency as far
as he honestly could. Lady Russell, wishing to induce her friend to take
the oaths, naturally made as munch of Ken's disposition to compliance as
she honestly could. She went too far in using the word "excited." On the
other hand it is clear that Ken, by remitting those who consulted him
to their own studies and prayers, gave them to understand that, in his
opinion, the oath was lawful to those who, after a serious inquiry,
thought it lawful. If people had asked him whether they might lawfully
commit perjury or adultery, he would assuredly have told them, not to
consider the point maturely and to implore the divine direction, but to
abstain on peril of their souls.]
[Footnote 468: See the conversation of June 9. 1784, in Boswell's Life
of Johnson, and the note. Boswell, with his usual absurdity, is sure
that Johnson could not have recollected "that the seven bishops, so
justly celebrated for their magnanimous resistance to arbitrary power,
were yet nonjurors." Only five of the seven were nonjurors; and anybody
but Boswell would have known that a man may resist arbitrary power, and
yet not be a good reasoner. Nay, the resistance which Sancroft and the
other nonjuring bishops offered to arbitrary power, while they continued
to hold the doctrine of nonresistance, is the most decisive proof that
they were incapable of reasoning. It must be remembered that they were
prepared to take the whole kingly power from James and to bestow it on
William, with the title of Regent. Their scruple was merely about the
word King.
I am surprised that Johnson should have pronounced William Law no
reasoner. Law did indeed fall into great errors; but they were errors
against which logic affords no security. In mere dialectical skill
he had very few superiors. That he was more than once victorious
over Hoadley no candid Whig will deny. But Law did not belong to the
generation with which I have now to do.]
[Footnote 469: Ware's History of the Writers of Ireland, continued by
Harris.]
[Footnote 470: Letter to a member of the Convention, 1689]
[Footnote 471: Johnson's Notes on the Phoenix Edition of Burnet's
Pastoral Letter, 1692.]
[Footnote 472: The best notion of Hickes's character will be formed from
his numerous controversial writings, particularly his Jovian, written
in 1684, his Thebaean Legion no Fable, written in 1687, though not
published till 1714, and his discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr.
Tillotson, 1695. His literary fame rests on works of a very different
kind.]
[Footnote 473: Collier's Tracts on the Stage are, on the whole his best
pieces. But there is much that is striking in his political pamphlets.
His "Persuasive to Consider anon, tendered to the Royalists,
particularly those of the Church of England," seems to me one of the
best productions of the Jacobite press.]
[Footnote 474: See Brokesby's Life of Dodwell. The Discourse against
Marriages in different Communions is known to me, I ought to say, only
from Brokesby's copious abstract. That Discourse is very rare. It was
originally printed as a preface to a sermon preached by Leslie. When
Leslie collected his works he omitted the discourse, probably because he
was ashamed of it. The Treatise on the Lawfulness of Instrumental Music
I have read; and incredibly absurd it is.]
[Footnote 475: Dodwell tells us that the title of the work in which he
first promulgated this theory was framed with great care and precision.
I will therefore transcribe the title-page. "An Epistolary Discourse
proving from Scripture and the First Fathers that the Soul is naturally
Mortal, but Immortalized actually by the Pleasure of God to Punishment
or to Reward, by its Union with the Divine Baptismal Spirit, wherein
is proved that none have the Power of giving this Divine Immortalizing
Spirit since the Apostles but only the Bishops. By H. Dodwell." Dr.
Clarke, in a Letter to Dodwell (1706), says that this Epistolary
Discourse is "a book at which all good men are sorry, and all profane
men rejoice."]
[Footnote 476: See Leslie's Rehearsals, No. 286, 287.]
[Footnote 477: See his works, and the highly curious life of him which
was compiled from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson.]
[Footnote 478: See Fitzwilliam's correspondence with Lady Russell, and
his evidence on the trial of Ashton, in the State Trials. The only
work which Fitzwilliam, as far as I have been able to discover, ever
published was a sermon on the Rye House Plot, preached a few weeks after
Russell's execution. There are some sentences in this sermon which I a
little wonder that the widow and the family forgave.]
[Footnote 479: Cyprian, in one of his Epistles, addresses the confessors
thus: "Quosdam audio inficere numerum vestrum, et laudem praecipui
nominis prava sua conversatione destruere... Cum quanto nominis vestri
pudore delinquitur quando alius aliquis temulentus et lasciviens
demoratur; alius in eam patriam unde extorris est regreditur, ut
deprehensus non eam quasi Christianus, sed quasi nocens pereat." He uses
still stronger language in the book de Unitate Ecclesiae: "Neque enim
confessio immunem facet ab insidiis diaboli, aut contra tentationes et
pericula et incursus atque impetus saeculares adhuc in saeculo positum
perpetua securitate defendit; caeterum nunquam in confessoribus fraudes
et stupra et adulteria postmodum videremus, quae nunc in quibusdam
videntes ingemiscimus et dolemus."]
[Footnote 480: Much curious information about the nonjurors will be
found in the Biographical Memoirs of William Bowyer, printer, which
forms the first volume of Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the eighteenth
century. A specimen of Wagstaffe's prescriptions is in the Bodleian
Library.]
[Footnote 481: Cibber's play, as Cibber wrote it, ceased to be popular
when the Jacobites ceased to be formidable, and is now known only to
the curious. In 1768 Bickerstaffe altered it into the Hypocrite, and
substituted Dr. Cantwell, the Methodist, for Dr. Wolfe, the Nonjuror.
"I do not think," said Johnson, "the character of the Hypocrite
justly applicable to the Methodists; but it was very applicable to
the nonjurors." Boswell asked him if it were true that the nonjuring
clergymen intrigued with the wives of their patrons. "I am afraid," said
Johnson, "many of them did." This conversation took place on the 27th of
March 1775. It was not merely in careless tally that Johnson expressed
an unfavourable opinion of the nonjurors. In his Life of Fenton, who was
a nonjuror, are these remarkable words: "It must be remembered that he
kept his name unsullied, and never suffered himself to be reduced, like
too many of the same sect to mean arts and dishonourable shifts." See
the Character of a Jacobite, 1690. Even in Kettlewell's Life compiled
from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson, will be found
admissions which show that, very soon after the schism, some of
the nonjuring clergy fell into habits of idleness, dependence, and
mendicancy, which lowered the character of the whole party. "Several
undeserving persons, who are always the most confident, by their going
up and down, did much prejudice to the truly deserving, whose modesty
would not suffer them to solicit for themselves...... Mr. Kettlewell
was also very sensible that some of his brethren spent too much of their
time in places of concourse and news, by depending for their subsistence
upon those whom they there got acquainted with."]
[Footnote 482: Reresby's Memoirs, 344]
[Footnote 483: Birch's Life of Tillotson.]
[Footnote 484: See the Discourse concerning the Ecclesiastical
Commission, 1689.]
[Footnote 485: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux; Gentleman's
Magazine for June and July, 1745.]
[Footnote 486: Diary of the Proceedings of the Commissioners, taken by
Dr. Williams afterwards Bishop of Chichester, one of the Commissioners,
every night after he went home from the several meetings. This most
curious Diary was printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854.]
[Footnote 487: Williams's Diary.]
[Footnote 488: Williams's Diary.]
[Footnote 489: Ibid.]
[Footnote 490: See the alterations in the Book of Common Prayer prepared
by the Royal Commissioners for the revision of the Liturgy in 1689, and
printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854.]
[Footnote 491: It is difficult to conceive stronger or clearer language
than that used by the Council. Touton toinun anagnosthenton orisan
e agia sunodos, eteran pistin medeni ekseinai prospherein, egoun
suggraphein, e suntithenia, para ten oristheisan para ton agion pateron
ton en te Nikaeon sunegthonton sun agio pneumati tous de tolmontas
e suntithenai pistin eteran, egoun prokomizein, e prospherein tois
ethegousin epistrephein eis epignosin tes agetheias e eks Ellinismou
e eks Ioudaismon, i eks aireseos oiasdepotoun, toutous, ei men eien
episkopoi i klerikoi, allotrious einai tous episkopon, tes
episkopes, kai tous klerikous ton kliron ei de laikoi eien,
agathematizesthai--Concil. Ephes. Actio VI.]
[Footnote 492: Williams's Diary; Alterations in the Book of Common
Prayer.]
[Footnote 493: It is curious to consider how those great masters of the
Latin tongue who used to sup with Maecenas and Pollio would have been
perplexed by "Tibi Cherubim et Seraphim incessabili voce proclamant,
Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth;" or by "Ideo cum
angelis et archangelis, cum thronis et dominationibus."]
[Footnote 494: I will give two specimens of Patrick's workmanship. "He
maketh me," says David, "to lie down in green pastures: he leadeth me
beside the still waters." Patrick's version is as follows: "For as a
good shepherd leads his sheep in the violent heat to shady places,
where they may lie down and feed (not in parched but) in fresh and
green pastures, and in the evening leads them (not to muddy and troubled
waters, but) to pure and quiet streams; so hath he already made a fair
and plentiful provision for me, which I enjoy in peace without any
disturbance."
In the Song of Solomon is an exquisitely beautiful verse. "I charge you,
O daughters of Jerusalem, if ye find my beloved, that ye tell him that
I am sick of love." Patrick's version runs thus: "So I turned myself to
those of my neighbours and familiar acquaintance who were awakened by
my cries to come and see what the matter was; and conjured them, as they
would answer it to God, that, if they met with my beloved, they would
let him know--What shall I say?--What shall I desire you to tell him but
that I do not enjoy myself now that I want his company, nor can be well
till I recover his love again."]
[Footnote 495: William's dislike of the Cathedral service is
sarcastically noticed by Leslie in the Rehearsal, No. 7. See also
a Letter from a Member of the House of Commons to his Friend in the
Country, 1689, and Bisset's Modern Fanatic, 1710.]
[Footnote 496: See the Order in Council of Jan. 9. 1683.]
[Footnote 497: See Collier's Desertion discussed, 1689. Thomas Carte,
who was a disciple, and, at one time, an assistant of Collier, inserted,
so late as the year 1747, in a bulky History of England, an exquisitely
absurd note in which he assured the world that, to his certain
knowledge, the Pretender had cured the scrofula, and very gravely
inferred that the healing virtue was transmitted by inheritance, and was
quite independent of any unction. See Carte's History of England, vol,
i. page 297.]
[Footnote 498: See the Preface to a Treatise on Wounds, by Richard
Wiseman, Sergeant Chirurgeon to His Majesty, 1676. But the fullest
information on this curious subject will be found in the Charisma
Basilicon, by John Browne, Chirurgeon in ordinary to His Majesty, 1684.
See also The Ceremonies used in the Time of King Henry VII. for the
Healing of them that be Diseased with the King's Evil, published by
His Majesty's Command, 1686; Evelyn's Diary, March 18. 1684; and Bishop
Cartwright's Diary, August 28, 29, and 30. 1687. It is incredible
that so large a proportion of the population should have been really
scrofulous. No doubt many persons who had slight and transient maladies
were brought to the king, and the recovery of these persons kept up the
vulgar belief in the efficacy of his touch.]
[Footnote 499: Paris Gazette, April 23. 1689.]
[Footnote 500: See Whiston's Life of himself. Poor Whiston, who believed
in every thing but the Trinity, tells us gravely that the single person
whom William touched was cured, notwithstanding His Majesty's want of
faith. See also the Athenian Mercury of January 16. 1691.]
[Footnote 501: In several recent publications the apprehension that
differences might arise between the Convocation of York and the
Convocation of Canterbury has been contemptuously pronounced chimerical.
But it is not easy to understand why two independent Convocations should
be less likely to differ than two Houses of the same Convocation; and
it is matter of notoriety that, in the reigns of William the Third and
Anne, the two Houses of the Convocation of Canterbury scarcely ever
agreed.]
[Footnote 502: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux. From
Clarendon's Diary, it appears that he and Rochester were at Oxford on
the 23rd of September.]
[Footnote 503: See the Roll in the Historical Account of the present
Convocation, appended to the second edition of Vox Cleri, 1690. The most
considerable name that I perceive in the list of proctors chosen by
the parochial clergy is that of Dr. John Mill, the editor of the Greek
Testament.]
[Footnote 504: Tillotson to Lady Russell, April 19. 1690.]
[Footnote 505: Birch's Life of Tillotson. The account there given of the
coldness between Compton and Tillotson was taken by Birch from the MSS.
of Henry Wharton, and is confirmed by many circumstances which are known
from other sources of intelligence.]
[Footnote 506: Chamberlayne's State of England, 18th edition.]
[Footnote 507: Condo ad Synodum per Gulielmum Beveregium, 1689.]
[Footnote 508: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Historical Account of the
Present Convocation.]
[Footnote 509: Kennet's History, iii. 552.]
[Footnote 510: Historical Account of the Present Convocation, 1689.]
[Footnote 511: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Burnet,
ii. 58.; Kennet's History of the Reign of William and Mary.]
[Footnote 512: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet's
History.]
[Footnote 513: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet.]
[Footnote 514: Historical Account of the Present Convocation.]
[Footnote 515: That there was such a jealousy as I have described is
admitted in the pamphlet entitled Vox Cleri. "Some country ministers now
of the Convocation, do now see in what great ease and plenty the City
ministers live, who have their readers and lecturers, and frequent
supplies, and sometimes tarry in the vestry till prayers be ended, and
have great dignities in the Church, besides their rich parishes in the
City." The author of this tract, once widely celebrated, was Thomas
Long, proctor for the clergy of the diocese of Exeter. In another
pamphlet, published at this time, the rural clergymen are said to have
seen with an evil eye their London brethren refreshing themselves with
sack after preaching. Several satirical allusions to the fable of the
Town Mouse and the Country Mouse will be found in the pamphlets of that
winter.]
[Footnote 516: Barnet, ii, 33, 34. The best narratives of what passed
in this Convocation are the Historical Account appended to the second
edition of Vox Cleri, and the passage in Kennet's History to which I
have already referred the reader. The former narrative is by a very high
churchman, the latter by a very low churchman. Those who are desirous
of obtaining fuller information must consult the contemporary pamphlets.
Among them are Vox Populi; Vox Laici; Vox Regis et Regni; the Healing
Attempt; the Letter to a Friend, by Dean Prideaux the Letter from a
Minister in the Country to a Member of the Convocation; the Answer to
the Merry Answer to Vox Cleri; the Remarks from the Country upon two
Letters relating to the Convocation; the Vindication of the Letters in
answer to Vox Cleri; the Answer to the Country Minister's Letter. All
these tracts appeared late in 1689 or early in 1690.]
[Footnote 517: "Halifax a eu une reprimande severe publiquement dans le
conseil par le Prince d'Orange pour avoir trop balance."--Avaux to De
Croissy, Dublin, June 1689. "his mercurial Wit," says Burnet, ii. 4.,
"was not well suited with the King's phlegm."]
[Footnote 518: Clarendon's Diary, Oct. 10 1689; Lords' Journals, Oct.
19. 1689.]
[Footnote 519: Commons' Journals, Oct. 24. 1689.]
[Footnote 520: Ibid., Nov. 2. 1689.]
[Footnote 521: Commons' Journals, Nov. 7. 19., Dec. 30 1689. The rule
of the House then was that no petition could be received against the
imposition of a tax. This rule was, after a very hard fight, rescinded
in 1842. The petition of the Jews was not received, and is not mentioned
in the Journals. But something may be learned about it from Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary and from Grey's Debates, Nov. 19. 1689,]
[Footnote 522: James, in the very treatise in which he tried to prove
the Pope to be Antichrist, says "For myself, if that were yet the
question, I would with all my heart give my consent that the Bishop of
Rome should have the first seat." There is a remarkable letter on this
subject written by James to Charles and Buckingham, when they were in
Spain. Heylyn, speaking of Laud's negotiation with Rome, says: "So that
upon the point the Pope was to content himself among us in England
with a priority instead of a superiority over other Bishops, and with
a primacy instead of a supremacy in those parts of Christendom, which
I conceive no man of learning and sobriety would have grudged to grant
him,"]
[Footnote 523: Stat. 1 W & M. sess. 2. c 2.]
[Footnote 524: Treasury Minute Book, Nov. 3. 1689.]
[Footnote 525: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, Nov. 13, 14. 18.
19. 23. 28. 1689.]
[Footnote 526: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, November 26. and
27. 1689.]
[Footnote 527: Commons' Journals, November 28., December 2. 1689.]
[Footnote 528: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, November 30.,
December 2 1689.]
[Footnote 529: London Gazette, September 2 1689; Observations upon Mr.
Walker's Account of the Siege of Londonderry, licensed October 4. 1689;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Mr. J. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel,
a Defence of Mr. G. Walker written by his Friend in his Absence, 1690.]
[Footnote 530: Walker's True Account, 1689; An Apology for the Failures
charged on the True Account, 1689; Reflections on the Apology, 1689; A
Vindication of the True Account by Walker, 1689; Mackenzie's Narrative,
1690; Mr. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel, 1690; Dr. Walker's
Invisible Champion foyled by Mackenzie, 1690; Weiwood's Mercurius
Reformatus, Dec. 4. and 11 1689. The Oxford editor of Burnet's History
expresses his surprise at the silence which the Bishop observes about
Walker. In the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. there is an animated panegyric
on Walker. Why that panegyric does not appear in the History, I am at a
loss to explain.]
[Footnote 531: Commons' Journals, November 18 and 19. 1689; and Grey's
Debates.]
[Footnote 532: Wade's Confession, Harl. MS. 6845.]
[Footnote 533: See the Preface to the First Edition of his Memoirs,
Vevay, 1698.]
[Footnote 534: "Colonel Ludlow, an old Oliverian, and one of King
Charles the First his Judges, is arrived lately in this kingdom from
Switzerland."-Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, September 1689.]
[Footnote 535: Third Caveat against the Whigs, 1712.]
[Footnote 536: Commons' Journals, November 6. and 8. 1689; Grey's
Debates; London Gazette, November 18.]
[Footnote 537: "Omme solum forti patria, quia patris." See Addison's
Travels. It is a remarkable circumstance that Addison, though a Whig,
speaks of Ludlow in language which would better have become a Tory, and
sneers at the inscription as cant.]
[Footnote 538: Commons' Journals, Nov. 1. 7. 1689.]
[Footnote 539: Roger North's Life of Dudley North.]
[Footnote 540: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689.]
[Footnote 541: Lords' Journals, October 26. and 27. 1689.]
[Footnote 542: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689.]
[Footnote 543: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689; Wood's Athenae
Oxonienses; Dod's Church History, VIII. ii. 3.]
[Footnote 544: Commons' Journals, October 28. 5689. The proceedings will
be found in the collection of State Trials.]
[Footnote 545: Lords' Journals, Nov. 2. and 6. 1689.]
[Footnote 546: Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689; Life of Dudley North.]
[Footnote 547: The report is in the Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689.
Hampden's examination was on the 18th of November.]
[Footnote 548: This, I think, is clear from a letter of Lady Montague
to Lady Russell, dated Dec. 23. 1689, three days after the Committee of
Murder had reported.]
[Footnote 549: Commons' Journals, Dec. 14. 1689; Grey's Debates; Boyer's
Life of William.]
[Footnote 550: Commons' Journals, Dec. 21.; Grey's Debates; Oldmixon.]
[Footnote 551: Commons' Journals, Jan. 2. 1689/90]
[Footnote 552: Thus, I think, must be understood some remarkable
words in a letter written by William to Portland, on the day after
Sacheverell's bold and unexpected move. William calculates the amount of
the supplies, and then says: "S'ils n'y mettent des conditions que vous
savez, c'est une bonne affaire: mais les Wigges sont si glorieux d'avoir
vaincu qu'ils entreprendront tout."]
[Footnote 553: "The authority of the chair, the awe and reverence to
order, and the due method of debates being irrecoverably lost by the
disorder and tumultuousness of the House."--Sir J. Trevor to the King,
Appendix to Dalrymple's Memoirs, Part ii. Book 4.]
[Footnote 554: Commons' Journals, Jan. 10. 1689/90 I have done my best
to frame an account of this contest out of very defective materials.
Burnet's narrative contains more blunders than lines. He evidently
trusted to his memory, and was completely deceived by it. My chief
authorities are the Journals; Grey's Debates; William's Letters to
Portland; the Despatches of Van Citters; a Letter concerning the
Disabling Clauses, lately offered to the House of Commons, for
regulating Corporations, 1690; The True Friends to Corporations
vindicated, in an answer to a letter concerning the Disabling Clauses,
1690; and Some Queries concerning the Election of Members for the
ensuing Parliament, 1690. To this last pamphlet is appended a list of
those who voted for the Sacheverell Clause. See also Clarendon's Diary,
Jan. 10. 1689/90, and the Third Part of the Caveat against the Whigs,
1712. William's Letter of the 10th of January ends thus. The news of the
first division only had reached Kensington. "Il est a present onze eures
de nuit, et dix eures la Chambre Basse estoit encore ensemble. Ainsi
je ne vous puis escrire par cette ordinaire l'issue de l'affaire. Les
previos questions les Tories l'ont emporte de cinq vois. Ainsi vous
pouvez voir que la chose est bien disputee. J'ay si grand somiel, et
mon toux m'incomode que je ne vous en saurez dire davantage. Josques a
mourir a vous."
On the same night Van Citters wrote to the States General. The debate
he said, had been very sharp. The design of the Whigs, whom he calls
the Presbyterians, had been nothing less than to exclude their opponents
from all offices, and to obtain for themselves the exclusive possession
of power.]
[Footnote 555: Commons' Journals, Jan. 11 1689/90.]
[Footnote 556: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Jan. 16. 1690; Van Citters to
the States General, Jan. 21/31]
[Footnote 557: Commons' Journals, Jan. 16. 1689/90]
[Footnote 558: Roger North's Life of Guildford.]
[Footnote 559: See the account of the proceedings in the collection of
State Trials.]
[Footnote 560: Commons' Journals, Jan. 20. 1689/90; Grey's Debates, Jan.
18. and 20.]
[Footnote 561: Commons' Journals, Jan. 21. 1689/90 On the same day
William wrote thus from Kensington to Portland: "C'est aujourd'hui le
grand jour l'eguard du Bill of Indemnite. Selon tout ce que is puis
aprendre, il y aura beaucoup de chaleur, et rien determiner; et de la
maniere que la chose est entourre, il n'y a point d'aparence que cette
affaire viene a aucune conclusion. Et ainsi il se pouroit que la
cession fust fort courts; n'ayant plus dargent a esperer; et les esprits
s'aigrissent ton contre l'autre de plus en plus." Three days later Van
Citters informed the States General that the excitement about the Bill
of Indemnity was extreme.]
[Footnote 562: Burnet, ii. 39.; MS. Memoir written by the first Lord
Lonsdale in the Mackintosh Papers.]
[Footnote 563: Burnet, ii. 40.]
[Footnote 564: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, January and February.]
[Footnote 565: William to Portland, Jan. 10/20 1690. "Les Wiges ont peur
de me perdre trop tost, avant qu'ils n'ayent fait avec moy ce qu'ils
veulent: car, pour leur amitie, vous savez ce qu'il y a a compter
ladessus en ce pays icy." Jan. 14/24 "Me voila le plus embarasse du
monde, ne sachant quel parti prendre, estant toujours persuade que, sans
que j'aille en Irlande, l'on n'y faira rien qui vaille. Pour avoir du
conseil en cette affaire, je n'en ay point a attendre, personne n'ausant
dire ses sentimens. Et l'on commence deja a dire ouvertement que ce
sont des traitres qui m'ont conseille de preudre cette resolution." Jan.
21/31 "Je nay encore rien dit,"--he means to the Parliament,--"de mon
voyage pour l'Irlande. Et je ne suis point encore determine si j'en
parlerez: mais je crains que nonobstant j'aurez une adresse pour n'y
point aller ce qui m'embarassera beaucoup, puis que c'est une necssite
absolue que j'y aille."]
[Footnote 566: William to Portland, Jan 28/Feb 7 1690; Van Citters to
the States General, same date; Evelyn's Diary; Lords' Journals, Jan. 27.
I will quote William's own words. "Vous voirez mon harangue imprimee:
ainsi je ne vous en direz rien. Et pour les raisone qui m'y ont oblige,
je les reserverez a vous les dire jusques a vostre retour. Il semble
que les Toris en sont bien aise, male point les Wiggs. Ils estoient tous
fort surpris quand je leur parlois, n'ayant communique mon dessin qu'a
une seule personne. Je vie des visages long comme un aune, change de
couleur vingt fois pendant que je parlois. Tous ces particularites
jusques a vostre heureux retour."]
[Footnote 567: Evelyn's Diary; Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 9. 1690; Van
Citters to the States General, Jan 31/Feb 10.; Lonsdale MS. quoted by
Dalrymple.]
[Footnote 568: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary]
[Footnote 569: Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 11. 1690.]
[Footnote 570: Van Citters to the States General, February 14/24. 1690;
Evelyn's Diary.]
[Footnote 571: William to Portland, Feb 28/March 10 29. 1690; Van
Citters to the States General, March 4/14; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 572: Van Citters, March 11/21 1689/90; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary.]
[Footnote 573: Van Citters to the States General, March 11/21 1690.]
[Footnote 574: The votes were for Sawyer 165, for Finch 141, for Bennet,
whom I suppose to have been a Whig, 87. At the University every voter
delivers his vote in writing. One of the votes given on this occasion
is in the following words, "Henricus Jenkes, ex amore justitiae, eligit
virum consultissimum Robertum Sawyer."]
[Footnote 575: Van Citters to the States General, March 18/28 1690.]
[Footnote 576: It is amusing to see how absurdly foreign pamphleteers,
ignorant of the real state of things in England, exaggerated the
importance of John Hampden, whose name they could not spell. In a French
Dialogue between William and the Ghost of Monmouth, William says, "Entre
ces membres de la Chambre Basse etoit un certain homme hardy, opiniatre,
et zele a l'exces pour sa creance; on l'appelle Embden, egalement
dangereux par son esprit et par son credit.... je ne trouvay point de
chemin plus court pour me delivrer de cette traverse que de casser le
parlement, en convoquer un autre, et empescher que cet homme, qui me
faisoit tant d'ombrages, ne fust nomme pour un des deputez au nouvel
parlement." "Ainsi," says the Ghost, "cette cassation de parlement qui
a fait tant de bruit, et a produit tant de raisonnemens et de
speculations, n'estoit que pour exclure Embden. Mais s'il estoit si
adroit et si zele, comment as-tu pu trouver le moyen de le faire exclure
du nombre des deputez?" To this very sensible question the King
answers, "Il m'a fallu faire d'etranges manoeuvres pour en venir a
bout."--L'Ombre de Monmouth, 1690.]
[Footnote 577: "A present tout dependra d'un bon succes en Irlande; et
a quoy il faut que je m'aplique entierement pour regler le mieux que je
puis toutte chose.... je vous asseure que je n'ay pas peu sur les bras,
estant aussi mal assiste que je suis."-William to Portland, Jan 28/Feb 7
1690.]
[Footnote 578: Van Citters, Feb. 14/24 1689/90; Memoir of the Earl of
Chesterfield by himself; Halifax to Chesterfield, Feb. 6.; Chesterfield
to Halifax, Feb 8. The editor of the letters of the second Earl of
Chesterfield, not allowing for the change of style, has misplaced this
correspondence by a year.]
[Footnote 579: Van Citters to the States General, Feb. 11/21 1690.]
[Footnote 580: A strange peculiarity of his constitution is mentioned in
an account of him which was published a few months after his death.
See the volume entitled "Lives and Characters of the most Illustrious
Persons, British and Foreign, who died in the year 1712."]
[Footnote 581: Monmouth's pension and the good understanding between
him and the Court are mentioned in a letter from a Jacobite agent in
England, which is in the Archives of the French War Office. The date is
April 8/18 1690.]
[Footnote 582: The grants of land obtained by Delamere are mentioned
by Narcissus Luttrell. It appears from the Treasury Letter Book of
1690 that Delamere continued to dim the government for money after his
retirement. As to his general character it would not be safe to
trust the representations of satirists. But his own writings, and the
admissions of the divine who preached his funeral sermon, show that his
temper was not the most gentle. Clarendon remarks (Dec. 17. 1688) that
a little thing sufficed to put Lord Delamere into a passion. In the poem
entitled the King of Hearts, Delamere is described as--
"A restless malecontent even when preferred."
His countenance furnished a subject for satire:
"His boding looks a mind distracted show;
And envy sits engraved upon his brow."]
[Footnote 583: My notion of Lowther's character has been chiefly formed
from two papers written by himself, one of which has been printed,
though I believe not published. A copy of the other is among the
Mackintosh MSS. Something I have taken from contemporary satires.
That Lowther was too ready to expose his life in private encounters
is sufficiently proved by the fact that, when he was First Lord of the
Treasury, he accepted a challenge from a custom house officer whom he
had dismissed. There was a duel; and Lowther was severely wounded. This
event is mentioned in Luttrell's Diary, April 1690.]
[Footnote 584: Burnet, ii. 76]
[Footnote 585: Roger North's Life of Guildford.]
[Footnote 586: Till some years after this time the First Lord of the
Treasury was always the man of highest rank at the Board. Thus Monmouth,
Delamere and Godolphin took their places according to the order of
precedence in which they stood as peers.]
[Footnote 587: The dedication, however, was thought too laudatory.
"The only thing," Mr. Pope used to say, "he could never forgive his
philosophic master was the dedication to the Essay."--Ruffhead's Life of
Pope.]
[Footnote 588: Van Citters to the States General April 25/May 5, 1690.
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Treasury Letter Book, Feb. 4. 1689/90]
[Footnote 589: The Dialogue between a Lord Lieutenant and one of his
Deputies will not be found in the collection of Warrington's writings
which was published in 1694, under the sanction, as it should seem, of
his family.]
[Footnote 590: Van Citters, to the States General, March 18/28 April
4/14 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Burnet, ii. 72.; The Triennial
Mayor, or the Rapparees, a Poem, 1691. The poet says of one of the new
civic functionaries:
"Soon his pretence to conscience we can rout,
And in a bloody jury find him out,
Where noble Publius worried was with rogues."]
[Footnote 591: Treasury Minute Book, Feb. 5. 1689/90]
[Footnote 592: Van Citters, Feb. 11/21 Mar. 14/24 Mar. 18/28 1690.]
[Footnote 593: Van Citters, March 14/24 1690. The sermon is extant. It
was preached at Bow Church before the Court of Aldermen.]
[Footnote 594: Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus, Feb. 12. 1690.]
[Footnote 595: Commons' Journals, March 20, 21, 22. 1689/89]
[Footnote 596: Commons Journals, March 28. 1690, and March 1. and March
20. 1688/9]
[Footnote 597: Grey's Debates, March 27. and 28 1690.]
[Footnote 598: Commons' Journals, Mar. 28. 1690. A very clear and exact
account of the way in which the revenue was settled was sent by Van
Citters to the States General, April 7/17 1690.]
[Footnote 599: Burnet, ii. 43.]
[Footnote 600: In a contemporary lampoon are these lines:
"Oh, happy couple! In their life
There does appear no sign of strife.
They do agree so in the main,
To sacrifice their souls for gain."
--The Female Nine, 1690.]
[Footnote 601: Swift mentions the deficiency of hospitality and
magnificence in her household. Journal to Stella, August 8. 1711.]
[Footnote 602: Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication. But the Duchess was
so abandoned a liar, that it is impossible to believe a word that she
says, except when she accuses herself.]
[Footnote 603: See the Female Nine.]
[Footnote 604: The Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication. With that
habitual inaccuracy, which, even when she has no motive for lying,
makes it necessary to read every word written by her with suspicion, she
creates Shrewsbury a Duke, and represents herself as calling him "Your
Grace." He was not made a Duke till 1694.]
[Footnote 605: Commons' Journals, December 17 and 18 1689.]
[Footnote 606: Vindication of the Duchess of Marlborough.]
[Footnote 607: Van Citters, April 8/18 1690.]
[Footnote 608: Van Citters, April 8/18 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 609: Lords' Journals, April 8. and 10 1690; Burnet, ii. 41.]
[Footnote 610: Van Citters, April 25/May 5 1690.]
[Footnote 611: Commons' Journals, April 8. and 9. 1690; Grey's Debates;
Burnet, ii. 42. Van Citters, writing on the 8th, mentions that a great
struggle in the Lower House was expected.]
[Footnote 612: Commons' Journals, April 24. 1690; Grey's Debates.]
[Footnote 613: Commons' Journals, April 24, 25, and 26; Grey's Debates;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. Narcissus is unusually angry. He calls the
bill "a perfect trick of the fanatics to turn out the Bishops and most
of the Church of England Clergy." In a Whig pasquinade entitled "A
speech intended to have been spoken on the Triennial Bill," on Jan. 28.
1692/3 the King is said to have "browbeaten the Abjuration Bill."]
[Footnote 614: Lords' Journals, May 1. 1690. This bill is among the
Archives of the House of Lords. Burnet confounds it with the bill which
the Commons had rejected in the preceding week. Ralph, who saw that
Burnet had committed a blunder, but did not see what the blunder was,
has, in trying to correct it, added several blunders of his own; and the
Oxford editor of Burnet has been misled by Ralph.]
[Footnote 615: Lords' Journals, May 2. and 3. 1690; Van Citters, May 2.;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Burnet, ii. 44.; and Lord Dartmouth's
note. The changes made by the Committee may be seen on the bill in the
Archives of the House of Lords.]
[Footnote 616: These distinctions were much discussed at the time. Van
Citters, May 20/30 1690.]
[Footnote 617: Stat. 2 W.&M. sess. 1. C. 10.]
[Footnote 618: Roger North was one of the many malecontents who were
never tired of harping on this string.]
[Footnote 619: Stat. 2 W.&M. sess. 1. c. 6.; Grey's Debates, April 29.,
May 1. 5, 6, 7. 1690.]
[Footnote 620: Story's Impartial History; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 621: Avaux, Jan. 15/25 1690.]
[Footnote 622: Macariae Excidium. This most curious work has been
recently edited with great care and diligence by Mr. O'Callaghan. I
owe so much to his learning and industry that I most readily excuse the
national partiality which sometimes, I cannot but think, perverts his
judgment. When I quote the Macariae Excidium, I always quote the Latin
text. The English version is, I am convinced, merely a translation from
the Latin, and a very careless and imperfect translation.]
[Footnote 623: Avaux, Nov. 14/24 1689.]
[Footnote 624: Louvois writes to Avaux, Dec 26/Jan 5 1689/90. "Comme le
Roy a veu par vos lettres que le Roy d'Angleterre craignoit de manquer
de cuivre pour faire de la monnoye, Sa Majeste a donne ordre, que l'on
mist sur le bastiment qui portera cette lettre une piece de canon du
calibre de deux qui est eventee, de laquelle ceux qui travaillent a la
monnoye du Roy d'Angleterre pourront se servir pour continuer a faire de
la monnoye."]
[Footnote 625: Louvois to Avaux, Nov. 1/11. 1689. The force sent by
Lewis to Ireland appears by the lists at the French War Office to have
amounted to seven thousand two hundred and ninety-one men of all ranks.
At the French War Office is a letter from Marshal d'Estrees who saw the
four Irish regiments soon after they had landed at Brest. He describes
them as "mal chausses, mal vetus, et n'ayant point d'uniforme dans leurs
habits, si ce n'est qu'ils sont tous fort mauvais." A very exact account
of Macarthy's breach of parole will be found in Mr. O'Callaghan's
History of the Irish Brigades. I am sorry that a writer to whom I owe so
much should try to vindicate conduct which, as described by himself, was
in the highest degree dishonourable.]
[Footnote 626: Lauzun to Louvois. May 28/June 7 and June 1 1690, at the
French War Office.]
[Footnote 627: See the later letters of Avaux.]
[Footnote 628: Avaux to Louvois, March 14/24 1690; Lauzun to Louvois
March 23/April 3]
[Footnote 629: Story's Impartial History; Lauzun to Louvois, May 20/30.
1690.]
[Footnote 630: Lauzun to Louvois, May 28/June 7 1690.]
[Footnote 631: Lauzun to Louvois, April 2/12 May 10/20. 1690. La
Hoguette, who held the rank of Marechal de Camp, wrote to Louvois to the
same effect about the same time.]
[Footnote 632: "La Politique des Anglois a ete de tenir ces peuples
cy comme des esclaves, et si bas qu'il ne leur estoit pas permis
d'apprendre a lire et a écrire. Cela les a rendu si bestes qu'ils n'ont
presque point d'humanite. Rien de les esmeut. Ils sont peu sensibles a
l'honneur; et les menaces ne les estonnent point. L'interest meme ne les
peut engager au travail. Ce sont pourtant les gens du monde les mieux
faits,"--Desgrigny to Louvois, May 27/June 6 1690.]
[Footnote 633: See Melfort's Letters to James, written in October 1689.
They are among the Nairne Papers, and were printed by Macpherson.]
[Footnote 634: Life of James, ii. 443. 450.;and Trials of Ashton and
Preston.]
[Footnote 635: Avaux wrote thus to Lewis on the 5th of June 1689:
"Il nous est venu des nouvelles assez considerables d'Angleterre et
d'Escosse. Je me donne l'honneur d'en envoyer des memoires a vostre
Majeste, tels que je les ay receus du Roy de la Grande Bretagne. Le
commencement des nouvelles dattees d'Angleterre est la copie d'une
lettre de M. Pen, que j'ay veue en original." The Memoire des Nouvelles
d'Angleterre et d'Escosse, which was sent with this despatch, begins
with the following sentences, which must have been part of Penn's
letter: "Le Prince d'Orange commence d'estre fort dégoutte de l'humeur
des Anglois et la face des choses change bien viste, selon la nature des
insulaires et sa sante est fort mauvaise. Il y a un nuage qui commence a
se former au nord des deux royaumes, ou le Roy a beaucoup d'amis, ce qui
donne beaucoup d'inquietude aux principaux amis du Prince d'Orange,
qui, estant riches, commencent a estre persuadez que ce sera l'espée
qui decidera de leur sort, ce qu'ils ont tant taché d'eviter. Ils
apprehendent une invasion d'Irlande et de France; et en ce cas le Roy
aura plus d'amis que jamais."]
[Footnote 636: "Le bon effet, Sire, que ces lettres d'Escosse et
d'Angleterre ont produit, est qu'elles ont enfin persuade le Roy
d'Angleterre qu'il ne recouvrera ses estats que les armes a la main; et
ce n'est pas peu de l'en avoir convaincu."]
[Footnote 637: Van Citters to the States General, March 1/11 1689. Van
Citters calls Penn "den bekenden Archquaker."]
[Footnote 638: See his trial in the Collection of State Trials, and the
Lords' Journals of Nov. 11, 12. and 27. 1689.]
[Footnote 639: One remittance of two thousand pistoles is mentioned in
a letter of Croissy to Avaux, Feb. 16/26 1689. James, in a letter dated
Jan. 26. 1689, directs Preston to consider himself as still Secretary,
notwithstanding Melfort's appointment.]
[Footnote 640: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Commons' Journals, May 14.
15. 20. 1690; Kingston's True History, 1697.]
[Footnote 641: The Whole Life of Mr. William Fuller, being an Impartial
Account of his Birth, Education, Relations and Introduction into the
Service of the late King James and his Queen, together with a True
Discovery of the Intrigues for which he lies now confined; as also of
the Persons that employed and assisted him therein, with his Hearty
Repentance for the Misdemeanours he did in the late Reign, and all
others whom he hath injured; impartially writ by Himself during his
Confinement in the Queen's Bench, 1703. Of course I shall use this
narrative with caution.]
[Footnote 642: Fuller's Life of himself,]
[Footnote 643: Clarendon's Diary, March 6. 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary.]
[Footnote 644: Clarendon's Diary, May 10. 1690.]
[Footnote 645: He wrote to Portland, "Je plains la povre reine, qui est
en des terribles afflictions."]
[Footnote 646: See the Letters of Shrewsbury in Coxe's Correspondence,
Part I, chap. i,]
[Footnote 647: That Lady Shrewsbury was a Jacobite, and did her best
to make her son so, is certain from Lloyd's Paper of May 1694, which is
among the Nairne MSS., and was printed by Macpherson.]
[Footnote 648: This is proved by a few words in a paper which James, in
November 1692, laid before the French government. "Il y a" says he, "le
Comte de Shrusbery, qui, etant Secretaire d'Etat du Prince d'Orange,
s'est defait de sa charge par mon ordre." One copy of this most valuable
paper is in the Archives of the French Foreign Office. Another is among
the Nairne MSS. in the Bodleian Library. A translation into English will
be found in Macpherson's collection.]
[Footnote 649: Burnet, ii. 45.]
[Footnote 650: Shrewsbury to Somers, Sept. 22. 1697.]
[Footnote 651: Among the State Poems (vol. ii. p. 211.) will be found a
piece which some ignorant editor has entitled, "A Satyr written when
the K---- went to Flanders and left nine Lords justices." I have a
manuscript copy of this satire, evidently contemporary, and bearing
the date 1690. It is indeed evident at a glance that the nine persons
satirised are the nine members of the interior council which William
appointed to assist Mary when he went to Ireland. Some of them never
were Lords Justices.]
[Footnote 652: From a narrative written by Lowther, which is among the
Mackintosh MSS,]
[Footnote 653: See Mary's Letters to William, published by Dalrymple.]
[Footnote 654: Clarendon's Diary, May 30. 1690.]
[Footnote 655: Gerard Croese.]
[Footnote 656: Burnet, ii. 46.]
[Footnote 657: The Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication.]
[Footnote 658: London Gazettes, June 5. 12. 16. 1690; Hop to the States
General from Chester, June 9/19. Hop attended William to Ireland as
envoy from the States.]
[Footnote 659: Clarendon's Diary, June 7. and 12. 1690; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary; Baden, the Dutch Secretary of Legation, to Van
Citters, June 10/20; Fuller's Life of himself; Welwood's Mercurius
Reformatus, June 11 1690.]
[Footnote 660: Clarendon's Diary, June 8. 1690.]
[Footnote 661: Ibid., June 10.]
[Footnote 662: Baden to Van Citters, June 20/30 1690.; Clarendon's
Diary, June 19. Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 663: Clarendon's Diary, June 25.]
[Footnote 664: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 665: Memoirs of Saint Simon.]
[Footnote 666: London Gazette, June 26. 1690; Baden to Van Citters, June
24/July 4.]
[Footnote 667: Mary to William, June 26. 1690; Clarendon's Diary of the
same date; Narcissus Luttrell's. Diary.]
[Footnote 668: Mary to William, June 28. and July 2. 1690.]
[Footnote 669: Report of the Commissioners of the Admiralty to the
Queen, dated Sheerness, July 18. 1690; Evidence of Captains Cornwall,
Jones, Martin and Hubbard, and of Vice Admiral Delaval; Burnet, ii. 52.,
and Speaker Onslow's Note; Memoires du Marechal de Tourville; Memoirs
of Transactions at Sea by Josiah Burchett, Esq., Secretary to the
Admiralty, 1703; London Gazette, July 3.; Historical and Political
Mercury for July 1690; Mary to William, July 2.; Torrington to
Caermarthen, July I. The account of the battle in the Paris Gazette
of July 15. 1690 is not to be read without shame: "On a sceu que les
Hollandois s'estoient tres bien battus, et qu'ils s'estoient comportez
en cette occasion en braves gens, mais que les Anglois n'en avoient
pas agi de meme." In the French official relation of le battle off Cape
Bevezier,--an odd corruption of Pevensey,--are some passages to the
same effect: "Les Hollandois combattirent avec beaucoup de courage et
de fermete; mais ils ne furent pas bien secondez par les Anglois." "Les
Anglois se distinguerent des vaisseax de Hollande par le peu de valeur
qu'ils montrerent dans le combat."]
[Footnote 670: Life of James, ii. 409.; Burnet, ii. 5.]
[Footnote 671: London Gazette, June 30. 1690; Historical and Political
Mercury for July 1690.]
[Footnote 672: Nottingham to William, July 15. 1690.]
[Footnote 673: Burnet, ii. 53, 54.; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, July 7.
11. 1690 London Gazette, July 14. 1690.]
[Footnote 674: Mary to William, July 3. 10. 1690; Shrewsbury to
Caermarthen, July 15.]
[Footnote 675: Mary to the States General, July 12.; Burchett's Memoirs;
An important Account of some remarkable Passages in the Life of Arthur,
Earl of Torrington, 1691.]
[Footnote 676: London Gazette, June 19 1690; History of the Wars in
Ireland by an Officer in the Royal Army, 1690,; Villare Hibernicum,
1690;. Story's Impartial History, 1691; Historical Collections relating
to the town of Belfast, 1817. This work contains curious extracts from
MSS. of the seventeenth century. In the British Museum is a map of
Belfast made in 1685 so exact that the houses may be counted.]
[Footnote 677: Lauzun to Louvois, June 16/26. The messenger who brought
the news to Lauzun had heard the guns and seen the bonfires. History
of the Wars in Ireland by an Officer of the Royal Army, 1690; Lire
of James, ii. 392., Orig. Mem.; Burnet, ii. 47. Burnet is strangely
mistaken when he says that William had been six days in Ireland before
his arrival was known to James.]
[Footnote 678: A True and Perfect Journal of the Affairs of Ireland by a
Person of Quality, 1690; King, iii. 18. Luttrell's proclamation will be
found in King's Appendix.]
[Footnote 679: Villare Hibernicum, 1690.]
[Footnote 680: The order addressed to the Collector of Customs will be
found in Dr. Reid's History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.]
[Footnote 681: "La gayete peinte sur son visage," says Dumont, who saw
him at Belfast, "nous fit tout esperer pour les heureux succes de la
campagne."]
[Footnote 682: Story's Impartial Account; MS. Journal of Colonel
Bellingham; The Royal Diary.]
[Footnote 683: Story's Impartial Account.]
[Footnote 684: Lauzun to Louvois, June 23/July 3 1690; Life of James,
ii. 393, Orig. Mem.]
[Footnote 685: Story's Impartial Account; Dumont MS.]
[Footnote 686: Much interesting information respecting the field of
battle and the surrounding country will be found in Mr. Wilde's pleasing
volume entitled "The Beauties of the Boyne and Blackwater."]
[Footnote 687: Memorandum in the handwriting of Alexander, Earl of
Marchmont. He derived his information from Lord Selkirk, who was in
William's army.]
[Footnote 688: James says (Life, ii 393. Orig. Mem.) that the country
afforded no better position. King, in a thanksgiving sermon which he
preached at Dublin after the close of the campaign, told his hearers
that "the advantage of the post of the Irish was, by all intelligent
men, reckoned above three to one." See King's Thanksgiving Sermon,
preached on Nov 16. 1690, before Lords Justices. This is, no doubt, an
absurd exaggeration. But M. de la Hoguette, one of the principal French
officers who was present at the battle of the Boyne, informed Louvois
that the Irish army occupied a good defensive position, Letter of La
Hoguette from Limerick, July 31/Aug 1690.]
[Footnote 689: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, March, 1690.]
[Footnote 690: See the Historical records of the Regiments of the
British army, and Story's list of the army of William as it passed in
review at Finglass, a week after the battle.]
[Footnote 691: See his Funeral Sermon preached at the church of Saint
Mary Aldermary on the 24th of June 1690.]
[Footnote 692: Story's Impartial History; History of the Wars in Ireland
by an Officer of the Royal Army; Hop to the States General, June 30/July
10. 1690.]
[Footnote 693: London Gazette, July 7. 1690; Story's Impartial History;
History of the Wars in Ireland by an Officer of the Royal Army;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Lord Marchmont's Memorandum; Burnet, ii. 50.
and Thanksgiving Sermon; Dumont MS.]
[Footnote 694: La Hoguette to Louvois, July 31/Aug 10 1690.]
[Footnote 695: That I have done no injustice to the Irish infantry will
appear from the accounts which the French officers who were at the
Boyne sent to their government and their families. La Hoguette,
writing hastily to Louvois on the 4/14th of July, says: "je vous diray
seulement, Monseigneur, que nous n'avons pas este battus, mais que
les ennemys ont chasses devant eux les trouppes Irlandoises comme des
moutons, sans avoir essaye un seul coup de mousquet."
Writing some weeks later more fully from Limerick, he says, "J'en meurs
de honte." He admits that it would have been no easy matter to win the
battle, at best. "Mais il est vray aussi," he adds, "que les Irlandois
ne firent pas la moindre resistance, et plierent sans tirer un seul
coup." Zurlauben, Colonel of one of the finest regiments in the French
service, wrote to the same effect, but did justice to the courage of the
Irish horse, whom La Hoguette does not mention.
There is at the French War Office a letter hastily scrawled by
Boisseleau, Lauzun's second in command, to his wife after the battle. He
wrote thus: "Je me porte bien, ma chere feme. Ne t'inquieste pas de moy.
Nos Irlandois n'ont rien fait qui vaille. Ils ont tous lache le pie."
Desgrigny writing on the 10/20th of July, assigns several reasons for
the defeat. "La première et la plus forte est la fuite des Irlandois qui
sont en verite des gens sur lesquels il ne faut pas compter du tout." In
the same letter he says: "Il n'est pas naturel de croire qu'une armee de
vingt cinq mille hommes qui paroissoit de la meilleure volonte du
monde, et qui a la veue des ennemis faisoit des cris de joye, dut etre
entierement defaite sans avoir tire l'epee et un seul coup de mousquet.
Il y a en tel regiment tout entier qui a laisse ses habits, ses armes,
et ses drapeaux sur le champ de bataille, et a gagne les montagnes avec
ses officiers."
I looked in vain for the despatch in which Lauzun must have given
Louvois a detailed account of the battle.]
[Footnote 696: Lauzun wrote to Seignelay, July 16/26 1690, "Richard
Amilton a ete fait prisonnier, faisant fort bien son devoir."]
[Footnote 697: My chief materials for the history of this battle are
Story's Impartial Account and Continuation; the History of the War in
Ireland by an Officer of the Royal Army; the despatches in the French
War Office; The Life of James, Orig. Mem. Burnet, ii. 50. 60; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary; the London Gazette of July 10. 1690; the Despatches of
Hop and Baden; a narrative probably drawn up by Portland, which William
sent to the States General; Portland's private letter to Melville;
Captain Richardson's Narrative and map of the battle; the Dumont MS.,
and the Bellingham MS. I have also seen an account of the battle in a
Diary kept in bad Latin and in an almost undecipherable hand by one
of the beaten army who seems to have been a hedge schoolmaster turned
Captain. This Diary was kindly lent to me by Mr. Walker, to whom it
belongs. The writer relates the misfortunes of his country in a style
of which a short specimen may suffice: 1 July, 1690. "O diem
illum infandum, cum inimici potiti sunt pass apud Oldbridge et nos
circumdederunt et fregerunt prope Plottin. Hinc omnes fugimus Dublin
versus. Ego mecum tuli Cap Moore et Georgium Ogle, et venimus hac nocte
Dub."]
[Footnote 698: See Pepys's Diary, June 4. 1664. "He tells me above all
of the Duke of York, that he is more himself, and more of judgment is at
hand in him, in the middle of a desperate service than at other times."
Clarendon repeatedly says the same. Swift wrote on the margin of his
copy of Clarendon, in one place, "How old was he (James) when he turned
Papist and a coward?"--in another, "He proved a cowardly Popish king."]
[Footnote 699: Pere Orleans mentions that Sarsfield accompanied James.
The battle of the Boyne had scarcely been fought when it was made the
subject of a drama, the Royal Flight, or the Conquest of Ireland, a
Farce, 1690. Nothing more execrable was ever written. But it deserves to
be remarked that, in this wretched piece, though the Irish generally are
represented as poltroons, an exception is made in favour of Sarsfield.
"This fellow," says James, aside, "I will make me valiant, I think,
in spite of my teeth." "Curse of my stars!" says Sarsfield, after the
battle. "That I must be detached! I would have wrested victory out of
heretic Fortune's hands."]
[Footnote 700: Both La Hoguette and Zurlauben informed their government
that it had been necessary to fire on the Irish fugitives, who would
otherwise have thrown the French ranks into confusion.]
[Footnote 701: Baden to Van Citters, July 8. 1690.]
[Footnote 702: New and Perfect Journal, 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary.]
[Footnote 703: Story; London Gazette, July 10. 1690.]
[Footnote 704: True and Perfect journal; Villare Hibernicum; Story's
Impartial History.]
[Footnote 705: Story; True and Perfect journal; London Gazette, July 10
1690 Burnet, ii. 51.; Leslie's Answer to King.]
[Footnote 706: Life of James, ii. 404., Orig. Mem.; Monthly Mercury for
August, 1690.]
[Footnote 707: True and Perfect journal. London Gazette, July 10 and
14. 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. In the Life of James Bonnell,
Accountant General of Ireland, (1703) is a remarkable religious
meditation, from which I will quote a short passage. "How did we see the
Protestants on the great day of our Revolution, Thursday the third of
July, a day ever to be remembered by us with the greatest thankfulness,
congratulate and embrace one another as they met, like persons alive
from the dead, like brothers and sisters meeting after a long absence,
and going about from house to house to give each other joy of God's
great mercy, enquiring of one another how they past the late days of
distress and terror, what apprehensions they had, what fears or dangers
they were under; those that were prisoners, how they got their liberty,
how they were treated, and what, from time to time, they thought of
things."]
[Footnote 708: London Gazette, July 14. 1690; Story; True and Perfect
Journal; Dumont MS. Dumont is the only person who mentions the crown.
As he was present, he could not be mistaken. It was probably the crown
which James had been in the habit of wearing when he appeared on the
throne at the King's Inns.]
[Footnote 709: Monthly Mercury for August 1690; Burnet, ii. 50; Dangeau,
Aug. 2. 1690, and Saint Simon's note; The Follies of France, or a true
Relation of the extravagant Rejoicings, &c., dated Paris, Aug. 8. 1690.]
[Footnote 710: "Me tiene," the Marquis of Cogolludo, Spanish minister
at Rome, says of this report, "en sumo cuidado y desconsuelo, pues esta
seria la ultima ruina de la causa comun."--Cogolludo to Ronquillo, Rome,
Aug. 2. 1690,]
[Footnote 711: Original Letters, published by Sir Henry Ellis.]
[Footnote 712: "Del sucesso de Irlanda doy a v. Exca la enorabuena, y
le aseguro no ha bastado casi la gente que tengo en la Secretaria para
repartir copias dello, pues le he enbiado a todo el lugar, y la primera
al Papa."--Cogolludo to Ronquillo, postscript to the letter of Aug. 2.
Cogolludo, of course, uses the new style. The tidings of the battle,
therefore, had been three weeks in getting to Rome.]
[Footnote 713: Evelyn (Feb. 25. 1689/90) calls it "a sweet villa."]
[Footnote 714: Mary to William, July 5. 1690.]
[Footnote 715: Mary to William, July 6. and 7. 1690; Burnet, ii. 55.]
[Footnote 716: Baden to Van Citters, July 8/18 1690.]
[Footnote 717: See two letters annexed to the Memoirs of the Intendant
Foucault, and printed in the work of M. de Sirtema des Grovestins in the
archives of the War Office at Paris is a letter written from Brest
by the Count of Bouridal on July 11/21 1690. The Count says: "Par la
relation du combat que j'ay entendu faire au Roy d'Angleterre et a
plusieurs de sa suite en particulier, il ne me paroit pas qu'il soit
bien informe de tout ce qui s'est passe dans cette action, et qu'il ne
scait que la deroute de ses troupes."]
[Footnote 718: It was not only on this occasion that James held this
language. From one of the letters quoted in the last note it appears
that on his road front Brest to Paris he told every body that the
English were impatiently expecting him. "Ce pauvre prince croit que ses
sujets l'aiment encore."]
[Footnote 719: Life of James, ii. 411, 412.; Burnet, ii. 57; and
Dartmouth's note.]
[Footnote 720: See the articles Galere and Galerien, in the
Encyclopedie, with the plates; A True Relation of the Cruelties and
Barbarities of the French upon the English Prisoners of War, by R.
Hutton, licensed June 27. 1690.]
[Footnote 721: See the Collection of Medals of Lewis the Fourteenth.]
[Footnote 722: This anecdote, true or false, was current at the time,
or soon after. In 1745 it was mentioned as a story which old people had
heard in their youth. It is quoted in the Gentleman's Magazine of that
year from another periodical work.]
[Footnote 723: London Gazette, July 7. 1690.]
[Footnote 724: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 725: I give this interesting passage in Van Citters's own
words. "Door geheel het ryk alles te voet en te paarde in de wapenen op
was; en' t gene een seer groote gerustheyt gaf was dat alle en een
yder even seer tegen de Franse door de laatste voorgevallen bataille
verbittert en geanimeert waren. Gelyk door de troupes, dewelke ik op
de weg alomme gepasseert ben, niet anders heb konnen hooren als een
eenpaarig en gener al geluydt van God bless King William en Queen Mary."
July 25/Aug 4 1690.]
[Footnote 726: As to this expedition I have consulted the London
Gazettes of July 24. 28. 31. Aug. 4. 1690 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary;
Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus, Sept. 5. the Gazette de Paris; a letter
from My. Duke, a Deputy Lieutenant of Devonshire, to Hampden, dated July
25. a letter from Mr. Fulford of Fulford to Lord Nottingham, dated July
26. a letter of the same date from the Deputy Lieutenants of Devonshire
to the Earl of Bath; a letter of the same date from Lord Lansdowne to
the Earl of Bath. These four letters are among the MSS. of the Royal
Irish Academy. Extracts from the brief are given in Lyson's Britannia.
Dangeau inserted in his journal, August 16., a series of extravagant
lies. Tourville had routed the militia, taken their cannon and colours
burned men of war, captured richly laden merchantships, and was going
to destroy Plymouth. This is a fair specimen of Dangeau's English
news. Indeed he complains that it was hardly possible to get at true
information about England.]
[Footnote 727: Dedication of Arthur.]
[Footnote 728: See the accounts of Anderton's Trial, 1693; the Postman
of March 12. 1695/6; the Flying Post of March 7. 1700; Some Discourses
upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson, by Hickes, 1695. The appendix to
these Discourses contains a curious account of the inquisition into
printing offices tinder the Licensing Act.]
[Footnote 729: This was the ordinary cant of the Jacobites. A Whig
writer had justly said in the preceding year, "They scurrilously call
our David a man of blood, though, to this day, he has not suffered a
drop to be spilt."--Alephibosheth and Ziba, licensed Aug. 30. 1689.]
[Footnote 730: "Restore unto us again the publick worship of thy name,
the reverent administration of thy sacraments. Raise up the former
government both in church and state, that we may be no longer without
King, without priest, without God in the world."]
[Footnote 731: A Form of Prayer and Humiliation for God's Blessing upon
His Majesty and his Dominions, and for Removing and Averting of God's
judgments from this Church and State, 1690.]
[Footnote 732: Letter of Lloyd, Bishop of Norwich, to Sancroft, in the
Tanner MSS.]
[Footnote 733: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 734: A Modest Inquiry into the Causes of the present Disasters
in England, and who they are that brought the French into the English
Channel described, 1690; Reflections upon a Form of Prayer lately set
out for the Jacobites, 1690; A Midnight Touch at an Unlicensed
Pamphlet, 1690. The paper signed by the nonjuring Bishops has often been
reprinted.]
[Footnote 735: William to Heinsius, July 4/14. 1690.]
[Footnote 736: Story; London Gazette, Aug 4. 1690; Dumont MS.]
[Footnote 737: Story; William to Heinsius, July 31/Aug 10 1690; Lond.
Gaz., Aug, 11.]
[Footnote 738: Mary to William, Aug. 7/15 Aug 22/Sept, Aug. 26/Sept 5
1690]
[Footnote 739: Macariae Excidium; Mac Geoghegan; Life of James, ii.
420.; London Gazette, Aug. 14. 1690.]
[Footnote 740: The impatience of Lauzun and his countrymen to get away
from Ireland is mentioned in a letter of Oct. 21. 1690, quoted in the
Memoirs of James, ii. 421. "Asimo," says Colonel Kelly, the author of
the Macariae Excidium, "diuturnam absentiam tam aegre molesteque ferebat
ut bellum in Cypro protrahi continuarique ipso ei auditu acerbissimum
esset. Nec incredibile est ducum in illius exercitu nonnullos,
potissimum qui patrii coeli dulcedinem impatientius suspirabant, sibi
persuasisse desperatas Cypri res nulla humana ope defendi sustentarique
posse." Asimo is Lauzun, and Cyprus Ireland.]
[Footnote 741: "Pauci illi ex Cilicibus aulicis, qui cum regina in
Syria commorante remanserant,.... non cessabant universam nationem foede
traducere, et ingestis insuper convitiis lacerare, pavidos et malefidos
proditores ac Ortalium consceleratissimos publice appellando."--Macariae
Excidium. The Cilicians are the English. Syria is France.]
[Footnote 742: "Tanta infamia tam operoso artificio et subtili commento
in vulgus sparsa, tam constantibus de Cypriorum perfidia atque opprobrio
rumoribus, totam, qua lata est, Syriam ita pervasit, ut mercatores
Cyprii,.. propter inustum genti dedecus, intra domorum septa clausi
nunquam prodire auderent; tanto eorum odio populus in universum
exarserat."--Macariae Excidium.]
[Footnote 743: I have seen this assertion in a contemporary pamphlet of
which I cannot recollect the title.]
[Footnote 744: Story; Dumont MS,]
[Footnote 745: Macariae Excidium. Boisseleau remarked the ebb and flow
of courage among the Irish. I have quoted one of his letters to his
wife. It is but just to quote another. "Nos Irlandois n'avoient jamais
vu le feu; et cela les a surpris. Presentement, ils sont si faches de
n'avoir pas fait leur devoir que je suis bien persuadé qu'ils feront
mieux pour l'avenir."]
[Footnote 746: La Hoguette, writing to Louvois from Limerick, July
31/Aug 10 1690, says of Tyrconnel: "Il a d'ailleurs trop peu de
connoissance e des choses de notre metier. Il a perdu absolument
la confiance des officiers du pays, surtout depuis le jour de notre
deroute; et, en effet, Monseigneur, je me crois oblige de vous dire
que des le moment ou les ennemis parurent sur le bord de la riviere le
premier jour, et dans toute la journee du lendemain, il parut a tout
le monde dans une si grande lethargie qu'il etoit incapable de prendre
aucun parti, quelque chose qu'on lui proposat."]
[Footnote 747: Desgrigny says of the Irish: "Ils sont toujours prets de
nous egorger par l'antipathie qu'ils ont pour nous. C'est la nation du
monde la plus brutale, et qui a le moins d'humanite." Aug. 1690.]
[Footnote 748: Story; Account of the Cities in Ireland that are still
possessed by the Forces of King James, 1690. There are some curious old
maps of Limerick in the British Museum.]
[Footnote 749: Story; Dumont MS.]
[Footnote 750: Story; James, ii. 416.; Burnet, ii. 58.; Dumont MS.]
[Footnote 751: Story; Dumont MS.]
[Footnote 752: See the account of the O'Donnels in Sir William Betham's
Irish Antiquarian Researches. It is strange that he makes no mention of
Baldearg, whose appearance in Ireland is the most extraordinary event
in the whole history of the race. See also Story's impartial History;
Macariae Excidium, and Mr. O'Callaghan's note; Life of James, ii. 434.;
the Letter of O'Donnel to Avaux, and the Memorial entitled, "Memoire
donnee par un homme du Comte O'Donnel a M. D'Avaux."]
[Footnote 753: The reader will remember Corporal Trim's explanation
of radical heat and radical moisture. Sterne is an authority not to be
despised on these subjects. His boyhood was passed in barracks; he was
constantly listening to the talk of old soldiers who had served under
King William used their stories like a man of true genius.]
[Footnote 754: Story; William to Waldeck, Sept. 22. 1690; London
Gazette, Sept. 4, Berwick asserts that when the siege was raised not
a drop of rain had fallen during a month, that none fell during the
following three weeks, and that William pretended that the weather was
wet merely to hide the shame of his defeat. Story, who was on the spot
say, "It was cloudy all about, and rained very fast, so that every body
began to dread the consequences of it;" and again "The rain which had
already falled had soften the ways... This was one reason for raising
the siege; for, if we had not, granting the weather to continue bad, we
must either have taken the town, or of necessity have lost our cannon."
Dumont, another eyewitness, says that before the siege was raised the
rains had been most violent; that the Shannon was swollen; that the
earth was soaked; that the horses could not keep their feet.]
[Footnote 755: London Gazette, September 11 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary. I have seen a contemporary engraving of Covent Garden as it
appeared on this night.]
[Footnote 756: Van Citters to the States General, March 19/29. 1689.]
[Footnote 757: As to Marlborough's expedition, see Story's Impartial
History; the Life of James, ii. 419, 420.; London Gazette, Oct. 6.
13. 16. 27. 30. 1690; Monthly Mercury for Nov. 1690; History of King,
William, 1702; Burnet, ii. 60.; the Life of Joseph Pike, a Quaker of
Cork]
[Footnote 758: Balcarras; Annandale's Confession in the Leven and
Melville Papers; Burnet, ii. 35. As to Payne, see the Second Modest
Inquiry into the Cause of the present Disasters, 1690.]
[Footnote 759: Balcarras; Mackay's Memoirs; History of the late
Revolution in Scotland, 1690; Livingstone's Report, dated May 1; London
Gazette, May 12. 1690.]
[Footnote 760: History of the late Revolution in Scotland, 1690.]
[Footnote 761: Mackay's Memoirs and Letters to Hamilton of June 20. and
24. 1690 Colonel Hill to Melville, July 10 26.; London Gazette, July
17. 21. As to Inverlochy, see among the Culloden papers, a plan for
preserving the peace of the Highlands, drawn up, at this time, by the
father of President Forbes.]
[Footnote 762: Balcarras.]
[Footnote 763: See the instructions to the Lord High Commissioner in the
Leven and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 764: Balcarras.]
[Footnote 765: Act. Parl. June 7. 1690.]
[Footnote 766: Balcarras.]
[Footnote 767: Faithful Contendings Displayed; Case of the present
Afflicted Episcopal Clergy in Scotland, 1690.]
[Footnote 768: Act. Parl. April 25. 1690.]
[Footnote 769: See the Humble Address of the Presbyterian Ministers and
Professors of the Church of Scotland to His Grace His Majesty's High
Commissioner and to the Right Honourable the Estates of Parliament.]
[Footnote 770: See the Account of the late Establishment of Presbyterian
Government by the Parliament of Scotland, Anno 1690. This is an
Episcopalian narrative. Act. Parl. May 26. 1690.]
[Footnote 771: Act. Parl. June 7. 1690.]
[Footnote 772: An Historical Relation of the late Presbyterian General
Assembly in a Letter from a Person in Edinburgh to his Friend in London
licensed April 20. 1691.]
[Footnote 773: Account of the late Establishment of the Presbyterian
Government by the Parliament of Scotland, 1690.]
[Footnote 774: Act. Parl. July 4. 1690.]
[Footnote 775: Act. Parl. July 19 1690; Lockhart to Melville, April 29.
1690.]
[Footnote 776: Balcarras; Confession of Annandale in the Leven and
Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 777: Balcarras; Notes of Ross's Confession in the Leven and
Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 778: Balcarras; Mary's account of her interview with
Montgomery, printed among the Leven and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 779: Compare Balcarras with Burnett, ii. 62. The pamphlet
entitled Great Britain's Just Complaint is a good specimen of
Montgomery's manner.]
[Footnote 780: Balcarras; Annandale's Confession.]
[Footnote 781: Burnett, ii. 62, Lockhart to Melville, Aug. 30. 1690 and
Crawford to Melville, Dec. 11. 1690 in the Leven and Melville Papers;
Neville Payne's letter of Dec 3 1692, printed in 1693.]
[Footnote 782: Historical Relation of the late Presbyterian General
Assembly, 1691; The Presbyterian Inquisition as it was lately practised
against the Professors of the College of Edinburgh, 1691.]
[Footnote 783: One of the most curious of the many curious papers
written by the Covenanters of that generation is entitled, "Nathaniel,
or the Dying Testimony of John Matthieson in Closeburn." Matthieson did
not die till 1709, but his Testimony was written some years earlier,
when he was in expectation of death. "And now," he says, "I as a dying
man, would in a few words tell you that are to live behind my thoughts
as to the times. When I saw, or rather heard, the Prince and Princess of
Orange being set up as they were, and his pardoning all the murderers
of the saints and receiving all the bloody beasts, soldiers, and
others, all these officers of their state and army, and all the bloody
counsellors, civil and ecclesiastic; and his letting slip that son of
Belial, his father in law, who, both by all the laws of God and man,
ought to have died, I knew he would do no good to the cause and work of
God."]
[Footnote 784: See the Dying Testimony of Mr. Robert Smith, Student of
Divinity, who lived in Douglas Town, in the Shire of Clydesdale, who
died about two o'clock in the Sabbath morning, Dec. 13. 1724, aged 58
years; and the Dying Testimony of William Wilson, sometime Schoolmaster
of Park in the Parish of Douglas, aged 68, who died May 7. 1757.]
[Footnote 785: See the Dying Testimony of William Wilson, mentioned
in the last note. It ought to be remarked that, on the subject of
witchcraft, the Divines of the Associate Presbytery were as absurd as
this poor crazy Dominie. See their Act, Declaration, and Testimony,
published in 1773 by Adam Gib.]
[Footnote 786: In the year 1791, Thomas Henderson of Paisley wrote,
in defence of some separatists who called themselves the Reformed
Presbytery, against a writer who had charged them with "disowning the
present excellent sovereign as the lawful King of Great Britain." "The
Reformed Presbytery and their connections," says Mr. Henderson, "have
not been much accustomed to give flattering titles to princes.".....
"However, they entertain no resentment against the person of the
present occupant, nor any of the good qualities which he possesses. They
sincerely wish that he were more excellent than external royalty can
make him, that he were adorned with the image of Christ," &c., &c.,
&c. "But they can by no means acknowledge him, nor any of the episcopal
persuasion, to be a lawful king over these covenanted lands."]
[Footnote 787: An enthusiast, named George Calderwood, in his preface to
a Collection of Dying Testimonies, published in 1806, accuses even the
Reformed Presbytery of scandalous compliances. "As for the Reformed
Presbytery," he says, "though they profess to own the martyr's testimony
in hairs and hoofs, yet they have now adopted so many new distinctions,
and given up their old ones, that they have made it so evident that it
is neither the martyr's testimony nor yet the one that that Presbytery
adopted at first that they are now maintaining. When the Reformed
Presbytery was in its infancy, and had some appearance of honesty and
faithfulness among them, they were blamed by all the other parties for
using of distinctions that no man could justify, i.e. they would not
admit into their communion those that paid the land tax or subscribed
tacks to do so; but now they can admit into their communions both rulers
and members who voluntarily pay all taxes and subscribe tacks.".... "It
shall be only referred to government's books, since the commencement of
the French war, how many of their own members have accepted of places of
trust, to be at government's call, such as bearers of arms, driving of
cattle, stopping of ways, &c.; and what is all their license for trading
by sea or land but a serving under government?"]
[Footnote 788: The King to Melville, May 22. 1690, in the Leven and
Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 789: Account of the Establishment of Presbyterian Government.]
[Footnote 790: Carmichael's good qualities are fully admitted by the
Episcopalians. See the Historical Relation of the late Presbyterian
General Assembly and the Presbyterian Inquisition.]
[Footnote 791: See, in the Leven and Melville Papers, Melville's Letters
written from London at this time to Crawford, Rule, Williamson, and
other vehement Presbyterians. He says: "The clergy that were put out,
and come up, make a great clamour: many here encourage and rejoyce at
it.... There is nothing now but the greatest sobrietie and moderation
imaginable to be used, unless we will hazard the overturning of all; and
take this as earnest, and not as imaginations and fears only."]
[Footnote 792: Principal Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of
Scotland held in and begun at Edinburgh the 16th day of October, 1690;
Edinburgh, 1691.]
[Footnote 793: Monthly Mercuries; London Gazettes of November 3. and 6.
1690.]
[Footnote 794: Van Citters to the States General, Oct. 3/13 1690.]
[Footnote 795: Lords' Journals, Oct. 6. 1690; Commons' Journals, Oct.
8.]
[Footnote 796: I am not aware that this lampoon has ever been printed.
I have seen it only in two contemporary manuscripts. It is entitled The
Opening of the Session, 1690.]
[Footnote 797: Commons' Journals, Oct. 9, 10 13, 14. 1690.]
[Footnote 798: Commons' Journals of December, 1690, particularly of Dec.
26. Stat. 2 W. & M. sess 2. C. 11.]
[Footnote 799: Stat. 2 W. and M. sess. 2. c. I. 3, 4.]
[Footnote 800: Burnet, ii. 67. See the journals of both Houses,
particularly the Commons' Journals of the 10th of December and the
Lords' Journals of the 30th of December and the 1st of January. The bill
itself will be found in the archives of the House of Lords.]
[Footnote 801: Lords' Journals, Oct. 30. 1690. The numbers are never
given in the Lords' Journals. That the majority was only two is asserted
by Ralph, who had, I suppose, some authority which I have not been able
to find.]
[Footnote 802: Van Citters to the States General, Nov. 14/24 1690. The
Earl of Torrington's speech to the House of Commons, 1710.]
[Footnote 803: Burnet, ii. 67, 68.; Van Citters to the States General,
Nov. 22/Dec 1 1690; An impartial Account of some remarkable Passages
in the Life of Arthur, Earl of Torrington, together with some modest
Remarks on the Trial and Acquitment, 1691; Reasons for the Trial of the
Earl of Torrington by Impeachment, 1690; The Parable of the Bearbaiting,
1690; The Earl of Torrington's Speech to the House of Commons, 1710.
That Torrington was coldly received by the peers I learned from an
article in the Noticias Ordinarias of February 6 1691, Madrid.]
[Footnote 804: In one Whig lampoon of this year are these lines,
"David, we thought, succeeded Saul,
When William rose on James's fall;
But now King Thomas governs all."
In another are these lines:
"When Charles did seem to fill the throne,
This tyrant Tom made England groan."
A third says:
"Yorkshire Tom was rais'd to honour,
For what cause no creature knew;
He was false to the royal donor
And will be the same to you."]
[Footnote 805: A Whig poet compares the two Marquesses, as they were
often called, and gives George the preference over Thomas.]
"If a Marquess needs must steer us,
Take a better in his stead,
Who will in your absence cheer us,
And has far a wiser head."]
[Footnote 806: "A thin, illnatured ghost that haunts the King."]
[Footnote 807:
"Let him with his blue riband be
Tied close up to the gallows tree
For my lady a cart; and I'd contrive it,
Her dancing son and heir should drive it."]
[Footnote 808: As to the designs of the Whigs against Caermarthen,
see Burnet, ii. 68, 69, and a very significant protest in the Lords'
journals, October 30. 1690. As to the relations between Caermarthen and
Godolphin, see Godolphin's letter to William, dated March 20. 1691, in
Dalrymple.]
[Footnote 809: My account of this conspiracy is chiefly taken from the
evidence, oral and documentary, which was produced on the trial of the
conspirators. See also Burnet, ii. 69, 70., and the Life of James, ii.
441. Narcissus Luttrell remarks that no Roman Catholic appeared to have
been admitted to the consultations of the conspirators.]
[Footnote 810: The genuineness of these letters was once contested on
very frivolous grounds. But the letter of Turner to Sancroft, which is
among the Tanner papers in the Bodleian Library, and which will be found
in the Life of Ken by a Layman, must convince the most incredulous.]
[Footnote 811: The words are these: "The Modest inquiry--The Bishops'
Answer--Not the chilling of them--But the satisfying of friends." The
Modest Inquiry was the pamphlet which hinted at Dewitting.]
[Footnote 812: Lords' and Commons' Journals Jan 5 1690/1; London
Gazette, Jan 8]