divines of that time, that their preaching "brings in money, and money
buys land; and land is an amusement they all desire, in spite of their
hypocritical cant. If it were not for the quarterly contributions, there
would be no longer schism or separation." He asks how it can be imagined
that, while "they are maintained like gentlemen by the breach they will
ever preach up healing doctrines?"--Brown's Amusements, Serious and
Comical. Some curious instances of the influence exercised by the chief
dissenting ministers may be found in Hawkins's Life of Johnson. In the
Journal of the retired citizen (Spectator, 317.) Addison has indulged in
some exquisite pleasantry on this subject. The Mr. Nisby whose opinions
about the peace, the Grand Vizier, and laced coffee, are quoted with so
much respect, and who is so well regaled with marrow bones, ox cheek,
and a bottle of Brooks and Hellier, was John Nesbit, a highly popular
preacher, who about the time of the Revolution, became pastor of a
dissenting congregation in flare Court Aldersgate Street. In Wilson's
History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches and Meeting Houses in
London, Westminster, and Southwark, will be found several instances of
nonconformist preachers who, about this time, made handsome fortunes,
generally, it should seem, by marriage.]
[Footnote 90: See, among many other tracts, Dodwell's Cautionary
Discourse, his Vindication of the Deprived Bishops, his Defence of
the Vindication, and his Paraenesis; and Bisby's Unity of Priesthood,
printed in 1692. See also Hody's tracts on the other side, the
Baroccian MS., and Solomon and Abiathar, a Dialogue between Eucheres and
Dyscheres.]
[Footnote 91: Burnet, ii. 135. Of all attempts to distinguish between
the deprivations of 1559 and the deprivations of 1689, the most
absurd was made by Dodwell. See his Doctrine of the Church of England
concerning the independency of the Clergy on the lay Power, 1697.]
[Footnote 92: As to this controversy, see Burnet, ii. 7, 8, 9.; Grey's
Debates, April 19. and 22. 1689; Commons' Journals of April 20. and 22.;
Lords' Journals, April 21.]
[Footnote 93: Lords' Journals, March 16. 1689.]
[Footnote 94: Burnet, ii. 7, 8.]
[Footnote 95: Burnet says (ii. 8.) that the proposition to abolish the
sacramental test was rejected by a great majority in both Houses. But
his memory deceived him; for the only division on the subject in the
House of Commons was that mentioned in the text. It is remarkable
that Gwyn and Rowe, who were tellers for the majority, were two of the
strongest Whigs in the House.]
[Footnote 96: Lords' Journals, March 21. 1689.]
[Footnote 97: Lords' Journals, April 5. 1689; Burnet, ii. 10.]
[Footnote 98: Commons' Journals, March 28. April 1. 1689; Paris Gazette,
April 23. Part of the passage in the Paris Gazette is worth quoting. "Il
y eut, ce jour le (March 28), une grande contestation dans la Chambre
Basse, sur la proposition qui fut faite de remettre les séences apres
les fetes de Pasques observees toujours par l'Eglise Anglicane. Les
Protestans conformistes furent de cet avis; et les Presbyterians
emporterent a la pluralite des voix que les seances recommenceroient
le Lundy, seconde feste de Pasques." The Low Churchmen are frequently
designated as Presbyterians by the French and Dutch writers of that age.
There were not twenty Presbyterians, properly so called, in the House of
Commons. See A. Smith and Cutler's plain Dialogue about Whig and Tory,
1690.]
[Footnote 99: Accounts of what passed at the Conferences will be found
in the Journals of the Houses, and deserve to be read.]
[Footnote 100: Journals, March 28. 1689; Grey's Debates.]
[Footnote 101: I will quote some expressions which have been preserved
in the concise reports of these debates. Those expressions are quite
decisive as to the sense in which the oath was understood by the
legislators who framed it. Musgrave said, "There is no occasion for
this proviso. It cannot be imagined that any bill from hence will ever
destroy the legislative power." Pinch said, "The words established
by law, hinder not the King from passing any bill for the relief of
Dissenters. The proviso makes the scruple, and gives the occasion for
it." Sawyer said, "This is the first proviso of this nature that ever
was in any bill. It seems to strike at the legislative power." Sir
Robert Cotton said, "Though the proviso looks well and Healing, yet it
seems to imply a defect. Not able to alter laws as occasion requires!
This, instead of one scruple, raises more, as if you were so bound up to
the ecclesiastical government that you cannot make any new laws without
such a proviso." Sir Thomas Lee said, "It will, I fear, creep in that
other laws cannot be made without such a proviso therefore I would lay
it aside."]
[Footnote 102: Lady Henrietta whom her uncle Clarendon calls "pretty
little Lady Henrietta," and "the best child in the world" (Diary, Jan.
168-I), was soon after married to the Earl of Dalkeith, eldest son of
the unfortunate Duke of Monmouth.]
[Footnote 103: The sermon deserves to be read. See the London Gazette
of April 14. 1689; Evelyn's Diary; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; and the
despatch of the Dutch Ambassadors to the States General.]
[Footnote 104: A specimen of the prose which the Jacobites wrote on this
subject will be found in the Somers Tracts. The Jacobite verses were
generally too loathsome to be quoted. I select some of the most decent
lines from a very rare lampoon:
"The eleventh of April has come about,
To Westminster went the rabble rout,
In order to crown a bundle of clouts,
a dainty fine King indeed.
"Descended he is from the Orange tree;
But, if I can read his destiny,
He'll once more descend from another tree,
a dainty fine King indeed.
"He has gotten part of the shape of a man,
But more of a monkey, deny it who can;
He has the head of a goose, but the legs of a crane,
A dainty fine King indeed."
A Frenchman named Le Noble, who had been banished from his own country
for his crimes, but, by the connivance of the police, lurked in Paris,
and earned a precarious livelihood as a bookseller's hack published on
this occasion two pasquinades, now extremely scarce, "Le Couronnement
de Guillemot et de Guillemette, avec le Sermon du grand Docteur Burnet,"
and "Le Festin de Guillemot." In wit, taste and good sense, Le Noble's
writings are not inferior to the English poem which I have quoted. He
tells us that the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London had a
boxing match in the Abbey; that the champion rode up the Hall on an ass,
which turned restive and kicked over the royal table with all the plate;
and that the banquet ended in a fight between the peers armed with
stools and benches, and the cooks armed with spits. This sort of
pleasantry, strange to say, found readers; and the writer's portrait was
pompously engraved with the motto "Latrantes ride: to tua fama manet."]
[Footnote 105: Reresby's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 106: For the history of the devastation of the Palatinate,
see the Memoirs of La Fare, Dangeau, Madame de la Fayette, Villars, and
Saint Simon, and the Monthly Mercuries for March and April, 1689. The
pamphlets and broadsides are too numerous to quote. One broadside,
entitled "A true Account of the barbarous Cruelties committed by the
French in the Palatinate in January and February last," is perhaps the
most remarkable.]
[Footnote 107: Memoirs of Saint Simon.]
[Footnote 108: I will quote a few lines from Leopold's letter to James:
"Nunc autem quo loco res nostrae sint, ut Serenitati vestrae auxilium
praestari possit a nobis, qui non Turcico tantum bello impliciti, sed
insuper etiam crudelissimo et iniquissimo a Gallis, rerun suarum, ut
putabant, in Anglia securis, contra datam fidem impediti sumus, ipsimet
Serenitati vestrae judicandum relinquimus.... Galli non tantum in
nostrum et totius Christianae orbis perniciem foedifraga arma cum
juratis Sanctae Crucis hostibus sociare fas sibi ducunt; sed etiam in
imperio, perfidiam perfidia cumulando, urbes deditione occupatas contra
datam fidem immensis tributis exhaurire exhaustas diripere, direptas
funditus exscindere aut flammis delere Palatia Principum ab omni
antiquitate inter saevissima bellorum incendia intacta servata exurere,
templa spoliare, dedititios in servitutem more apud barbaros usitato
abducere, denique passim, imprimis vero etiam in Catholicorum
ditionibus, alia horrenda, et ipsam Turcorum tyrannidem superantia
immanitatis et saevitiae exempla edere pro ludo habent."]
[Footnote 109: See the London Gazettes of Feb. 25. March 11. April 22.
May 2. and the Monthly Mercuries. Some of the Declarations will be found
in Dumont's Corps Universel Diplomatique.]
[Footnote 110: Commons Journals, April 15. 16. 1689.]
[Footnote 111: Oldmixon.]
[Footnote 112: Commons' Journals, April 19. 24. 26. 1689.]
[Footnote 113: The Declaration is dated on the 7th of May, but was not
published in the London Gazette till the 13th.]
[Footnote 114: The general opinion of the English on this subject is
clearly expressed in a little tract entitled "Aphorisms relating to the
Kingdom of Ireland," which appeared during the vacancy of the throne.]
[Footnote 115: King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, ii. 6. and
iii. 3.]
[Footnote 116: King, iii. 3. Clarendon, in a letter to Rochester (June
1. 1686), calls Nugent "a very troublesome, impertinent creature."]
[Footnote 117: King, iii. 3.]
[Footnote 118: King, ii. 6., iii. 3. Clarendon, in a letter to Ormond
(Sep. 28. 1686), speaks highly of Nagle's knowledge and ability, but in
the Diary (Jan. 31. 1686/7) calls him "a covetous, ambitious man."]
[Footnote 119: King, ii. 5. 1, iii. 3. 5.; A Short View of the Methods
made use of in Ireland for the Subversion and Destruction of the
Protestant Religion and Interests, by a Clergyman lately escaped from
thence, licensed Oct. 17. 1689.]
[Footnote 120: King, iii. 2. I cannot find that Charles Leslie, who was
zealous on the other side, has, in his Answer to King, contradicted any
of these facts. Indeed Leslie gives up Tyrconnel's administration. "I
desire to obviate one objection which I know will be made, as if I were
about wholly to vindicate all that the Lord Tyrconnel and other of
King James's ministers have done in Ireland, especially before this
revolution began, and which most of any thing brought it on. No; I am
far from it. I am sensible that their carriage in many particulars
gave greater occasion to King James's enemies than all the other in
maladministrations which were charged upon his government." Leslie's
Answer to King, 1692.]
[Footnote 121: A True and Impartial Account of the most material
Passages in Ireland since December 1688, by a Gentleman who was an
Eyewitness; licensed July 22. 1689.]
[Footnote 122: True and Impartial Account, 1689; Leslie's Answer to
King, 1692.]
[Footnote 123: There have been in the neighbourhood of Killarney
specimens of the arbutus thirty feet high and four feet and a half
round. See the Philosophical Transactions, 227.]
[Footnote 124: In a very full account of the British isles published at
Nuremberg in 1690 Kerry is described as "an vielen Orten unwegsam
und voller Wilder and Geburge." Wolves still infested Ireland. "Kein
schadlich Thier ist da, ausserhalb Wolff and Fuchse." So late as the
year 1710 money was levied on presentments of the Grand Jury of Kerry
for the destruction of wolves in that county. See Smith's Ancient and
Modern State of the County of Kerry, 1756. I do not know that I have
ever met with a better book of the kind and of the size. In a poem
published as late as 1719, and entitled Macdermot, or the Irish Fortune
Hunter, in six cantos, wolfhunting and wolfspearing are represented
as common sports in Munster. In William's reign Ireland was sometimes
called by the nickname of Wolfland. Thus in a poem on the battle of La
Vogue, called Advice to a Painter, the terror of the Irish army is thus
described
"A chilling damp
And Wolfland howl runs thro' the rising camp."]
[Footnote 125: Smith's Ancient and Modern State of Kerry.]
[Footnote 126: Exact Relation of the Persecutions, Robberies, and
Losses, sustained by the Protestants of Killmare in Ireland, 1689;
Smith's Ancient and Modern State of Kerry, 1756.]
[Footnote 127: Ireland's Lamentation, licensed May 18. 1689.]
[Footnote 128: A True Relation of the Actions of the Inniskilling men,
by Andrew Hamilton, Rector of Kilskerrie, and one of the Prebends of the
Diocese of Clogher, an Eyewitness thereof and Actor therein, licensed
Jan. 15. 1689/90; A Further Impartial Account of the Actions of the
Inniskilling men, by Captain William Mac Cormick, one of the first that
took up Arms, 1691.]
[Footnote 129: Hamilton's True Relation; Mac Cormick's Further Impartial
Account.]
[Footnote 130: Concise View of the Irish Society, 1822; Mr. Heath's
interesting Account of the Worshipful Company of Grocers, Appendix 17.]
[Footnote 131: The Interest of England in the preservation of Ireland,
licensed July 17. 1689.]
[Footnote 132: These things I observed or learned on the spot.]
[Footnote 133: The best account that I have seen of what passed at
Londonderry during the war which began in 1641 is in Dr. Reid's History
of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.]
[Footnote 134: The Interest of England in the Preservation of Ireland;
1689.]
[Footnote 135: My authority for this unfavourable account of the
corporation is an epic poem entitled the Londeriad. This extraordinary
work must have been written very soon after the events to which it
relates; for it is dedicated to Robert Rochfort, Speaker of the House
of Commons; and Rochfort was Speaker from 1695 to 1699. The poet had
no invention; he had evidently a minute knowledge of the city which
he celebrated; and his doggerel is consequently not without historical
value. He says
"For burgesses and freemen they had chose
Broguemakers, butchers, raps, and such as those
In all the corporation not a man
Of British parents, except Buchanan."
This Buchanan is afterwards described as
"A knave all o'er
For he had learned to tell his beads before."]
[Footnote 136: See a sermon preached by him at Dublin on Jan. 31. 1669.
The text is "Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's
sake."]
[Footnote 137: Walker's Account of the Siege of Derry, 1689; Mackenzie's
Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry, 1689; An Apology for the failures
charged on the Reverend Mr. Walker's Account of the late Siege of
Derry, 1689; A Light to the Blind. This last work, a manuscript in the
possession of Lord Fingal, is the work of a zealous Roman Catholic and a
mortal enemy of England. Large extracts from it are among the Mackintosh
MSS. The date in the titlepage is 1711.]
[Footnote 138: As to Mountjoy's character and position, see Clarendon's
letters from Ireland, particularly that to Lord Dartmouth of Feb. 8.,
and that to Evelyn of Feb. 14 1685/6. "Bon officier, et homme d'esprit,"
says Avaux.]
[Footnote 139: Walker's Account; Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 140: Mac Cormick's Further Impartial Account.]
[Footnote 141: Burnet, i. 807; and the notes by Swift and Dartmouth.
Tutchin, in the Observator, repeats this idle calumny.]
[Footnote 142: The Orange Gazette, Jan. 10 1688/9.]
[Footnote 143: Memoires de Madame de la Fayette.]
[Footnote 144: Burnet, i. 808; Life of James, ii. 320.; Commons'
Journals, July 29. 1689.]
[Footnote 145: Avaux to Lewis, Mar 25/April 4 1659.]
[Footnote 146: Clarke's Life of James, ii. 321.; Mountjoy's Circular
Letter, dated Jan. 10 1688/9;; King, iv. 8. In "Light to the Blind"
Tyrconnel's "wise dissimulation" is commended.]
[Footnote 147: Avaux to Lewis April, 11. 1689.]
[Footnote 148: Printed Letter from Dublin, Feb. 25. 1689; Mephibosheth
and Ziba, 1689.]
[Footnote 149: The connection of the priests with the old Irish families
is mentioned in Petty's Political Anatomy of Ireland. See the Short
View by a Clergyman lately escaped, 1689; Ireland's Lamentation, by an
English Protestant that lately narrowly escaped with life from thence,
1689; A True Account of the State of Ireland, by a person who with great
difficulty left Dublin, 1689; King, ii. 7. Avaux confirms all that these
writers say about the Irish officers.]
[Footnote 150: At the French War Office is a report on the State of
Ireland in February 1689. In that report it is said that the Irish who
had enlisted as soldiers were forty-five thousand, and that the number
would have been a hundred thousand if all who volunteered had been
admitted. See the Sad and Lamentable Condition of the Protestants in
Ireland, 1689; Hamilton's True Relation, 1690; The State of Papist
and Protestant Properties in the Kingdom of Ireland, 1689; A true
Representation to the King and People of England how Matters were
carried on all along in Ireland, licensed Aug. 16. 1689; Letter from
Dublin, 1689; Ireland's Lamentation, 1689; Compleat History of the Life
and Military Actions of Richard, Earl of Tyrconnel, Generalissimo of all
the Irish forces now in arms, 1689.]
[Footnote 151: See the proceedings in the State Trials.]
[Footnote 152: King, iii. 10.]
[Footnote 153: Ten years, says the French ambassador; twenty years, says
a Protestant fugitive.]
[Footnote 154: Animadversions on the proposal for sending back the
nobility and gentry of Ireland; 1689/90.]
[Footnote 155: King, iii. 10; The Sad Estate and Condition of Ireland,
as represented in a Letter from a Worthy Person who was in Dublin on
Friday last March. 1689; Short View by a Clergyman, 1689; Lamentation of
Ireland 1689; Compleat History of the Life and Actions of Richard,
Earl of Tyrconnel, 1689; The Royal Voyage, acted in 1689 and 1690. This
drama, which, I believe, was performed at Bartholomew Fair, is one of
the most curious of a curious class of compositions, utterly destitute
of literary merit, but valuable as showing what were then the most
successful claptraps for an audience composed of the common people. "The
end of this play," says the author in his preface, "is chiefly to expose
the perfidious base, cowardly, and bloody nature of the Irish." The
account which the fugitive Protestants give of the wanton destruction
of cattle is confirmed by Avaux in a letter to Lewis, dated April 13/23
1689, and by Desgrigny in a letter to Louvois, dated May 17/27. 1690.
Most of the despatches written by Avaux during his mission to Ireland
are contained in a volume of which a very few copies were printed some
years ago at the English Foreign Office. Of many I have also copies made
at the French Foreign Office. The letters of Desgrigny, who was employed
in the Commissariat, I found in the Library of the French War Office. I
cannot too strongly express my sense of the liberality and courtesy
with which the immense and admirably arranged storehouses of curious
information at Paris were thrown open to me.]
[Footnote 156: "A remarkable thing never to be forgotten was that they
that were in government then"--at the end of 1688--"seemed to favour us
and endeavour to preserve Friends." history of the Rise and Progress of
the People called Quakers in Ireland, by Wight and Rutty, Dublin, 1751.
King indeed (iii. 17) reproaches the Quakers as allies and tools of the
Papists.]
[Footnote 157: Wight and Rutty.]
[Footnote 158: Life of James, ii. 327. Orig. Mem. Macarthy and his
feigned name are repeatedly mentioned by Dangeau.]
[Footnote 159: Exact Relation of the Persecutions, Robberies and Losses
sustained by the Protestants of Killmare in Ireland, 1689.]
[Footnote 160: A true Representation to the King and People of England
how Matters were carried on all along in Ireland by the late King James,
licensed Aug. 16. 1689; A true Account of the Present State of Ireland
by a Person that with Great Difficulty left Dublin, licensed June 8.
1689.]
[Footnote 161: Hamilton's Actions of the Inniskilling Men, 1689.]
[Footnote 162: Walker's Account, 1689.]
[Footnote 163: Mackenzie's Narrative; Mac Cormack's Further Impartial
Account; Story's Impartial History of the Affairs of Ireland, 1691;
Apology for the Protestants of Ireland; Letter from Dublin of Feb. 25.
1689; Avaux to Lewis, April 15/25. 1689.]
[Footnote 164: Memoires de Madame de la Fayette; Madame de Sevigne to
Madame de Grignan, Feb. 28. 1689.]
[Footnote 165: Burnet, ii. 17; Clarke's Life of James II., 320, 321,
322,]
[Footnote 166: Maumont's Instructions.]
[Footnote 167: Dangeau, Feb. 15/25 17/27 1689; Madame de Sevigne, 18/28
Feb. 20/March; Memoires de Madame de la Fayette.]
[Footnote 168: Memoirs of La Fare and Saint Simon; Note of Renaudot on
English affairs 1697, in the French Archives; Madame de Sevigne, Feb
20/March 2, March 11/21, 1689; Letter of Madame de Coulanges to M. de
Coulanges, July 23. 1691.]
[Footnote 169: See Saint Simon's account of the trick by which Avaux
tried to pass himself off at Stockholm as a Knight of the Order of the
Holy Ghost.]
[Footnote 170: This letter, written to Lewis from the harbour of Brest,
is in the Archives of the French Foreign Office, but is wanting in the
very rare volume printed in Downing Street.]
[Footnote 171: A full and true Account of the Landing and Reception of
the late King James at Kinsale, in a letter from Bristol, licensed April
4. 1689; Leslie's Answer to King; Ireland's Lamentation; Avaux, March
13/23]
[Footnote 172: Avaux, March. 13/23 1689; Life of James, ii. 327. Orig.
Mem.]
[Footnote 173: Avaux, March 15/25. 1689.]
[Footnote 174: Ibid. March 25/April 4 1689]
[Footnote 175: A full and true Account of the Landing and Reception of
the late King James; Ireland's Lamentation; Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 176: See the calculations of Petty, King, and Davenant. If the
average number of inhabitants to a house was the same in Dublin as
in London, the population of Dublin would have been about thirty-four
thousand.]
[Footnote 177: John Damon speaks of College Green near Dublin. I have
seen letters of that age directed to the College, by Dublin. There are
some interesting old maps of Dublin in the British Museum.]
[Footnote 178: Clarendon to Rochester, Feb. 8. 1685/6, April 20. Aug.
12. Nov. 30. 1686.]
[Footnote 179: Clarke's Life of James II, ii. 330.; Full and true
Account of the Landing and Reception, &c.; Ireland's Lamentation.]
[Footnote 180: Clarendon's Diary; Reresby's Memoirs; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary. I have followed Luttrell's version of Temple's last
words. It agrees in substance with Clarendon's, but has more of the
abruptness natural on such an occasion. If anything could make so
tragical an event ridiculous, it would be the lamentation of the author
of the Londeriad]
"The wretched youth against his friend exclaims, And in despair drowns
himself in the Thames."]
[Footnote 181: Much light is thrown on the dispute between the English
and Irish parties in James's Council, by a remarkable letter of Bishop
Maloney to Bishop Tyrrel, which will be found in the Appendix to Kings
State of the Protestants.]
[Footnote 182: Avaux, March 25/April 4 1689, April. But it is less
from any single letter, than from the whole tendency and spirit of the
correspondence of Avaux, that I have formed my notion of his objects.]
[Footnote 183: "Il faut donc, oubliant qu'il a este Roy d'Angleterre
et d'Escosse, ne penser qu'a ce qui peut bonifier l'Irlande, et luy
faciliter les moyens d'y subsister." Louvois to Avaux, June 3/13. 1689.]
[Footnote 184: See the despatches written by Avaux during April 1689;
Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 185: Avaux, April 6/16 1689.]
[Footnote 186: Avaux, May 8/18 1689.]
[Footnote 187: Pusignan to Avaux March 30/April 9 1689.]
[Footnote 188: This lamentable account of the Irish beer is taken from a
despatch which Desgrigny wrote from Cork to Louvois, and which is in the
archives of the French War Office.]
[Footnote 189: Avaux, April 13/23. 1689; April 20/30,]
[Footnote 190: Avaux to Lewis, April 15/25 1689, and to Louvois, of the
same date.]
[Footnote 191: Commons' Journals, August 12. 1689; Mackenzie's
Narrative.]
[Footnote 192: Avaux, April 17/27. 1689. The story of these strange
changes of purpose is told very disingenuously in the Life of James, ii.
330, 331, 332. Orig. Mem.]
[Footnote 193: Life of James, ii. 334, 335. Orig. Mem.]
[Footnote 194: Memoirs of Saint Simon. Some English writers ignorantly
speak of Rosen as having been, at this time, a Marshal of France. He did
not become so till 1703. He had long been a Marechal de Camp, which is
a very different thing, and had been recently promoted to the rank of
Lieutenant General.]
[Footnote 195: Avaux, April 4/14 1689, Among the MSS. in the British
Museum is a curious report on the defences of Londonderry, drawn up in
1705 for the Duke of Ormond by a French engineer named Thomas.]
[Footnote 196: Commons' Journals, August 12. 1689.]
[Footnote 197: The best history of these transactions will be found
in the journals of the House of Commons, August 12. 1689. See also the
narratives of Walker and Mackenzie.]
[Footnote 198: Mackenzie's Narrative,]
[Footnote 199: Walker and Mackenzie.]
[Footnote 200: See the Character of the Protestants of Ireland 1689, and
the Interest of England in the Preservation of Ireland, 1689. The former
pamphlet is the work of an enemy, the latter of a zealous friend.]
[Footnote 201: There was afterwards some idle dispute about the question
whether Walker was properly Governor or not. To me it seems quite clear
that he was so.]
[Footnote 202: Mackenzie's Narrative; Funeral Sermon on Bishop Hopkins,
1690.]
[Footnote 203: Walker's True Account, 1689. See also The Apology for the
True Account, and the Vindication of the True Account, published in the
same year. I have called this man by the name by which he was known in
Ireland. But his real name was Houstoun. He is frequently mentioned in
the strange volume entitled Faithful Contendings Displayed.]
[Footnote 204: A View of the Danger and Folly of being publicspirited,
by William Hamill, 1721]
[Footnote 205: See Walker's True Account and Mackenzie's Narrative.]
[Footnote 206: Walker; Mackenzie; Avaux, April 26/May 6 1689. There is a
tradition among the Protestants of Ulster that Maumont fell by the sword
of Murray: but on this point the report made by the French ambassador
to his master is decisive. The truth is that there are almost as many
mythical stories about the siege of Londonderry as about the siege of
Troy. The legend about Murray and Maumont dates from 1689. In the Royal
Voyage which was acted in that year, the combat between the heroes is
described in these sonorous lines]
"They met; and Monsieur at the first encounter Fell dead, blaspheming,
on the dusty plain, And dying, bit the ground."]
[Footnote 207: "Si c'est celuy qui est sorti de France le dernier, qui
s'appelloit Richard, il n'a jamais veu de siege, ayant toujours servi en
Rousillon."--Louvois to Avaux, June 8/18. 1689.]
[Footnote 208: Walker; Mackenzie; Avaux to Louvois, May 2/12. 4/14
1689; James to Hamilton, May 28/June 8 in the library of the Royal
Irish Academy. Louvois wrote to Avaux in great indignation. "La mauvaise
conduite que l'on a tenue devant Londondery a couste la vie a M. de
Maumont et a M. de Pusignan. Il ne faut pas que sa Majesté Britannique
croye qu'en faisant tuer des officiers generaux comme des soldats, on
puisse ne l'en point laisser manquer. Ces sortes de gens sont rates en
tout pays, et doivent estre menagez."]
[Footnote 209: Walker; Mackenzie; Avaux, June 16/26 1689.]
[Footnote 210: As to the discipline of Galmoy's Horse, see the letter
of Avaux to Louvois, dated Sept. 10/30. Horrible stories of the cruelty,
both of the colonel and of his men, are told in the Short View, by a
Clergyman, printed in 1689, and in several other pamphlets of that year.
For the distribution of the Irish forces, see the contemporary maps of
the siege. A catalogue of the regiments, meant, I suppose to rival
the catalogue in the Second Book of the Iliad, will be found in the
Londeriad.]
[Footnote 211: Life of Admiral Sir John Leake, by Stephen M. Leake,
Clarencieux King at Arms, 1750. Of this book only fifty copies were
printed.]
[Footnote 212: Avaux, May 8/18 May 26/June 5 1689; London Gazette, May
9.; Life of James, ii. 370.; Burchett's Naval Transactions; Commons'
Journals, May 18, 21. From the Memoirs of Madame de la Fayette
it appears that this paltry affair was correctly appreciated at
Versailles.]
[Footnote 213: King, iii. 12; Memoirs of Ireland from the Restoration,
1716. Lists of both Houses will be found in King's Appendix.]
[Footnote 214: I found proof of Plowden's connection with the Jesuits in
a Treasury Letterbook, June 12, 1689.]
[Footnote 215: "Sarsfield," Avaux wrote to Louvois, Oct. 11/21. 1689,
"n'est pas un homme de la naissance de mylord Galloway" (Galmoy, I
suppose) "ny de Makarty: mais c'est un gentilhomme distingue par son
merite, qui a plus de credit dans ce royaume qu'aucun homme que je
connoisse. Il a de la valeur, mais surtout de l'honneur et de la probite
a toute epreuve... homme qui sera toujours a la tete de ses troupes, et
qui en aura grand soin." Leslie, in his Answer to King, says that the
Irish Protestants did justice to Sarsfield's integrity and honour.
Indeed justice is done to Sarsfield even in such scurrilous pieces as
the Royal Flight.]
[Footnote 216: Journal of the Parliament in Ireland, 1689. The reader
must not imagine that this journal has an official character. It is
merely a compilation made by a Protestant pamphleteer and printed in
London.]
[Footnote 217: Life of James, ii. 355.]
[Footnote 218: Journal of the Parliament in Ireland.]
[Footnote 219: Avaux May 26/June 5 1689.]
[Footnote 220: A True Account of the Present State of Ireland, by a
Person that with Great Difficulty left Dublin, 1689; Letter from Dublin,
dated June 12. 1689; Journal of the Parliament in Ireland.]
[Footnote 221: Life of James, ii. 361, 362, 363. In the Life it is said
that the proclamation was put forth without the privity of James,
but that he subsequently approved of it. See Welwood's Answer to the
Declaration, 1689.]
[Footnote 222: Light to the Blind; An Act declaring that the Parliament
of England cannot bind Ireland against Writs of Error and Appeals,
printed in London, 1690.]
[Footnote 223: An Act concerning Appropriate Tythes and other Duties
payable to Ecclesiastical Dignitaries. London 1690.]
[Footnote 224: An Act for repealing the Acts of Settlement and
Explanation and all Grants, Patents, and Certificates pursuant to them
or any of them. London, 1690.]
[Footnote 225: See the paper delivered to James by Chief Justice
Keating, and the speech of the Bishop of Meath. Both are in King's
Appendix. Life of James, ii. 357-361.]
[Footnote 226: Leslie's Answer to King; Avaux, May 26/June 5 1689; Life
of James, ii. 358.]
[Footnote 227: Avaux May 28/June 7 1689, and June 20/July 1. The author
of Light to the Blind strongly condemns the indulgence shown to the
Protestant Bishops who adhered to James.]
[Footnote 228: King, iii. 11.; Brief Memoirs by Haynes, Assay Master
of the Mint, among the Lansdowne MSS. at the British Museum, No. 801. I
have seen several specimens of this coin. The execution is surprisingly
good, all circumstances considered.]
[Footnote 229: King, iii. 12.]
[Footnote 230: An Act for the Attainder of divers Rebels and for
preserving the Interest of loyal Subjects, London, 1690.]
[Footnote 231: King, iii. 13.]
[Footnote 232: His name is in the first column of page 30. in that
edition of the List which was licensed March 26, 1690. I should have
thought that the proscribed person must have been some other Henry
Dodwell. But Bishop Kennet's second letter to the Bishop of Carlisle,
1716, leaves no doubt about the matter.]
[Footnote 233: A list of most of the Names of the Nobility, Gentry, and
Commonalty of England and Ireland (amongst whom are several Women and
Children) who are all, by an Act of a Pretended parliament assembled in
Dublin, attainted of High Treason, 1690; An Account of the Transactions
of the late King James in Ireland, 1690; King, iii. 13.; Memoirs of
Ireland, 1716.]
[Footnote 234: Avaux July 27/Aug 6. 1689.]
[Footnote 235: King's State of the Protestants in Ireland, iii. 19.]
[Footnote 236: Ibid. iii. 15.]
[Footnote 237: Leslie's Answer to King.]
[Footnote 238: "En comparazion de lo que se hace in Irlanda con los
Protestantes, es nada." April 29/May 6 1689; "Para que vea Su Santitad
que aqui estan los Catolicos mas benignamente tratados que los
Protestantes in Irlanda." June 19/29]
[Footnote 239: Commons' Journals, June 15. 1689.]
[Footnote 240: Stat. 1 W.&M. sess. 1. c. 29.]
[Footnote 241: Grey's Debates, June 19. 1689.]
[Footnote 242: Ibid. June 22. 1689.]
[Footnote 243: Hamilton's True Relation; Mac Cormick's Further Account.
Of the island generally, Avaux says, "On n'attend rien de cette recolte
cy, les paysans ayant presque tous pris les armes."--Letters to Louvois,
March 19/29 1689.]
[Footnote 244: Hamilton's True Relation.]
[Footnote 245: Walker.]
[Footnote 246: Walker; Mackenzie.]
[Footnote 247: Avaux, June 16/26 1689.]
[Footnote 248: Walker; Mackenzie; Light to the Blind; King, iii. 13;
Leslie's Answer to King; Life of James, ii, 364. I ought to say that on
this occasion King is unjust to James.]
[Footnote 249: Leslie's Answer to King; Avaux, July 5/15. 1689. "Je
trouvay l'expression bien forte: mais je ne voulois rien repondre, car
le Roy s'estoit, desja fort emporte."]
[Footnote 250: Mackenzie.]
[Footnote 251: Walker's Account. "The fat man in Londonderry" became a
proverbial expression for a person whose prosperity excited the envy and
cupidity of his less fortunate neighbours.]
[Footnote 252: This, according to Narcissus Luttrell was the report made
by Captain Withers, afterwards a highly distinguished officer, on whom
Pope wrote an epitaph.]
[Footnote 253: The despatch which positively commanded Kirke to attack
the boom, was signed by Schomberg, who had already been appointed
commander in chief of all the English forces in Ireland. A copy of it
is among the Nairne MSS. in the Bodleian Library. Wodrow, on no better
authority than the gossip of a country parish in Dumbartonshire,
attributes the relief of Londonderry to the exhortations of a heroic
Scotch preacher named Gordon. I am inclined to think that Kirke was more
likely to be influenced by a peremptory order from Schomberg, than by
the united eloquence of a whole synod of presbyterian divines.]
[Footnote 254: Walker; Mackenzie; Histoire de la Revolution d'Irlande,
Amsterdarn, 1691; London Gazette, Aug. 5/15; 1689; Letter of Buchan
among the Nairne MSS.; Life of Sir John Leake; The Londeriad;
Observations on Mr. Walker's Account of the Siege of Londonderry,
licensed Oct, 4. 1689.]
[Footnote 255: Avaux to Seignelay, July 18/28 to Lewis, Aug. 9/19]
[Footnote 256: "You will see here, as you have all along, that the
tradesmen of Londonderry had more skill in their defence than the great
officers of the Irish army in their attacks." Light to the Blind. The
author of this work is furious against the Irish gunners. The boom he
thinks, would never have been broken if they had done their duty. Were
they drunk? Were they traitors? He does not determine the point. "Lord,"
he exclaims, "who seest the hearts of people, we leave the judgment of
this affair to thy mercy. In the interim those gunners lost Ireland."]
[Footnote 257: In a collection entitled "Derriana," which was published
more than sixty years ago, is a curious letter on this subject.]
[Footnote 258: Bernardi's Life of Himself, 1737.]
[Footnote 259: Hamilton's True Relation; Mac Cormick's Further Account;
London Gazette, Aug. 22. 1689; Life of James, ii. 368, 369.; Avaux
to Lewis, Aug. 30., and to Louvois of the same date. Story mentions a
report that the panic among the Irish was caused by the mistake of
an officer who called out "Right about face" instead of "Right face."
Neither Avaux nor James had heard any thing about this mistake. Indeed
the dragoons who set the example of flight were not in the habit of
waiting for orders to turn their backs on an enemy. They had run away
once before on that very day. Avaux gives a very simple account of the
defeat: "Ces mesmes dragons qui avoient fuy le matin lascherent le pied
avec tout le reste de la cavalerie, sans tirer un coup de pistolet;
et ils s'enfuidrent tous avec une telle epouvante qu'ils jetterent
mousquetons, pistolets, et espees; et la plupart d'eux, ayant creve
leurs chevaux, se deshabillerent pour aller plus viste a pied."]
[Footnote 260: Hamilton's True Relation.]
[Footnote 261: Act. Parl. Scot., Aug. 31. 1681.]
[Footnote 262: Balcarras's Memoirs; Short History of the Revolution in
Scotland in a letter from a Scotch gentleman in Amsterdam to his friend
in London, 1712.]
[Footnote 263: Balcarras's Memoirs; Life of James ii. 341.]
[Footnote 264: A Memorial for His Highness the Prince of Orange in
relation to the Affairs of Scotland, by two Persons of Quality, 1689.]
[Footnote 265: See Calvin's letter to Haller, iv. Non. Jan. 1551:
"Priusquam urbem unquam ingrederer, nullae prorsus erant feriae praeter
diem Dominicum. Ex quo sum revocatus hoc temperamentum quaesivi, ut
Christi natalis celebraretur."]
[Footnote 266: In the Act Declaration, and Testimony of the Seceders,
dated in December, 1736 it is said that "countenance is given by
authority of Parliament to the observation of holidays in Scotland, by
the vacation of our most considerable Courts of justice in the latter
end of December." This is declared to be a national sin, and a ground of
the Lord's indignation. In March 1758, the Associate Synod addressed a
Solemn Warning to the Nation, in which the same complaint was repeated.
A poor crazy creature, whose nonsense has been thought worthy of being
reprinted even in our own time, says: "I leave my testimony against the
abominable Act of the pretended Queen Anne and her pretended British,
really Brutish Parliament, for enacting the observance of that which
is called the Yule Vacancy."--The Dying Testimony of William Wilson
sometime Schoolmaster in Park, in the Parish of Douglas, aged 68, who
died in 1757.]
[Footnote 267: An Account of the Present Persecution of the Church in
Scotland, in several Letters, 1690; The Case of the afflicted Clergy
in Scotland truly represented, 1690; Faithful Contendings Displayed;
Burnet, i. 805]
[Footnote 268: The form of notice will be found in the book entitled
Faithful Contendings Displayed.]
[Footnote 269: Account of the Present Persecution, 1690; Case of the
afflicted Clergy, 1690; A true Account of that Interruption that was
made of the Service of God on Sunday last, being the 17th of February,
1689, signed by James Gibson, acting for the Lord Provost of Glasgow.]
[Footnote 270: Balcarras's Memoirs; Mackay's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 271: Burnet, ii. 21.]
[Footnote 272: Scobell, 1654, cap. 9., and Oliver's Ordinance in Council
of the 12th of April in the same year.]
[Footnote 273: Burnet and Fletcher of Saltoun mention the prosperity of
Scotland under the Protector, but ascribe it to a cause quite inadequate
to the production of such an effect. "There was," says Burnet, "a
considerable force of about seven or eight thousand men kept in
Scotland. The pay of the army brought so much money into the kingdom
that it continued all that while in a very flourishing state...... We
always reckon those eight years of usurpation a time of great peace and
prosperity." "During the time of the usurper Cromwell," says Fletcher,
"we imagined ourselves to be in a tolerable condition with respect to
the last particular (trade and money) by reason of that expense which
was made in the realm by those forces that kept us in subjection."
The true explanation of the phenomenon about which Burnet and Fletcher
blundered so grossly will be found in a pamphlet entitled "Some
seasonable and modest Thoughts partly occasioned by and partly
concerning the Scotch East India Company," Edinburgh, 1696. See the
Proceedings of the Wednesday Club in Friday Street, upon the subject of
an Union with Scotland, December 1705. See also the Seventh Chapter of
Mr. Burton's valuable History of Scotland.]
[Footnote 274: See the paper in which the demands of the Scotch
Commissioners are set forth. It will be found in the Appendix to De
Foe's History of the Union, No. 13.]
[Footnote 275: Act. Parl. Scot., July 30. 1670.]
[Footnote 276: Burnet, ii. 23.]
[Footnote 277: See, for example, a pamphlet entitled "Some questions
resolved concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in Scotland,
1690." One of the questions is, whether Scottish presbytery be agreeable
to the general inclinations of that people. The author answers the
question in the negative, on the ground that the upper and middle
classes had generally conformed to the episcopal Church before the
Revolution.]
[Footnote 278: The instructions are in the Leven and Melville Papers.
They bear date March 7, 1688/9. On the first occasion on which I quote
this most valuable collection, I cannot refrain from acknowledging the
obligations under which I, and all who take an interest in the history
of our island, lie to the gentleman who has performed so well the duty
of an editor.]
[Footnote 279: As to the Dalrymples; see the Lord President's own
writings, and among them his Vindication of the Divine Perfections;
Wodrow's Analecta; Douglas's Peerage; Lockhart's Memoirs; the Satyre on
the Familie of Stairs; the Satyric Lines upon the long wished for and
timely Death of the Right Honourable Lady Stairs; Law's Memorials; and
the Hyndford Papers, written in 1704/5 and printed with the Letters
of Carstairs. Lockhart, though a mortal enemy of John Dalrymple, says,
"There was none in the parliament capable to take up the cudgels with
him."]
[Footnote 280: As to Melville, see the Leven and Melville Papers,
passim, and the preface; the Act. Parl. Scot. June 16. 1685; and the
Appendix, June 13.; Burnet, ii. 24; and the Burnet MS. Had. 6584.]
[Footnote 281: Creichton's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 282: Mackay's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 283: Memoirs of the Lindsays.]
[Footnote 284: About the early relation between William and Dundee, some
Jacobite, many years after they were both dead, invented a story which
by successive embellishments was at last improved into a romance which
it seems strange that even a child should believe to be true. The last
edition runs thus. William's horse was killed under him at Seneff, and
his life was in imminent danger. Dundee, then Captain Graham, mounted
His Highness again. William promised to reward this service with
promotion but broke his word and gave to another the commission which
Graham had been led to expect. The injured hero went to Loo. There
he met his successful competitor, and gave him a box on the ear. The
punishment for striking in the palace was the loss of the offending
right hand; but this punishment the Prince of Orange ungraciously
remitted. "You," he said, "saved my life; I spare your right hand: and
now we are quits."]
Those who down to our own time, have repeated this nonsense seem to
have thought, first, that the Act of Henry the Eighth "for punishment
of murder and malicious bloodshed within the King's Court" (Stat 33 Hen.
VIII. c. 2.) was law in Guelders; and, secondly, that, in 1674, William
was a King, and his house a King's Court. They were also not aware that
he did not purchase Loo till long after Dundee had left the Netherlands.
See Harris's Description of Loo, 1699.]
This legend, of which I have not been able to discover the slightest
trace in the voluminous Jacobite literature of William's reign, seems to
have originated about a quarter of a century after Dundee's death, and
to have attained its full absurdity in another quarter of a century.]
[Footnote 285: Memoirs of the Lindsays.]
[Footnote 286: Ibid.]
[Footnote 287: Burnet, ii. 22.; Memoirs of the Lindsays.]
[Footnote 288: Balcarras's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 289: Act. Parl. Scot., Mar. 14. 1689; History of the late
Revolution in Scotland, 1690; An Account of the Proceedings of the
Estates of Scotland, fol. Lond. 1689.]
[Footnote 290: Balcarras's narrative exhibits both Hamilton and Athol in
a most unfavourable light. See also the Life of James, ii. 338, 339.]
[Footnote 291: Act. Parl. Scot., March 14. 1688/9; Balcarras's Memoirs;
History of the late Revolution in Scotland; Life of James, ii. 342.]
[Footnote 292: Balcarras's Memoirs; History of the late Revolution in
Scotland, 1690.]
[Footnote 293: Act. Parl. Scot., March 14. and 15. 1689; Balcarras's
Memoirs; London Gazette, March 25.; History of the late Revolution in
Scotland, 1690; Account of the Proceedings of the Estates of Scotland,
1689.]
[Footnote 294: See Cleland's Poems, and the commendatory poems contained
in the same volume, Edinburgh, 1697. It has been repeatedly asserted
that this William Cleland was the father of William Cleland, the
Commissioner of Taxes, who was well known twenty year later in the
literary society of London, who rendered some not very reputable
services to Pope, and whose son John was the author of an infamous book
but too widely celebrated. This is an entire mistake. William Cleland,
who fought at Bothwell Bridge, was not twenty-eight when he was killed
in August, 1689; and William Cleland, the Commissioner of Taxes, died
at sixty-seven in September, 1741. The former therefore cannot have
been the father of the latter. See the Exact Narrative of the Battle of
Dunkeld; the Gentleman's Magazine for 1740; and Warburton's note on the
Letter to the Publisher of the Dunciad, a letter signed W. Cleland, but
really written by Pope. In a paper drawn up by Sir Robert Hamilton, the
oracle of the extreme Covenanters, and a bloodthirsty ruffian, Cleland
is mentioned as having been once leagued with those fanatics, but
afterwards a great opposer of their testimony. Cleland probably did not
agree with Hamilton in thinking it a sacred duty to cut the throats of
prisoners of war who had been received to quarter. See Hamilton's Letter
to the Societies, Dec 7. 1685.]
[Footnote 295: Balcarras's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 296: Balcarras's Memoirs. But the fullest account of these
proceedings is furnished by some manuscript notes which are in the
library of the Faculty of Advocates. Balcarras's dates are not quite
exact. He probably trusted to his memory for them. I have corrected them
from the Parliamentary Records.]
[Footnote 297: Act. Parl. Scot., Mar. 16. 1688/9; Balcarras's Memoirs;
History of the late Revolution in Scotland, 1690; Account of the
Proceedings of the Estates of Scotland, 1689; London Gaz., Mar. 25.
1689; Life of James, ii. 342. Burnet blunders strangely about these
transactions.]
[Footnote 298: Balcarras's Memoirs; MS. in the Library of the Faculty of
Advocates.]
[Footnote 299: Act. Parl. Scot., Mar. 19. 1688/9; History of the late
Revolution in Scotland, 1690.]
[Footnote 300: Balcarras.]
[Footnote 301: Ibid.]
[Footnote 302: Act. Parl. Scot.; History of the late Revolution, 1690;
Memoirs of North Britain, 1715.]
[Footnote 303: Balcarras.]
[Footnote 304: Every reader will remember the malediction which Sir
Walter Scott, in the Fifth Canto of Marmion, pronounced on the dunces
who removed this interesting monument.]
[Footnote 305: "It will be neither secuir nor kynd to the King to expect
it be (by) Act of Parliament after the settlement, which will lay it
at his door."--Dalrymple to Melville, 5 April, 1689; Leven and Melville
Papers.]
[Footnote 306: There is a striking passage on this subject in
Fortescue.]
[Footnote 307: Act. Parl. Scot., April 1 1689; Orders of Committee of
Estates, May 16. 1689; London Gazette, April 11]
[Footnote 308: As it has lately been denied that the extreme
Presbyterians entertained an unfavourable opinion of the Lutherans, I
will give two decisive proof of the truth of what I have asserted in the
text. In the book entitled Faithful Contendings Displayed is a report
of what passed at the General Meeting of the United Societies of
Covenanters on the 24th of October 1688. The question was propounded
whether there should be an association with the Dutch. "It was concluded
unanimously," says the Clerk of the Societies, "that we could not have
an association with the Dutch in one body, nor come formally under
their conduct, being such a promiscuous conjunction of reformed Lutheran
malignants and sectaries, to loin with whom were repugnant to the
testimony of the Church of Scotland." In the Protestation and Testimony
drawn up on the 2nd of October 1707, the United Societies complain that
the crown has been settled on "the Prince of Hanover, who has been bred
and brought up in the Lutheran religion which is not only different
from, but even in many things contrary unto that purity in doctrine,
reformation, and religion, we in these nations had attained unto, as is
very well known." They add "The admitting such a person to reign over us
is not only contrary to our solemn League and Covenant, but to the very
word of God itself, Deut. xvii."]
[Footnote 309: History of the late Revolution in Scotland; London
Gazette, May 16, 1689. The official account of what passed was evidently
drawn up with great care. See also the Royal Diary, 1702. The writer of
this work professes to have derived his information from a divine who
was present.]
[Footnote 310: See Crawford's Letters and Speeches, passim. His style of
begging for a place was peculiar. After owning, not without reason, that
his heart was deceitful and desperately wicked, he proceeded thus: "The
same Omnipotent Being who hath said, when the poor and needy seek water
and there is none, and their tongue faileth for thirst, he will not
forsake them; notwithstanding of my present low condition, can build me
a house if He think fit."--Letter to Melville, of May 28. 1689. As to
Crawford's poverty and his passion for Bishops' lands, see his letter to
Melville of the 4th of December 1690. As to his humanity, see his letter
to Melville, Dec 11 1690. All these letters are among the Leven and
Melville Papers, The author of An Account of the Late Establishment of
Presbyterian Government says of a person who had taken a bribe of ten or
twelve pounds, "Had he been as poor as my Lord Crawford, perhaps he
had been the more excusable." See also the dedication of the celebrated
tract entitled Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence Displayed.]
[Footnote 311: Burnet, ii. 23. 24.; Fountainhall Papers, 73, Aug, 1684;
14. and 15. Oct. 1684; 3. May, 1685; Montgomery to Melville, June 22.
1689, in the Leven and Melville Papers; Pretences of the French Invasion
Examined; licensed May 25. 1692.]
[Footnote 312: See the Life and Correspondence of Carstairs, and the
interesting memorials of him in the Caldwell Papers, printed 1854. See
also Mackay's character of him, and Swift's note. Swift's word is not
to be taken against a Scotchman and a Presbyterian. I believe, however,
that Carstairs, though an honest and pious man in essentials, had his
full share of the wisdom of the serpent.]
[Footnote 313: Sir John Dalrymple to Lord Melville, June 18. 20 25.
1689; Leven and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 314: There is an amusing description of Sir Patrick in the
Hyndford MS., written about 1704, and printed among the Carstairs
Papers. "He is a lover of set speeches, and can hardly give audience to
private friends without them."]
[Footnote 315: "No man, though not a member, busier than
Saltoun."--Lockhart to Melville, July 11 1689; Leven and Melville
Papers. See Fletcher's own works, and the descriptions of him in
Lockhart's and Mackay's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 316: Dalrymple says, in a letter of the 5th of June, "All the
malignant, for fear, are come into the Club; and they all vote alike."]
[Footnote 317: Balcarras.]
[Footnote 318: Captain Burt's Letters from Scotland.]
[Footnote 319: "Shall I tire you with a description of this unfruitful
country, where I must lead you over their hills all brown with heath, or
their valleys scarce able to feed a rabbit..., Every part of the country
presents the same dismal landscape. No grove or brook lend their music
to cheer the stranger,"--Goldsmith to Bryanton, Edinburgh, Sept. 26.
1753. In a letter written soon after from Leyden to the Reverend Thomas
Contarine, Goldsmith says, "I was wholly taken up in observing the face
of the country, Nothing can equal its beauty. Wherever I turned my
eye, fine houses, elegant gardens, statues, grottos, vistas presented
themselves, Scotland and this country bear the highest contrast: there,
hills and rocks intercept every prospect; here it is all a continued
plain." See Appendix C, to the First Volume of Mr. Forster's Life of
Goldsmith,]
[Footnote 320: Northern Memoirs, by R. Franck Philanthropus, 1690. The
author had caught a few glimpses of Highland scenery, and speaks of it
much as Burt spoke in the following generation: "It is a part of the
creation left undressed; rubbish thrown aside when the magnificent
fabric of the world was created; as void of form as the natives are
indigent of morals and good manners."]
[Footnote 321: Journey through Scotland, by the author of the Journey
through England, 1723.]
[Footnote 322: Almost all these circumstances are taken from Burt's
Letters. For the tar, I am indebted to Cleland's poetry. In his verses
on the "Highland Host" he says
"The reason is, they're smeared with tar,
Which doth defend their head and neck,
Just as it doth their sheep protect."]
[Footnote 323: A striking illustration of the opinion which was
entertained of the Highlander by his Lowland neighbours, and which
was by them communicated to the English, will be found in a volume of
Miscellanies published by Afra Behn in 1685. One of the most curious
pieces in the collection is a coarse and profane Scotch poem entitled,
"How the first Hielandman was made." How and of what materials he was
made I shall not venture to relate. The dialogue which immediately
follows his creation may be quoted, I hope, without much offence.
"Says God to the Hielandman, 'Quhair wilt thou now?'
'I will down to the Lowlands, Lord, and there steal a cow.'
'Ffy,' quod St. Peter, 'thou wilt never do weel,
'An thou, but new made, so sane gaffs to steal.'
'Umff,' quod the Hielandman, and swore by yon kirk,
'So long as I may geir get to steal, will I nevir work."'
Another Lowland Scot, the brave Colonel Cleland, about the same time,
describes the Highlander in the same manner
"For a misobliging word
She'll dirk her neighbour o'er the board.
If any ask her of her drift,
Forsooth, her nainself lives by theft."
Much to the same effect are the very few words which Franck
Philanthropus (1694) spares to the Highlanders: "They live like lauds
and die like loons, hating to work and no credit to borrow: they make
depredations and rob their neighbours." In the History of the Revolution
in Scotland, printed at Edinburgh in 1690, is the following passage:
"The Highlanders of Scotland are a sort of wretches that have no other
consideration of honour, friendship, obedience, or government, than as,
by any alteration of affairs or revolution in the government, they can
improve to themselves an opportunity of robbing or plundering their
bordering neighbours."]
[Footnote 324: Since this passage was written I was much pleased by
finding that Lord Fountainhall used, in July 1676, exactly the same
illustration which had occurred to me. He says that "Argyle's ambitious
grasping at the mastery of the Highlands and Western Islands of Mull,
Ila, &c. stirred up other clans to enter into a combination for hearing
him dowse, like the confederat forces of Germanic, Spain, Holland, &c.,
against the growth of the French."]
[Footnote 325: In the introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron
is a very sensible remark: "It may appear paradoxical: but the editor
cannot help hazarding the conjecture that the motives which prompted the
Highlanders to support King James were substantially the same as those
by which the promoters of the Revolution were actuated." The whole
introduction, indeed, well deserves to be read.]
[Footnote 326: Skene's Highlanders of Scotland; Douglas's Baronage of
Scotland.]
[Footnote 327: See the Memoirs of the Life of Sir Ewan Cameron, and the
Historical and Genealogical Account of the Clan Maclean, by a Senachie.
Though this last work was published so late as 1838, the writer seems
to have been inflamed by animosity as fierce as that with which the
Macleans of the seventeenth century regarded the Campbells. In the
short compass of one page the Marquess of Argyle is designated as "the
diabolical Scotch Cromwell," "the vile vindictive persecutor," "the
base traitor," and "the Argyle impostor." In another page he is "the
insidious Campbell, fertile in villany," "the avaricious slave," "the
coward of Argyle" and "the Scotch traitor." In the next page he is "the
base and vindictive enemy of the House of Maclean" "the hypocritical
Covenanter," "the incorrigible traitor," "the cowardly and malignant
enemy." It is a happy thing that passions so violent can now vent
themselves only in scolding.]
[Footnote 328: Letter of Avaux to Louvois, April 6/16 1689, enclosing a
paper entitled Memoire du Chevalier Macklean.]
[Footnote 329: See the singularly interesting Memoirs of Sir Ewan
Cameron of Lochiel, printed at Edinburgh for the Abbotsford Club in
1842. The MS. must have been at least a century older. See also in the
same volume the account of Sir Ewan's death, copied from the Balhadie
papers. I ought to say that the author of the Memoirs of Sir Ewan,
though evidently well informed about the affairs of the Highlands and
the characters of the most distinguished chiefs, was grossly ignorant of
English politics and history. I will quote what Van Litters wrote to the
States General about Lochiel, Nov 26/Dec 6 1689: "Sir Evan Cameron,
Lord Locheale, een man,--soo ik hoor van die hem lange gekent en dagelyk
hebben mede omgegaan,--van so groot verstant, courage, en beleyt, als
weyniges syns gelycke syn."]
[Footnote 330: Act. Parl., July 5. 1661.]
[Footnote 331: See Burt's Third and Fourth Letters. In the early
editions is an engraving of the market cross of Inverness, and of that
part of the street where the merchants congregated. I ought here
to acknowledge my obligations to Mr. Robert Carruthers, who kindly
furnished me with much curious information about Inverness and with some
extracts from the municipal records.]
[Footnote 332: I am indebted to Mr. Carruthers for a copy of the demands
of the Macdonalds and of the answer of the Town Council.]
[Footnote 333: Colt's Deposition, Appendix to the Act. Parl of July 14.
1690.]
[Footnote 334: See the Life of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 335: Balcarras's Memoirs; History of the late Revolution in
Scotland.]
[Footnote 336: There is among the Nairne Papers in the Bodleian Library
a curious MS. entitled "Journal de ce qui s'est passe en Irlande
depuis l'arrivee de sa Majeste." In this journal there are notes and
corrections in English and French; the English in the handwriting of
James, the French in the handwriting of Melfort. The letters intercepted
by Hamilton are mentioned, and mentioned in a way which plainly
shows that they were genuine; nor is there the least sign that James
disapproved of them.]
[Footnote 337: "Nor did ever," says Balcarras, addressing James, "the
Viscount of Dundee think of going to the Highlands without further
orders from you, till a party was sent to apprehend him."]
[Footnote 338: See the narrative sent to James in Ireland and received
by him July 7, 1689. It is among the Nairne Papers. See also the Memoirs
of Dundee, 1714; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Balcarras's Memoirs;
Mackay's Memoirs. These narratives do not perfectly agree with each
other or with the information which I obtained from Inverness.]
[Footnote 339: Memoirs of Dundee; Tarbet to Melville, 1st June 7688, in
the Levers and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 340: Narrative in the Nairne Papers; Depositions of Colt,
Osburne, Malcolm, and Stewart of Ballachan in the Appendix to the Act.
Parl. of July 14. 1690; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. A few touches I
have taken from an English translation of some passages in a lost epic
poem written in Latin, and called the Grameis. The writer was a zealous
Jacobite named Phillipps. I have seldom made use of the Memoirs of
Dundee, printed in 1714, and never without some misgiving. The writer
was certainly not, as he pretends, one of Dundee's officers, but a
stupid and ignorant Grub Street garreteer. He is utterly wrong both as
to the place and as to the time of the battle of Killiecrankie. He says
that it was fought on the banks of the Tummell, and on the 13th of June.
It was fought on the banks of the Garry, and on the 27th of July. After
giving such a specimen of inaccuracy as this, it would be idle to point
out minor blunders.]
[Footnote 341: From a letter of Archibald Karl of Argyle to Lauderdale,
which bears date the 25th of June, 1664, it appears that a hundred
thousand marks Scots, little more than five thousand pounds sterling,
would, at that time, have very nearly satisfied all the claims of Mac
Callum More on his neighbours.]
[Footnote 342: Mackay's Memoirs; Tarbet to Melville, June 1, 1689, in
the Leven and Melville Papers; Dundee to Melfort, June 27, in the Nairne
Papers,]
[Footnote 343: See Mackay's Memoirs, and his letter to Hamilton of the
14th of June, 1689.]
[Footnote 344: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 345: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 346: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 347: Dundee to Melfort, June 27. 1689.]
[Footnote 348: See Faithful Contendings Displayed, particularly the
proceedings of April 29. and 30. and of May 13. and 14., 1689; the
petition to Parliament drawn up by the regiment, on July 18. 1689;
the protestation of Sir Robert Hamilton of November 6. 1689; and the
admonitory Epistle to the Regiment, dated March 27. 1690. The Society
people, as they called themselves, seem to have been especially shocked
by the way in which the King's birthday had been kept. "We hope," they
wrote, "ye are against observing anniversary days as well as we, and
that ye will mourn for what ye have done." As to the opinions and temper
of Alexander Shields, see his Hind Let Loose.]
[Footnote 349: Siege of the Castle of Edinburgh, printed for the
Bannatyne Club; Lond. Gaz, June 10/20. 1689.]
[Footnote 350: Act. Parl. Scot., June 5. June 17. 1689.]
[Footnote 351: The instructions will be found among the Somers Tracts.]
[Footnote 352: As to Sir Patrick's views, see his letter of the 7th
of June, and Lockhart's letter of the 11th of July, in the Leven and
Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 353: My chief materials for the history of this session have
been the Acts, the Minutes, and the Leven and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 354: "Athol," says Dundee contemptuously, "is gone to England,
who did not know what to do."--Dundee to Melfort, June 27. 1689. See
Athol's letters to Melville of the 21st of May and the 8th of June, in
the Leven and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 355: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 356: Mackay's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 357: Ibid.]
[Footnote 358: Van Odyck to the Greffier of the States General, Aug.
2/12 1689.]
[Footnote 359: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 360: Balcarras's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 361: Mackay's Short Relation, dated Aug. 17. 1689.]
[Footnote 362: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 363: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Mackay's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 364: Douglas's Baronage of Scotland.]
[Footnote 365: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 366: Memoirs of Sir Swan Cameron.]
[Footnote 367: As to the battle, see Mackay's Memoirs Letters, and Short
Relation the Memoirs of Dundee; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Nisbet's
and Osburne's depositions in the Appendix to the Act. Parl. Of July
14. 1690. See also the account of the battle in one of Burt's Letters.
Macpherson printed a letter from Dundee to James, dated the day after
the battle. I need not say that it is as impudent a forgery as Fingal.
The author of the Memoirs of Dundee says that Lord Leven was scared by
the sight of the highland weapons, and set the example of flight. This
is a spiteful falsehood. That Leven behaved remarkably well is proved by
Mackay's Letters, Memoirs, and Short Relation.]
[Footnote 368: Mackay's Memoirs. Life of General Hugh Mackay by J.
Mackay of Rockfield.]
[Footnote 369: Letter of the Extraordinary Ambassadors to the Greffier
of the States General, August 2/12. 1689; and a letter of the same date
from Van Odyck, who was at Hampton Court.]
[Footnote 370: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Memoirs of Dundee.]
[Footnote 371: The tradition is certainly much more than a hundred and
twenty years old. The stone was pointed out to Burt.]
[Footnote 372: See the History prefixed to the poems of Alexander
Robertson. In this history he is represented as having joined before the
battle of Killiecrankie. But it appears from the evidence which is in
the Appendix to the Act. Parl. Scot. of July 14. 1690, that he came in
on the following day.]
[Footnote 373: Mackay's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 374: Mackay's Memoirs; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 375: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 376: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 377: See Portland's Letters to Melville of April 22 and May
15. 1690, in the Leven and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 378: Mackay's Memoirs; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.]
[Footnote 379: Exact Narrative of the Conflict at Dunkeld between the
Earl of Angus's Regiment and the Rebels, collected from several Officers
of that Regiment who were Actors in or Eyewitnesses of all that's here
narrated in Reference to those Actions; Letter of Lieutenant Blackader
to his brother, dated Dunkeld, Aug. 21. 1689; Faithful Contendings
Displayed; Minute of the Scotch Privy Council of Aug. 28., quoted by Mr.
Burton.]
[Footnote 380: The history of Scotland during this autumn will be best
studied in the Leven and Melville Papers.]
[Footnote 381: See the Lords' Journals of Feb. 5. 1688 and of many
subsequent days; Braddon's pamphlet, entitled the Earl of Essex's Memory
and Honour Vindicated, 1690; and the London Gazettes of July 31.
and August 4. and 7. 1690, in which Lady Essex and Burnet publicly
contradicted Braddon.]
[Footnote 382: Whether the attainder of Lord Russell would, if
unreversed, have prevented his son from succeeding to the earldom of
Bedford is a difficult question. The old Earl collected the opinions
of the greatest lawyers of the age, which may still be seen among the
archives at Woburn. It is remarkable that one of these opinions is
signed by Pemberton, who had presided at the trial. This circumstance
seems to prove that the family did not impute to him any injustice or
cruelty; and in truth he had behaved as well as any judge, before the
Revolution, ever behaved on a similar occasion.]
[Footnote 383: Grey's Debates, March 1688/9.]
[Footnote 384: The Acts which reversed the attainders of Russell Sidney,
Cornish, and Alice Lisle were private Acts. Only the titles therefore
are printed in the Statute Book; but the Acts will be found in Howell's
Collection of State Trials.]
[Footnote 385: Commons' Journals, June 24. 1689.]
[Footnote 386: Johnson tells this story himself in his strange pamphlet
entitled, Notes upon the Phoenix Edition of the Pastoral Letter, 1694.]
[Footnote 387: Some Memorials of the Reverend Samuel Johnson, prefixed
to the folio edition of his works, 1710.]
[Footnote 388: Lords' Journals, May 15. 1689.]
[Footnote 389: North's Examen, 224. North's evidence is confirmed by
several contemporary squibs in prose and verse. See also the eikon
Brotoloigon, 1697.]
[Footnote 390: Halifax MS. in the British Museum.]
[Footnote 391: Epistle Dedicatory to Oates's eikon Basiliki]
[Footnote 392: In a ballad of the time are the following lines]
"Come listen, ye Whigs, to my pitiful moan, All you that have ears, when
the Doctor has none."]
These lines must have been in Mason's head when he wrote the couplet]
"Witness, ye Hills, ye Johnsons, Scots, Shebbeares; Hark to my call: for
some of you have ears."]
[Footnote 393: North's Examen, 224. 254. North says "six hundred a
year." But I have taken the larger sum from the impudent petition which
Gates addressed to the Commons, July 25. 1689. See the Journals.]
[Footnote 394: Van Citters, in his despatches to the States General,
uses this nickname quite gravely.]
[Footnote 395: Lords' Journals, May 30. 1689.]
[Footnote 396: Lords' Journals, May 31. 1689; Commons' Journals, Aug.
2.; North's Examen, 224; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 397: Sir Robert was the original hero of the Rehearsal, and
was called Bilboa. In the remodelled Dunciad, Pope inserted the lines]
"And highborn Howard, more majestic sire, With Fool of Quality completes
the quire."]
Pope's highborn Howard was Edward Howard, the author of the British
Princes.]
[Footnote 398: Key to the Rehearsal; Shadwell's Sullen Lovers; Pepys,
May 5. 8. 1668; Evelyn, Feb. 16. 1684/5.]
[Footnote 399: Grey's Debates and Commons' Journals, June 4. and 11
1689.]
[Footnote 400: Lords' Journals, June 6. 1689.]
[Footnote 401: Commons' Journals, Aug. 2. 1689; Dutch Ambassadors
Extraordinary to the States General, July 30/Aug 9]
[Footnote 402: Lords' Journals, July 30. 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary; Clarendon's Diary, July 31. 1689.]
[Footnote 403: See the Commons' Journals of July 31. and August 13
1689.]
[Footnote 404: Commons' Journals, Aug. 20]
[Footnote 405: Oldmixon accuses the Jacobites, Barnet the republicans.
Though Barnet took a prominent part in the discussion of this question,
his account of what passed is grossly inaccurate. He says that the
clause was warmly debated in the Commons, and that Hampden spoke
strongly for it. But we learn from the journals (June 19 1689) that it
was rejected nemine contradicente. The Dutch Ambassadors describe it as
"een propositie 'twelck geen ingressie schynt te sullen vinden."]
[Footnote 406: London Gazette, Aug. 1. 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary.]
[Footnote 407: The history of this Bill may be traced in the journals of
the two Houses, and in Grey's Debates.]
[Footnote 408: See Grey's Debates, and the Commons' Journals from March
to July. The twelve categories will be found in the journals of the 23d
and 29th of May and of the 8th of June.]
[Footnote 409: Halifax MS. in the British Museum.]
[Footnote 410: The Life and Death of George Lord Jeffreys; Finch's
speech in Grey's Debates, March 1. 1688/9.]
[Footnote 411: See, among many other pieces, Jeffreys's Elegy, the
Letter to the Lord Chancellor exposing to him the sentiments of the
people, the Elegy on Dangerfield, Dangerfield's Ghost to Jeffreys, The
Humble Petition of Widows and fatherless Children in the West, the Lord
Chancellor's Discovery and Confession made in the lime of his sickness
in the Tower; Hickeringill's Ceremonymonger; a broadside entitled "O
rare show! O rare sight! O strange monster! The like not in Europe! To
be seen near Tower Hill, a few doors beyond the Lion's den."]
[Footnote 412: Life and Death of George Lord Jeffreys,]
[Footnote 413: Tutchin himself gives this narrative in the Bloody
Assizes.]
[Footnote 414: See the Life of Archbishop Sharp by his son. What passed
between Scott and Jeffreys was related by Scott to Sir Joseph Jekyl.
See Tindal's History; Echard, iii. 932. Echard's informant, who is
not named, but who seems to have had good opportunities of knowing the
truth, said that Jeffreys died, not, as the vulgar believed, of drink,
but of the stone. The distinction seems to be of little importance. It
is certain that Jeffreys was grossly intemperate; and his malady was one
which intemperance notoriously tends to aggravate.]
[Footnote 415: See a Full and True Account of the Death of George Lord
Jeffreys, licensed on the day of his death. The wretched Le Noble was
never weary of repeating that Jeffreys was poisoned by the usurper.
I will give a short passage as a specimen of the calumnies of which
William was the object. "Il envoya," says Pasquin "ce fin ragout de
champignons au Chancelier Jeffreys, prisonnier dans la Tour, qui les
trouva du meme goust, et du mmee assaisonnement que furent les derniers
dont Agrippine regala le bon-homme Claudius son epoux, et que Neron
appella depuis la viande des Dieux." Marforio asks: "Le Chancelier est
donc mort dans la Tour?" Pasquin answers: "Il estoit trop fidele a son
Roi legitime, et trop habile dans les loix du royaume, pour echapper a
l'Usurpateur qu'il ne vouloit point reconnoistre. Guillemot prit soin de
faire publier que ce malheureux prisonnier estoit attaque du'ne fievre
maligne; mais, a parler franchement, i1 vivroit peutestre encore s'il
n'avoit rien mange que de la main de ses anciens cuisiniers."--Le Festin
de Guillemot, 1689. Dangeau (May q.) mentions a report that Jeffreys had
poisoned himself.]
[Footnote 416: Among the numerous pieces in which the malecontent Whigs
vented their anger, none is more curious than the poem entitled the
Ghost of Charles the Second. Charles addresses William thus:
"Hail my blest nephew, whom the fates ordain
To fill the measure of the Stuart's reign,
That all the ills by our whole race designed
In thee their full accomplishment might find
'Tis thou that art decreed this point to clear,
Which we have laboured for these fourscore year."]
[Footnote 417: Grey's Debates, June 12 1689.]
[Footnote 418: See Commons' Journals, and Grey's Debates, June 1. 3. and
4. 1689; Life of William, 1704.]
[Footnote 419: Barnet MS. Harl. 6584.; Avaux to De Croissy, June 16/26
1689.]
[Footnote 420: As to the minutes of the Privy Council, see the Commons'
Journals of June 22. and 28., and of July 3. 5. 13. and 16.]
[Footnote 421: The letter of Halifax to Lady Russell is dated on the 23d
of July 1689, about a fortnight after the attack on him in the Lords,
and about a week before the attack on him in the Commons.]
[Footnote 422: See the Lords' Journals of July 10. 1689, and a letter
from London dated July 11/21, and transmitted by Croissy to Avaux. Don
Pedro de Ronquillo mentions this attack of the Whig Lords on Halifax in
a despatch of which I cannot make out the date.]
[Footnote 423: This was on Saturday the 3d of August. As the division
was in Committee, the numbers do not appear in the journals. Clarendon,
in his Diary, says that the majority was eleven. But Narcissus Luttrell,
Oldmixon, and Tindal agree in putting it at fourteen. Most of the little
information which I have been able to find about the debate is contained
in a despatch of Don Pedro de Ronquillo. "Se resolvio" he says, "que el
sabado, en comity de toda la casa, se tratasse del estado de la nation
para representarle al Rey. Emperose por acusar al Marques de Olifax;
y reconociendo sus emulos que no tenian partido bastante, quisieron
remitir para otro dia esta motion: pero el Conde de Elan, primogenito
del Marques de Olifax, miembro de la casa, les dijo que su padre no era
hombre para andar peloteando con el, y que se tubiesse culpa lo acabasen
de castigar, que el no havia menester estar en la corte para portarse
conforme a su estado, pues Dios le havia dado abundamente para poderlo
hazer; conque por pluralidad de votes vencio su partido." I suspect
that Lord Eland meant to sneer at the poverty of some of his father's
persecutors, and at the greediness of others.]
[Footnote 424: This change of feeling, immediately following the debate
on the motion for removing Halifax, is noticed by Ronquillo,]
[Footnote 425: As to Ruvigny, see Saint Simon's Memoirs of the year
1697: Burnet, i. 366. There is some interesting information about
Ruvigny and about the Huguenot regiments in a narrative written by
a French refugee of the name of Dumont. This narrative, which is in
manuscript, and which I shall occasionally quote as the Dumont MS., was
kindly lent to me by the Dean of Ossory.]
[Footnote 426: See the Abrege de la Vie de Frederic Duc de Schomberg by
Lunancy, 1690, the Memoirs of Count Dohna, and the note of Saint Simon
on Dangeau's Journal, July 30, 1690.]
[Footnote 427: See the Commons' Journals of July 16. 1689, and of July
1. 1814.]
[Footnote 428: Journals of the Lords and Commons, Aug. 20. 1689; London
Gazette, Aug, 22.]
[Footnote 429: "J'estois d'avis qu', apres que la descente seroit faite,
si on apprenoit que des Protestans se fassent soulevez en quelques
endroits du royaume, on fit main basse sur tous generalement."--Avaux,
July 31/Aug 10 1689.]
[Footnote 430: "Le Roy d'Angleterre m'avoit ecoute assez paisiblement la
première fois que je luy avois propose ce qu'il y avoit a faire contre
les Protestans."--Avaux, Aug. 4/14]
[Footnote 431: Avaux, Aug. 4/14. He says, "Je m'imagine qu'il est
persuade que, quoiqu'il ne donne point d'ordre sur cela, la plupart des
Catholiques de la campagne se jetteront sur les Protestans."]
[Footnote 432: Lewis, Aug 27/Sept 6, reprimanded Avaux, though much
too gently, for proposing to butcher the whole Protestant population
of Leinster, Connaught, and Munster. "Je n'approuve pas cependant la
proposition que vous faites de faire main basse sur tous les Protestans
du royaume, du moment qu', en quelque endroit que ce soit, ils se seront
soulevez: et, outre que la punition du'ne infinite d'innocens pour peu
de coupables ne seroit pas juste, d'ailleurs les represailles contre
les Catholiques seroient d'autant plus dangereuses, que les premiers se
trouveront mieux armez et soutenus de toutes les forces d'Angleterre."]
[Footnote 433: Ronquillo, Aug. 9/19 speaking of the siege of
Londonderry, expresses his astonishment "que una plaza sin fortification
y sin genies de guerra aya hecho una defensa tan gloriosa, y que los
sitiadores al contrario ayan sido tan poltrones."]
[Footnote 434: This account of the Irish army is compiled from numerous
letters written by Avaux to Lewis and to Lewis's ministers. I will quote
a few of the most remarkable passages. "Les plus beaux hommes," Avaux
says of the Irish, "qu'on peut voir. Il n'y en a presque point au
dessous de cinq pieds cinq a six pouces." It will be remembered that the
French foot is longer than ours. "Ils sont tres bien faits: mais; il ne
sont ny disciplinez ny armez, et de surplus sont de grands voleurs."
"La plupart de ces regimens sont levez par des gentilshommes qui
n'ont jamais este á l'armee. Ce sont des tailleurs, des bouchers,
des cordonniers, qui ont forme les compagnies et qui en sont les
Capitaines." "Jamais troupes n'ont marche comme font celles-cy. Ils
vent comme des bandits, et pillent tout ce qu'ils trouvent en chemin."
"Quoiqu'il soit vrai que les soldats paroissent fort resolus a bien
faire, et qu'ils soient fort animez contre les rebelles, neantmoins il
ne suffit pas de cela pour combattre..... Les officiers subalternes sont
mauvais, et, a la reserve d'un tres peut nombre, il n'y en a point qui
ayt soin des soldats, des armes, et de la discipline." "On a beaucoup
plus de confiance en la cavalerie, dont la plus grande partie est
assez bonne." Avaux mentions several regiments of horse with particular
praise. Of two of these he says, "On ne peut voir de meilleur regiment."
The correctness of the opinion which he had formed both of the infantry
and of the cavalry was, after his departure from Ireland, signally
proved at the Boyne.]
[Footnote 435: I will quote a passage or two from the despatches written
at this time by Avaux. On September 7/17. he says: "De quelque coste
qu'on se tournat, on ne pouvoir rien prevoir que de desagreable. Mais
dans cette extremite chacun s'est evertue. Les officiers ont fait leurs
recrues avec beaucoup de diligence." Three days later he says: "Il y a
quinze jours que nous n'esperions guare de pouvoir mettre les choses en
si bon estat mais my Lord Tyrconnel et tous les Irlandais ont travaille
avec tant d'empressement qu'on s'est mis en estat de deffense."]
[Footnote 436: Avaux, Aug 25/Sep 4 Aug 26/Sep 5; Life of James, ii.
373.; Melfort's vindication of himself among the Nairne Papers. Avaux
says: "Il pourra partir ce soir a la nuit: car je vois bien qu'il
apprehende qu'il ne sera pas sur pour luy de partir en plein jour."]
[Footnote 437: Story's Impartial History of the Wars of Ireland, 1693;
Life of James, ii. 374; Avaux, Sept. 7/17 1689; Nihell's journal,
printed in 1689, and reprinted by Macpherson.]
[Footnote 438: Story's Impartial History.]
[Footnote 439: Ibid.]
[Footnote 440: Avaux, Sep. 10/20. 1689; Story's Impartial History; Life
of James, ii. 377, 378 Orig. Mem. Story and James agree in estimating
the Irish army at about twenty thousand men. See also Dangeau, Oct. 28.
1689.]
[Footnote 441: Life of James, ii. 377, 378. Orig. Mem.]
[Footnote 442: See Grey's Debates, Nov. 26, 27, 28. 1689, and the
Dialogue between a Lord Lieutenant and one of his deputies, 1692.]
[Footnote 443: Nihell's Journal. A French officer, in a letter to Avaux,
written soon after Schomberg's landing, says, "Les Huguenots font plus
de mal que les Anglois, et tuent force Catholiques pour avoir fait
resistance."]
[Footnote 444: Story; Narrative transmitted by Avaux to Seignelay, Nov
26/Dec 6 1689 London Gazette, Oct. 14. 1689. It is curious that, though
Dumont was in the camp before Dundalk, there is in his MS. no mention of
the conspiracy among the French.]
[Footnote 445: Story's Impartial History; Dumont MS. The profaneness
and dissoluteness of the camp during the sickness are mentioned in
many contemporary pamphlets both in verse and prose. See particularly a
Satire entitled Reformation of Manners, part ii.]
[Footnote 446: Story's Impartial History.]
[Footnote 447: Avaux, Oct. 11/21. Nov. 14/24 1689; Story's Impartial
History; Life of James, ii. 382, 383. Orig. Mem.; Nihell's Journal.]
[Footnote 448: Story's Impartial History; Schomberg's Despatches;
Nihell's Journal, and James's Life; Burnet, ii. 20.; Dangeau's journal
during this autumn; the Narrative sent by Avaux to Seignelay, and the
Dumont MS. The lying of the London Gazette is monstrous. Through the
whole autumn the troops are constantly said to be in good condition.
In the absurd drama entitled the Royal Voyage, which was acted for the
amusement of the rabble of London in 1689, the Irish are represented as
attacking some of the sick English. The English put the assailants to
the rout, and then drop down dead.]
[Footnote 449: See his despatches in the appendix to Dalrymple's
Memoirs.]
[Footnote 450: London Gazette; May 20 1689.]
[Footnote 451: Commons' Journals, Nov. 13, 23. 1689; Grey's Debates,
Nov. 13. 14. 18. 23. 1689. See, among numerous pasquinades, the Parable
of the Bearbaiting, Reformation of Manners, a Satire, the Mock Mourners,
a Satire. See also Pepys's Diary kept at Tangier, Oct. 15. 1683.]