CHAPTER VIII

THE LANDS OF HUNGARIAN AND RUMANIAN LANGUAGES

The presence in Europe of Hungarians, a race bearing strong

linguistic and physical affinity to Turki tribesmen, is perhaps

best explained by the prolific harvests yielded by the broad

valleys of the Danube and Theiss. Huns, Avars and Magyars, one

and all Asiatics wandering into Europe, were induced to abandon

nomadism by the fertility of the boundless Alföld. Western

influences took solid root among these descendants of eastern

ancestors after their conversion to Christianity and the adoption

of the Latin alphabet. So strongly did they become permeated by the

spirit of occidental civilization, that the menace of absorption

by the Turks was rendered abortive whenever the Sultan’s hordes

made successful advances towards Vienna. At the same time, fusion

with the Germans was prevented by the oriental origin of the race.

The foundation of a separate European nation was thus laid in the

Hungarian plains.

Language to the Magyar has always represented nationality. When in

1527 St. Stephen’s crown was offered to Ferdinand of Austria in

order to strengthen Hungary’s resistance against the Turk, the new

ruler pledged himself not to destroy this sacred token of Hungarian

political independence. “Nationem et linguam vestram servare non

perdere intendimus” was his solemn promise. The germ of a dual form

of government was thus created in the presence of the Sultan’s

barbarous hordes, but Hungary always preserved its individuality,

for at no time did the kingdom form part of the Holy Roman Empire.

Closer union with Austria towards the end of the seventeenth

century when the right of succession to the Hungarian throne

became hereditary in the Hapsburg family, failed to Germanize the

land during all the eighteenth century. Later, up to 1867, the

persistent struggle of the Magyar against the Austrian was kept up.

Attempts to replace German by Hungarian in the governing bodies of

counties and municipalities were merely the outward expression of

the contest.

When, in 1825, the Hungarian Academy of Science was founded by a

group of patriotic leaders, the movement was little more than an

attempt to revive the Magyar tongue. Count Stephen Széchenyi’s

words on this occasion betray the consciousness of the intimate

relation between language and nationality which is felt in every

country during periods of actual danger. “I am not here,” he

said, “as a great dignitary of the kingdom; but I am an opulent

landowner, and if an institution be established that will develop

the Magyar language and, by so doing, advance the national

education of our countrymen, I will sacrifice the revenues of my

estates for one year.” The impetus given by this statesman, and a

few equally earnest compatriots, to the cultivation of national

literature in Hungary became a potent factor in the shaping of the

country’s modern political destiny. It liberated the Magyar from

the Germanizing influences of Austrian rule and ultimately paved

the way to the establishment of a dual government in the Empire.

The linguistic boundary between Hungarian and German is found in

the eastern extremity of the Austrian Alps. The southern side of

the valley of the Danube between Pressburg and Raab is German.

Magyar spreads however to the north to meet the Slovak area. South

of Pressburg the shores of Lake Neusiedler are included in the

German area. The line then crosses the upper valley of the Raab

and attains the Drave, which forms the linguistic boundary between

Croatian and Hungarian. East of the Theiss, contact with the

Rumanian of Transylvania begins in the vicinity of Arad, on the

Maros river, and extends northward in an irregular line, hugging

the western outliers of the Transylvanian Alps and attaining the

sources of the Theiss. In the northeastern valley of this river,

Hungarian and Ruthenian languages replace each other. The area

of Magyar speech thus defined lacks homogeneity in its western

section lying west of the Danube. Important enclaves of Germans are

solidly intrenched in this portion of the Hungarian domain. The

central portion of the monotonous expanse unfolding itself between

the Danube and the Theiss is, on the other hand, characterized

by uniformity of the Hungarian population it supports. Enclaves

however exist all along the border of this eastern area.

Hungarian nationality asserted itself definitely in the nineteenth

century in the face of strenuous effort on the part of Germans to

assimilate the Magyars. The latter took advantage of the defeat

of the Austrians at Sadowa in 1867 to reach a compromise with

their masters. The Hapsburg Empire was then converted into a

Dual Monarchy. For a time the economic advantages of this union

lay entirely with Austria. The Hungarian plain, vast and fecund,

bestowed the wealth of its fertility on Austria. A land of farmers

it also became an important market for the industrial output of its

German partner-state. This economic relation was maintained until

the beginning of the twentieth century, when Hungary made rapid

progress in industry and forced Austria to seek Balkan markets for

the disposal of its manufactured goods.

Austria’s unsuccessful attempt to dominate Hungary’s economic life

accelerated the growth of the germ of dissension between the two

countries. The tie that links Budapest to Vienna, at present, is

strengthened by Hungarian dread of the Slav. It might have given

way long ago otherwise, for in truth Hungary has to face the menace

of Pan-Germanism as well. The percentage of native Hungarians

in their own country is under 55 per cent and gives them a bare

majority over the combined alien peoples.[157] The number of

Germans scattered in Hungarian districts is 2,000,000. The only

advantage which the natives of the soil possess lies in their

occupation of the richest lands in their country.

A minor group of Hungarians have settled on the eastern edge

of the Transylvania mountains. Here they live surrounded by

Rumanians on all sides except on the west where a lone outpost

of Saxons brings Teutonic customs and speech to the east. The

name of Szekler, meaning frontier guardsmen, applied to this body

of Magyars is indicative of their origin. Their presence on the

heights overlooking the Rumanian plain bespeaks the desire of

Hungarian sovereigns to control the site of a natural rampart

dominating their plains. At the end of the thirteenth century

this Hungarian colony was in full development. Its soldiers

distinguished themselves during the period of war with the Turks.

Prestige acquired on battlefields strengthened the separate and

semi-independent existence of the community. The region occupied

by these Hungarians is situated along the easternmost border of

the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. It extends west of the uninhabited

mountain-frontier district between Tölgyes Pass and Crasna. The

towns of Schässburg and Maros Vasarhely lie on its western border.

But the area of Rumanian speech situated between the land of the

Szekler and the main Hungarian district is studded with numerous

colonies of Magyars, thereby rendering delimitation of a linguistic

boundary in the region almost impossible.

The Saxon colony adjoining the Szekler area on the west is also a

relic of medieval strategic necessities. In spite of the name by

which this German settlement is designated, its original members

appear to have been recruited from different sections of western

European regions occupied by Teutons.[158] Colonization had

already been started when King Gesa II of Hungary gave it a fresh

impulse, in the middle of the twelfth century, by inducing peasants

of the middle Rhine and Moselle valleys to exchange servitude

in their native villages for land ownership in the Transylvania

area.[159]

To promote the efficiency of these colonists as frontier guardsmen

an unusual degree of political latitude was accorded them. In time

their deputies sat in the Hungarian diet on terms of equality with

representatives of the nobility. Prolonged warfare with the Tatar

populations who attempted to force entrance into the Hungarian

plains, led to the selection of strategical sites as nuclei of

original settlements. These facts account for the survival of the

Teutonic groups in the midst of Rumanians and Hungarians. Today

the so-called Saxon area does not constitute a single group, but

consists of separate agglomerations clustered in the vicinity

of the passes and defiles which the ancestors of the Teutons

were called upon to defend. The upper valley of the Oltu and its

mountain affluents, in the rectangle inclosed between the towns of

Hermannstadt, Fogaras, Mediasch and Schässburg, contain at present

the bulk of this Austrian colony of German ancestry.

[Illustration:

FIG. 42--View of the Transylvanian plateau near the western edge

of the Carpathians. Hosszufalu (Langendorf) in the distance.]

The Rumanian problem in Hungary is mainly economic. The chief aim

of Hungarians is to maintain political supremacy in the provinces

containing a majority of the Romance-speaking element. The Rumanian

communities are scattered over an area of about 76,000 square

miles (122,278 sq. kms.) which comprises Transylvania and its old

“exterior” counties as well as the Banat. This region is peopled

by 6,305,666 inhabitants according to recent census figures. Of

these 87.8 per cent consist of peasants. The number of Rumanians is

officially estimated at 2,932,214. Rumanian students, however,

point to official Austrian returns for the year 1840 which placed

the number of their countrymen at 2,202,000[160] and lay stress

on the coefficient of increase for the period 1870 to 1910, which

is 15.5 per thousand in Rumania and 10.8 per thousand in Hungary.

Applying the Rumanian rate to the Rumanian subjects of the

Hapsburgs they find that their kinsmen in Hungary ought to number

approximately 3,536,000. Otherwise it is necessary to admit that

between 1840 and 1890 Magyars increased 54 per cent, and Rumanians

only 17 per cent, in spite of the recognized fact that Rumanian

peasants have larger families than their Hungarian masters.[161]

Social grouping in Transylvania shows that the dominating Hungarian

class consists largely of city dwellers and government employees.

These are the characteristics of an immigrant population which is

not solidly rooted to the land. The Szekler alone among Magyars

are tillers of the soil and in intimate contact with the land on

which they live. Few of the Rumanians are landowners. The estates

held by an insignificant number of their kinsmen generally form

part of ecclesiastical domains and are of restricted size. They own

however a relatively large proportion of Transylvania’s forested

areas, which the Hungarian ruling class is endeavoring to acquire

by imitating Prussian methods of absorption of Polish lands.

The Germans and Hungarians who founded settlements on the

Transylvanian plateau were unable to impose their language on the

inhabitants of the mountainous region. Rumanian, representing the

easternmost expansion of Latin speech, is in use today on the

greatest portion of this highland[162] as well as in the fertile

valleys and plains surrounding it between the Dniester and the

Danube. A portion of Hungary and the Russian province of Bessarabia

is therefore included in this linguistic unit outside of the

kingdom of Rumania.[163] Beyond the limits of this continuous area,

the only important colony of Rumanians is found around Metsovo

in Greece where, in the recesses of the Pindus mountains and

surrounded by the Greeks, Albanians and Bulgarians of the plains,

almost half a million Rumanians[164] have managed to maintain the

predominant Latin character of their language.[165]

Rumanian is derived directly from the low Latin spoken in the

Imperial era. In syntax and grammar it reproduces Latin forms of

striking purity. Words dealing with agricultural pursuits, however,

are generally of Slavic origin. The closeness of Rumanian to Latin

can be gathered from the following two specimens of Wallachian

verse and their Latin rendering:

1.

_Rumanian_

Bela in large valle amblà

Erba verde lin calcà;

Cantà, qui cantand plangeà,

Quod tódi munti resunà;

Ea in genunchi se puneà,

Ochi in sus indireptà;

Ecce, asi vorbe faceâ;

“Domne, domne, bune domne.”

_Latin_

Puella in larga valle ambulabat,

Herbam viridem leniter calcabat,

Cantabat et cantando plangebat,

Ut omnes montes resonarent:

Illa in genua se ponebat,

Oculos sursum dirigebat;

Ecce, sic verba faciebat:

“Domine, domine, bone domine.”

2.

_Rumanian_

Nucu, fagu, frassinu

Mult se certà intra séne.

“Nuce,” dice frassinu,

“Quine vine, nuci college,

“Cullegend si ramuri frange

“Vaide dar de pelle a tua;

“Dar tu fage, mi vecine,

“Que voi spune in mente tene:

“Multe fere saturasi;

“Qui prébéne nu amblasi;

“Quum se au geru apropiat

“La pament te au si culcat,

“Si in focu te au si aruncat, ...

_Latin_

Nux, fagus, fraxinus,

Multum certant inter se.

“Nux,” dicit fraxinus

“Quisquis venit, nuces legit,

“Colligendo ramos frangit:

“Vae itaque pelli tuae!

“At tu fage, mi vicine,

“Quae exponam mente tene?

“Multas feras saturasti,

“At haud bene ambulasti;

“Quum gelu appropinquat

“Ad pavimentum de deculcant

“Ad focum averruncant, ...

The prevalence of Latin in an eastern land, and in a form which is

stated to present closer analogies with the language of the Roman

period than with any of its western derivatives, had its origin in

the Roman conquest of southeastern Europe in the early part of the

first Christian millennium. Occupation of the land by important

bodies of legionaries and a host of civil administrators, their

intermarriage with the natives, the advantages conferred by Roman

citizenship, all combined to force Latin into current use. And when

in 275 Aurelian recalled Roman troops from the eastern provinces of

the empire, the vernacular of Rome had taken too solid a footing on

Dacian soil to be extirpated.

Abandonment of the region by the Romans is cited for political

reasons by the Magyar rulers of Transylvania to refute Rumanian

claims to this Hungarian province. Rumanian historians,

however, have been able to demonstrate the untenability of this

assumption.[166] They have shown that many of the customs of their

country are distinctly reminiscent of Latin Italy. It is still

customary in many Rumanian villages to attach a small coin to the

finger of the dead after an ancient Roman custom of providing

the soul with its fare across the Styx. Bands of traveling

musicians in Balkan or Hungarian cities are known to be composed

of Rumanians whenever their members carry an instrument which is

a faithful imitation of the pipes of Pan as sculptured upon Roman

and Gallo-Roman monuments. Rumania’s national dance, the Calusaré,

commemorates the rape of the Sabines to this day. Neither does

the list of these analogies end with the examples given here.

Furthermore the evidence afforded by geography tends also to

validate Rumanian claims.

From the valley of the Dniester to the basin of the Theiss the

steppes of southern Russia spread in unvarying uniformity save

where the tableland of the Transylvanian Alps breaks their

continuity. The entire region was the Dacia colonized by the

Romans.[167] Unity of life, in this home of Rumanian nationality,

has been unaffected by the sharp physical diversity afforded by

the inclosure of mountain and plain within the same linguistic

boundary. The thoroughness with which Rumanians have adapted

themselves to the peculiarities of their land is evinced by the

combination of the twin occupations of herder and husbandman

characteristic of Moldavians and Wallachians. Cattle and flocks

are led every summer to the rich grazing lands of the Transylvania

valleys. In winter man and beast seek the pastures of the Danubian

steppes and prairies. Rumanians thus maintain mountain and plain

residences, which they occupy alternately.[168] This mode of

life is the transformation which the nomadism of the Asiatic

steppe received on Rumanian soil. It is a true relic of past

habitat. These seasonal migrations also account for the intimacy

between highlanders and lowlanders in Rumania, besides affording

adequate explanation of the peopling of the region by a single

nationality.[169]

There was a time, however, when Rumanian nationality was entirely

confined to the mountain zone. Invasions which followed the

retirement of the Romans had driven Rumanians to the shelter of the

Transylvanian ranges. Perched on this natural fortress, they beheld

the irruption of Slavs and Tatars in the broad valleys which they

once held in undisputed sway. Only after the flow of southeastern

migrations had abated did they venture to reoccupy the plains and

resume their agricultural life and seasonal wanderings.

The outstanding fact in these historical vicissitudes is that the

mountain saved the Latin character of Rumanian speech. Had the

Romanized Dacians been unable to find refuge in the Transylvanian

Alps their language would probably have been submerged by the

Slavic or Tatar flood. As it is, the life of Rumanians is strongly

impregnated with eastern influences. Oddly enough its Christianity

was derived from Byzantium instead of from Rome and, were it not

for a veritable renaissance of Latinism about 1860, its affinity

with the Slavic world would be manifest with greater intensity than

is apparent in the present century.

The preservation of Roman speech was not confined to the

Transylvanian mountain area. In spite of Rome’s waning power

in the Balkans, her language had taken such solid root in the

peninsula that it has maintained itself to this day in the Pindus

mountain region intervening between Epirus and Macedonia. Here

the Kutzo-Vlachs of the region speak a language identical with

that spoken in the last stretches of the valley of the Danube. In

Albania also the same cultural heritage has been treasured to this

day in the mountainous tangle of the land. Albanian however is

further removed from Latin than Rumanian, probably on account of

less intercourse with the Roman world.[170]

The name of Kutzo-Wallachians or Aromunes is given to the

mountaineers of Rumanian speech peopling parts of Macedonia,

Albania and Thessaly. This detached band of Rumanians occupies

mainly the region between the mountains of the Pindus range and

the Serbian boundary. In Albania they are found scattered along

the upper reaches of the Semeni and Devoli rivers. In Greece, the

channels of the Voyussa, the Arta, the Aspropotamos, the Bistritza

and the lower Vardar likewise constitute their favorite tramping

grounds. A shepherd people, roaming with their flocks, their life

is spent either in the valleys of their summer mountain resorts

or in the plains which they favor in winter. Tribes or clans

among which dialectical differences can be found occur according

to locality, but they nevertheless compose when taken together a

compact mass of Rumanians settled far from the main body of their

kinsmen by speech.

A group 5,000 to 6,000 strong live near the sources of the

Aspropotamos around Siracu, and between Kalarites and Malakasi.

Northwards this clan extends to Metsovo.[171] In the Olympus

mountains Rumanians are known at Vlakho-Livadi and adjoining

districts. Eastwards, the Veria Rumanians are found in the villages

of Selia, Doliani and Kirolivadi. West of the latter locality, the

settlements of Vlakho-Klissura, Blatza and Sisani are likewise

composed entirely of Rumanian inhabitants. The same is true of

the villages of Nevesca, Belcamen and Pisuderi as well as of

Gramosta, in the recesses of the Grammos mountains and of Koritza

and Sipiska. Other colonies exist at Okrida, Gopes, Krushevo,

Molovista, Tirnova, Magarevo and Monastir. The Struga and Geala

settlements are also part of the preceding groups.

Within Albanian territory the village of Frasheri is the most

important Rumanian settlement. Its name has passed to the

Frasherist group of western Rumanians. Around Berat, a strong

contingent occupies about 40 villages and can muster ten thousand

men. In the Vardar valley various settlements aggregating 14,000

individuals, all farmers, are distributed near Guevgueli as well as

in localities north and south of this town. Many of these peasants

are Mohammedans and speak a dialect of their own. A Rumanian

settlement is also found in the Jumaya Pass south of Sofia and

along the old Turco-Bulgarian frontier.

The nomadic character of these isolated adherents of a Latin

language is shown in many of their villages, which are occupied

during part of the year only. As an example the villages in the

vicinity of Frasheri, the ancient “Little Wallachia,” are inhabited

during winter alone. Many Frasherists can be met along the Albanian

coast between Kimara and the bay of Valona, as well as along the

eastern coast of Corfu and in villages of the Moskopolis and

Koritza districts. As a rule they are peddlers and confine their

commercial nomadism to profitable routes just as pastoral nomads,

who are their kinsmen, seesaw back and forth between the mountain

districts nearest their plains.

The three areas of Romance language in the Balkans attest, by

implication, the powerful influence attained by Rome in the

peninsula prior to the rise of the Slavic flood. The presence of

the Slavs began to be felt about the seventh century and two

hundred years later the Balkan peninsula had become heavily

Slavicized. Before that period, however, every nook and corner of

the land area between the Adriatic and the Black and Ægean seas

must have been under effective Roman jurisdiction. Lanes of travel

from the coasts of Albania to the famous Thracian rendezvous

were frequented by Roman traders and colonists with increasing

regularity in the early centuries of the Christian era. The growing

estrangement of Byzantium from the west, Slavic inroads and later

Turkish advances all but destroyed the social unity which must have

characterized the Balkan region in Roman times. Of this unity, the

Rumanian and Albanian languages alone have survived along different

coasts. Both languages are knit together structurally as well as by

outward harmony.

Through the survival of Romanic languages in the Balkan peninsula

an excellent glimpse is obtained of the conditions preceding the

Slavic migrations which, beginning at the end of the third century,

burst into full strength at the opening of the sixth. The Slavic

flood was both heavy and prolonged. Its strength can be surmised

from the survival of Slavic place names in the sections of Balkan

territory under Greek, Rumanian or Albanian control. But the Slavs

mastered only the drainage area of the Danube and its tributaries.

The twin basins of the Save and Drave afforded them westerly

routes of penetration without, however, providing channels of

southerly advance. The watershed coinciding roughly with easterly

longitude 21° in Albania and attaining the Pindus mountains

therefore remained closed land to the Slavs. As a result Albania

and Macedonia are to be considered as areas in which Romance speech

once prevailed. The signs of this linguistic relation are numerous

in Albania because the country is less open to invasion than the

Macedonian basin.

A territory of Romance languages extending continuously from the

Atlantic to the Black Sea probably existed prior to the immigration

of Slavs into southeastern Europe. The areas of Romansh, Friulian,

Ladin, Albanian and Rumanian are remnants of this ancient language

zone. Even the Slavic language of the Macedonian peasant is a

layer superimposed on the linguistic stratum prevailing before the

period of Slavic invasion. It is therefore about thirteen centuries

old. The changes undergone by the earlier form of Macedonian in

this span of centuries have been so sweeping as to obliterate

altogether the character of the pre-Slavic tongue. Rumanian

vernaculars of the Pindus extended therefore to the east and not

improbably into Thrace. A claim upon Macedonia based on this

assumption has even been put forward by Rumanians.[172]

[Illustration:

FIG. 43--The easterly sweep of Romance languages. The dotted

areas are lowlands. Romance languages are spoken in the

diagonally ruled areas. Cross-ruling represents the connecting

areas between eastern and western Romance languages. Pindus

localities in which Rumanian is spoken are indicated by R. Scale,

1:12,500,000.]

No fair conception of the character of the Rumanian population can

be attained without thorough realization of the extent to which

the land has been open to the invasions of Asiatic nomads of the

steppes. The intensity of this movement can be ascertained for the

historical period. Back of that time, however, the interminable

stretch of centuries must have been characterized by the same

inflow from the east, else the Rumanian population would not betray

today such distinctly Tatar earmarks. The eastern sections of the

country, those nearest to, and forming practically a continuation

of Russia, teem with settlements of pure Tatars.

The earliest inhabitants of Rumania are tall, dark brachycephs--the

Cevenoles of Deniker’s classification. This original element has

been repeatedly diluted by Slavic and Tatar percolation. The Roman

conquest, which together with the “pax Romana” brought civilization

to the land, was not an ethnical victory. The Romans, a mere

minority of leaders, ruled in the land much after the fashion in

which the British govern India at present. But this occupation of

the land by men representing a superior civilization sufficed to

stamp the speech of Rome upon Rumania.

Rumania’s past differed from that of the other Balkan nations.

During the centuries in which the destiny of the ancient world was

controlled largely by Byzantine statesmen, Moldavia and Wallachia

seldom took part in the quarrels that pitted Slavs against Greeks.

Balkan conflicts seemed then to be restricted to the populations

living south of the Danube. Excellent relations were maintained

between the rulers of Rumanian principalities and the Byzantine

court. It was always felt at Constantinople, throughout the

centuries of bitter struggle against Islam’s waxing might, that the

voivodes’ aid against the Turks was assured.

After the terrible blow inflicted on Christendom by the fall of

Constantinople, the two principalities of the northern Danubian

bank managed to preserve autonomy. This is a highly significant

fact in Rumanian history, for it meant that the country was

spared the effects of racial blendings or upheavals consequent

to the Ottoman occupation of southeastern Europe. Religious and

national antagonism between the various elements of the Christian

populations under the Sultan’s rule were incessantly fostered by

the Turks as a means of consolidating their own sovereignty.

The rôle played by Rumania during the long period of Christian

servitude entitles the country to the gratitude of the other Balkan

states. The land beyond the Danube became a haven to which victims

of Mohammedan persecution repaired whenever possible. Noblemen

despoiled of their estates, traders menaced with execution for

having claimed payment of debts incurred towards them by the

followers of the Prophet, students whose only crime consisted of

having interpreted Christian doctrines to their co-religionists,

all found refuge under the banner of the cross flying on the north

bank of the Danube. Hungary itself has incurred a heavy debt of

obligation to Rumania, for both Moldavia and Wallachia served as a

buffer against which Turkish blows directed at Magyar power spent

themselves in vain.

The province of Bukovina, once the borderland between Rumanians and

Ruthenians, has become in modern times the meeting place of both

peoples. According to recent Austrian statistics its population is

as follows:

1900 1910

Germans 159,486 168,851

Bohemians and Slovakians 596 1,005

Poles 26,857 26,210

Ruthenians 297,798 305,101

Slovenes 108 80

Serbo-Croatians 6 1

Italians 119 36

Rumanians 229,018 273,254

Hungarians 9,516 10,391

------- -------

Total 723,504 784,929[173]

The Rumanians and Ruthenians are the oldest and most numerous

inhabitants of Bukovina. The former are generally confined to the

southeastern districts of the province while the majority of the

Ruthenians inhabit the northwest. The mountainous sections are

peopled by the Huzuli, a folk whose speech and customs contain

traces of Slavic influence. The remainder of the inhabitants of

Bukovina consists of descendants of immigrants who settled in the

province about five or six centuries ago.

[Illustration:

FIG. 44--Sketch map of the Rumanian area (diagonally ruled) in

Bukovina and Hungary. The blank area is overwhelmingly Slavic

(Little Russians or Ruthenians). The dotted patches in Hungary

represent areas of Hungarian speech.]

Germans, mostly traders and artisans from Transylvania and Galicia,

made their first appearance in Bukovina in the fourteenth century.

Occasionally German priests and warriors would also find their

way into the province and decide to settle permanently within its

borders. A fresh impetus to German colonization was given by the

fall of Bukovina into Austrian hands in 1774. Under the rule of

Maria Theresa and Emperor Joseph II Germans of all classes and

conditions were induced to seek the province and Germanize the

land. They came as officials, teachers, soldiers and merchants and

took up their abode generally in special cities.[174]

This German element was derived chiefly from Swabia, Bohemia and

German Austria. The Swabians were the earliest colonists and are

found scattered in the best farming districts of the province.[175]

The Zips of northern Hungary are generally found in the mountains

of southwestern Bukovina which they had occupied originally as

miners.[176]

The Hungarians of Bukovina are not descendants of immigrants from

Hungary but from Rumania. Their ancestors were the Magyars and

Szeklers who had been dispatched by Hungarian kings to defend the

passes of Transylvania. After Bukovina’s annexation to Austria,

efforts were made to induce the descendants of the old frontier

guardsmen to live within Austrian boundaries. The call was heeded

by many who as a result selected Bukovina as residence. One of the

earliest colonies was founded at Istensegitz, while Hadikfalva and

Andreasfalva became sites of their settlements during the reign of

Emperor Joseph.

The Poles emigrated to the province mainly from Galicia between

the years 1786 and 1849. They are found scattered in the larger

cities, notably at Czernowitz. The Slovaks came later. Prior to

the nineteenth century they had no colonies of any importance in

Bukovina. In 1803 they appear around the glass factories near

Crasna, where they were employed as woodcutters. Between 1830 and

1840 they founded the settlements of Neusolonetz and Pojana-Mikuli.

Many Bukovinan localities are inhabited by Lippowans, who are

Great Russians and who on the basis of language are considered as

Ruthenians by Austrian census-takers. The Lippowans belong to

the sect of Old Believers which seceded from the Russian Orthodox

Church in the middle of the seventeenth century. Persecution forced

them to flee to neighboring countries and they flocked in large

numbers into Bukovina. Their descendants now inhabit principally

the towns of Mitoka-Dragomirna and Klimutz as well as neighboring

villages.

By the acquisition of Bukovina in 1777 the Hapsburgs increased

their territory by about 6,200 sq. m. (10,000 sq. km.) and

a population of 75,000 inhabitants, consisting largely of

Rumanians.[177] Nistor estimates the population at the time of

this annexation at 56,700 Rumanians, about 15,000 Ruthenians at

the most and 5,000 Huzulis, who, from the border bandits that

they were, settled finally in western Bukovina.[178] According to

Rumanian historians the Slavic element of Bukovina was negligible

in the fourteenth century. It was a common occurrence for Ruthenian

peasants to escape from Polish serfdom and settle in Moldavia,

the land of free farmers. The fugitives, dribbling on Rumanian

soil in small numbers, became merged in the mass of the native

population. The consolidation of large estates in the seventeenth

century and the resulting agricultural boom obliged landowners to

induce peasants of neighboring countries to settle in Bukovina. The

emigration of many Ruthenians can be accounted for by this economic

change.

After the Turkish conquest of Kamieniec-Podolski the new provinces

of the Dniester valley were populated by Slavs drawn from among

Little Russians. The district of Hotin in eastern Bukovina was

colonized at that time. Again Sobieski’s victories over the Turks

were followed by a temporary Polish occupation of northern and

western Moldavia and a renewed inflow of Slavs.

Ruthenian invasion of the soil of Bukovina persisted steadily from

the eighteenth century on. Galician serfs were driven by oppression

to this hitherto unexploited territory. In 1779 the number of

Ruthenians in Bukovina was estimated at 21,114. Tombstones of that

date found between the Dniester and the Pruth are almost entirely

in Rumanian. In 1848 the Ruthenian element in the province numbered

108,907 against 208,293 Rumanians. The census of 1910 places the

number of Russian-speaking inhabitants at 305,101, while the users

of Rumanian are placed at 273,254. Rumanian authorities, however,

call attention to the fact that these figures are determined on the

basis of the language most commonly used and not on that of the

inherited mother tongue.

Rumanian also holds easy predominance in the strange medley of

languages which can be heard in the Russian province of Bessarabia.

The region forms a natural extension of Moldavia, east of the Pruth

furrow, and has always been intimately connected with Rumanian

life. It became part of the Czar’s dominion in 1812, after the

treaty of Bucarest of May 28 of that year, but the southern part

was reincorporated with the principality of Moldavia after the

Crimean war. This section was restored, however, to Russia by a

decision of the Congress which met in Berlin in June 1878. It has

since remained Russian territory. These changes, no less than its

position as the narrow corridor between the Asiatic steppeland and

southern Europe, have made it the meeting land of Europe’s most

untutored elements.

The broad hilly spurs bounded by the Dniester and the Pruth

contain the bulk of these Bessarabian Rumanians, who make up

half the population of the province or nearly one million souls.

Interspersed with this native element, German colonists and

Bulgarian immigrants,--the latter brought wholesale in the course

of Turkey’s European recessional,--and Serbian or Greek cultivators

are to be found in many of the villages that nestle in the broad

and smiling valleys of the low plateau. The flat marshy tracts

along the Pruth and at the mouth of the Danube are occupied by

Cosacks and Tatars, while a numerous gipsy element manages to

subsist on the rest of the inhabitants by juggling or fortune

telling, or frequently by pilfering.

The national consolidation of the Rumanians of Bukovina, the

Banat and Bessarabia with the main body would supply a non-Slavic

linguistic wedge between Russians and Balkan Slavs. But apart

from this linguistic difference, Rumanian life and institutions

present close analogies with their Russian counterparts. From the

standpoint of the anthropologist both countries contain a Slavic

substratum strongly diluted by Tatar infiltration. Religious views

nursed and cherished in the Kremlin hold spiritual sway throughout

the length and breadth of Rumania. And yet, in spite of such

strong bonds, and that of immediate neighborhood, language with

nationality remains sharply distinct in the two kingdoms.

FOOTNOTES:

[157] An increase in the percentage of the Hungarian element in

Hungary at the expense of the other nationalities and particularly

of the Germans is shown by official figures. The following table is

instructive:

_Percentages of the Population of Hungary, without Croatia (after

Wallis)._

1880 1910

Magyars 46.7 54.5

Germans 13.6 10.4

Slovaks 13.5 10.7

Rumanians 17.5 16.1

Ruthenians 2.6 2.5

Serbs and Croats 4.6 3.6

Others 1.5 2.2

But cf. in this connection B. C. Wallis: Distribution of

Nationalities in Hungary, _Geogr. Journ._, Vol. 47, 1916, No. 3,

pp. 183-186.

[158] F. Teutsch: Die Art der Ansiedelung der Siebenbürger Sachsen,

_Forsch. z. deut._ _Landes- u. Volksk._, Vol. 9, 1896, pp. 1-22.

Cf. also O. Wittstock: Volkstümliches der Siebenbürger Sachsen,

in the same volume. The name “Saxon” appears to have been applied

indiscriminately in the Middle Ages to settlers of German speech in

the Balkan peninsula. “Saxon” miners and “Saxon” bodyguards were

also known in Serbian countries in that period.

[159] Luxemburg and the regions comprised between Trèves,

Düsseldorf and Aix-la-Chapelle furnished German colonists during

the middle of the twelfth century.

[160] Hungarian statistics show 2,470,000 in 1870; 2,403,000 in

1880 and 2,589,000 in 1890.

[161] Cf. V. Merutiŭ: Romîniĭ între Tisa şi Carpaţĭ, raporturī

etnografice, _Rev. Stiintifică Vasile Adamachi_, Vol. 6, No. 2,

1915.

[162] N. Mazere: Harta etnografica a Transilvanei, 1:340,000, Inst.

Geogr. al Armatei, Iasi, 1909.

[163] G. Weigand: Linguistischer Atlas des dacorumänischen

Sprachgebietes, Leipzig, 1909.

[164] Their number is given at 750,000 by G. Murgocè and P.

Papahagi in “Turcia cu privire speciala auspra Macedoniei,”

Bucarest, 1911.

[165] The total number of Rumanians in the Balkan peninsula is

estimated at about 10,300,000, distributed as follows: Rumania,

5,489,296 or 92.5 per cent of the population; Russia, 1,121,669, of

whom 920,919 are in Bessarabia; Austria-Hungary, 3,224,147, of whom

2,949,032 are in Transylvania; Greece, 373,520; Serbia, 90,000.

[166] A. D. Xénopol: Les Roumains au Moyen-Âge, Paris, 1885.

[167] W. R. Shepherd: Historical Atlas, New York, 1911, pp. 34, 35,

39.

[168] Typical examples of seasonal migration are found in

Switzerland, where conditions prevailing in the higher and the

lower valleys of the Alps have induced the inhabitants to shift

their residence with the seasons.

[169] A similar nomadism is observable among the Rumanians of the

Pindus mountains. Cf. A. J. B. Wade and M. S. Thompson: The Nomads

of the Balkans: An Account of Life and Customs among the Vlachs of

Northern Pindus, London, 1914.

[170] About one-third of the words in Albanian are of Romanic

origin.

[171] _Bull. pour l’étude de l’Europe Sud-Orientale_, June, 1915,

p. 112.

[172] A. A. C. Stourdza: L’Héroïsme des Roumains au Moyen-Âge et le

caractère de leurs anciennes institutions, Paris, 1911.

[173] Divided according to religion, the census of 1910 shows the

following figures:

Roman Catholics 98,565

Greek Catholics 26,182

Armenian Catholics 657

Orthodox Greeks 547,603

Gregorian Armenians 341

Lipps 3,232

Protestant sects 20,518

Jews 102,919

Unaccounted 86

-------

Total 800,103

[174] Czernowitz, Storozynetz, Sereth, Suczava, Radautz,

Gurahumora, Kimpolung were among the cities most often selected.

[175] Their colonies are found at Rosh, Molodia, Tereblestie,

Hliboka, St. Onufri, Altfratanz, Milleschoutz, Arbora, Itzkani,

Ilischestie, Unterstanestie, Storozynetz, Neuzadowa.

[176] Their settlements are found at Jakobeny, Kirlibaba,

Luisenthal, Pozoritta, Eisenau, Freudenthal, Bukschoja and

Stulpikani.

[177] Today the predominance of Ruthenians in Bukovina is contested

by Rumanians who claim that Austrian statistics are deliberately

padded.

[178] I. Nistor: Românú si Rutenií in Bucovina, studiu istoric si

statistu, Bucarest, 1915, p. 72.

The Frontiers of Language and Nationality in Europe · 第 8 / 14 章