CHAPTER V

SCANDINAVIAN AND BALTIC LANGUAGES

Scandinavia’s remoteness from the center of European political

strife has not saved the region from the inconveniences arising

from linguistic clashes. Especially is this true where political

and linguistic boundaries do not coincide. The Danish-German

frontier has been marked by antagonism between Danes and Germans.

Denmark’s hold on Schleswig-Holstein prior to 1866 had engendered

bitter feeling among Germans, who considered the subjection of

their kinsmen settled on the right bank of the Elbe estuary as

unnatural. After Prussia had annexed the contested region, it was

the Danes’ turn to feel dissatisfied and to claim the districts

occupied by their countrymen.

The problem of Schleswig-Holstein is a direct consequence of

Germany’s geography. By its position in Europe the Teutonic empire

is essentially a land power. Its maritime development began in the

midst of adverse natural conditions in the northern confines of the

country. The southern Baltic and the North Sea are both shallow.

Sandbanks and winter ice hamper navigation in the easternmost

stretch of these waters. An outlet exists only in the round-about

and rock-studded Danish straits. The Oder, Elbe and Ems are

constantly discharging material collected from the mountainous

heart of Europe. The harbors of the northwestern shore are

artificial and require ceaseless watching, for all of which German

navigation pays a heavy annual tax.

The Danish tongue of land which divides Germany’s northern sea

boundary into two separate regions contains in its eastern and

northern coasts the very advantages which Germany cannot find

on its northern frontier. Eastern Jutland boasts a few natural

harbors located at the head of the indentations which impart a

fiord-like aspect to this coast and which in course of time have

grown into centers of commercial activity. German shipping circles

would consider the annexation of the Danish peninsula to Germany

as a measure leading to high economic advantages, even though the

construction of the Kiel canal has materially changed conditions

which affected the Danish-German situation when the duchies of

Schleswig and Holstein were annexed in 1866.

The present Danish-speaking population of Schleswig-Holstein is

variously estimated at between 140,000 and 150,000. These subjects

of the Kaiser occupy the territory south of the Danish boundary

to a line formed by the western section of the Lecker Au, the

southern border of the swampy region extending south of Rens and

the northern extension of the Angeln hills. Between this line and

the area in which German is spoken a zone of the old Frisian tongue

of Holland survives along the western coast of the peninsula from

the Lecker Au to the Treene river.[72] Frisian is also spoken in

the coastal islands.

The degree to which linguistic variations adapt themselves to

physical configuration is admirably illustrated in this case, by

the southerly extension of Danish along the eastern section of the

peninsula where persistence of the Baltic ridge appears in the

hilly nature of the land. The Low German of the long Baltic plain

also continued to spread unimpeded within the low-lying western

portion of the narrow peninsula, until its northward extension was

arrested by uninhabited heath land. The presence of Frisian along

the western coast is undoubtedly connected with the adaptability of

Frisians to settle in land areas reclaimed from the sea.

The province of Schleswig began to acquire historical prominence

as an independent duchy in the twelfth century. Barring few

interruptions its union with the Danish crown has been continuous

to the time of the Prussian conquest. In 1848 both Schleswig and

Holstein were disturbed by a wave of political agitation which

expressed itself in demands for the joint incorporation of both

states in the German Confederation. To what extent the mass of

Danish inhabitants of the duchies took part in this movement is

a matter of controversy. Holstein was an ancient fief of the old

Germano-Roman Empire. Its population has always been largely

German. But the duchy of Schleswig is peopled mainly by Danes. By

the terms of the treaty of Prague of August 23, 1866, both Austria

and Prussia had agreed to submit final decision on the question

of nationality to popular vote.[73] The provisions of the clause

dealing with the referendum, however, were not carried out, and on

Jan. 12, 1867, Schleswig was definitely annexed by Prussia.[74]

Incorporation of the Danish provinces was followed by systematic

attempts to Germanize the population[75] through the agency

of churches and schools. In addition a number of colonization

societies such as the “Ansiedelungs Verein für westliche

Nordschleswig,” founded at Rödding in 1891,[76] and the “Deutsche

Verein für das nordliche Schleswig” were formed to introduce German

ownership of land in the Danish districts. The final years of the

nineteenth century in particular constituted a period of strained

feeling between Danes and Germans owing to unsettled conditions

brought about by duality of language and tradition.

[Illustration:

FIG. 34--Sketch map of Schleswig-Holstein showing languages

spoken. According to the German viewpoint. Scale, 1:1,200,000.

(Based on maps on pp. 59, 60, Andree’s Handatlas, 6th ed.)]

At present the problem of Schleswig is considered settled by the

German government. A treaty signed on January 11, 1907, between

the cabinets of Berlin and Copenhagen defined the status of the

inhabitants of the annexed duchy. The problem of the “Heimatlose”

or citizens without a country[77] was solved by the recognition

of the right of choice of nationality on their part. The German

government considered this measure as satisfying the aspirations

of its subjects of Danish birth. Nevertheless, although the Danish

government appeared to share these views, the acquiescence of

Danes living in Germany to any solution other than the restoration

to Denmark of the Danish-speaking sections of Schleswig remains

doubtful. That suspicion of the loyalty of the Schleswig Danes is

still entertained in Germany is shown by statements like that made

by Henry Goddard Leach, Secretary of the American-Scandinavian

Foundation, when he asserted[78] that Roald Amundsen, discoverer of

the South Pole, was prevented from lecturing in Norwegian, in the

town of Flensborg, because the language resembled Danish.

[Illustration:

FIG. 35--Sketch map of Schleswig-Holstein showing languages

spoken. According to the Danish viewpoint. Scale, 1:1,200,000.

(After Rosendal based on Clausens and Heyers.)]

In Norway the linguistic problem goes under the name of Maalstraev.

The question of language in that country was debated with marked

fervor[79] during the years prior to the separation from Sweden.

“Freedom with self-government, home, land and our own language”

was the plea of Mr. Jörgen Lövland, subsequently Premier of Norway,

in an address to the Norwegian youth in 1904. “Political freedom,”

then said Mr. Lövland, “is not the deepest and greatest. Greater

is it for a nation to preserve her intellectual inheritance in her

native tongue.”

Norwegian history is not continuous, complaisant historians to the

contrary. A long break occurs from the Union of Kalmar in 1397,

when the country ceased to exist as a political entity, to 1814.

During this period of extinction, Norway was a mere geographical

shuttlecock tossed between Sweden and Denmark. The latter country

as a rule obtained the upper hand in its dealings with Norway. This

relation accounts for the analogies in the languages of the two

nations. But although Norway had seceded from Denmark in 1814, the

Danish language, representing the speech of the more energetic and

better educated Danes, remained official. Four and a half centuries

of union between the two countries had made Danish the medium of

intellectual development throughout Norway. But this linguistic

invasion was accompanied by a notable modification of Danish.

Norwegian intonations and sound articulations became adapted to it

and the Norwego-Danish language, which is spoken today, gradually

came into use.

This hybrid language, however, does not prevail exclusively. About

95 per cent of the Norwegians speak, according to districts,

different dialects derived from the Old Norse. The Norwego-Danish,

or Riksmaal, is the language of polite society and the one which

a foreigner naturally learns when in Norway. The language of the

land, or Norsk as it is called by the Norwegians, has the merit of

being more homogeneous than either Danish or Swedish.

Nationality and language have grown apace in Norway. Prior to

the nineteenth century the use of words taken from the Norwegian

dialects was considered bad form. The granting of a constitution to

the Norwegians, in 1814, created a strong feeling of nationality

throughout the land. This spirit was reflected in active research

for every form of Old Norse culture. Hitherto despised patois

words were forced into prose or poetry by the foremost Norwegian

writers, a movement to Norsefy the Riksmaal thus being originated.

As a result of these endeavors a new language, the “Landsmaal,”

or fatherland speech, came into being about the middle of the

nineteenth century. The name of Ivar Aasen will always be linked

with it. This highly gifted peasant devoted his life to the idea

of a renaissance of the Old Norse language through the unification

of the current peasant dialects. Scientific societies, urged by

patriotism no less than by genuine scholarly interest, granted him

subsidies which enabled him to carry on his studies. Two of his

works--“The Grammar of the Norwegian Popular Language,” published

in 1848, and a “Dictionary of the Norwegian Popular Language,” in

1850--virtually established a new medium of speech in Norway.

Landsmaal was happily introduced just about the time when a sense

of national consciousness began to dawn on Norwegian minds. By a

number of enactments of the Storting the study of the new national

tongue was made compulsory. This body first acted in May 1885 by

requesting the Government “to adopt the necessary measures so that

the people’s language, as school and official language, be placed

side by side with our ordinary written speech.”[80] Then, in 1892,

the following law for elementary schools was framed: “The school

board (in each district) shall decide whether the school readers

and text-books shall be composed in Landsmaal or the ordinary

book-‘maal’ and in which of these languages the pupil’s written

exercises shall in general be composed. But the pupil must learn to

read both languages.” Finally, in 1896, the study of Landsmaal was

made obligatory in the high schools.

After Norway secured complete national independence, in 1905, the

Landsmaal advanced rapidly. Its use was permitted in university

examinations. By 1909 one hundred and twenty-five out of six

hundred and fifty school districts had adopted “New Norse” as

the medium of instruction.[81] In the bishopric of Bergen the

new language came to stay in 56 out of 101 country parishes. The

issue between Landsmaal and Riksmaal being closely linked with

nationalism in Norway, many Norwegians have now come to look upon

the Danish tongue as a sign of former vassalage. New Norse, on the

other hand, embodies the newly acquired national independence.

In the eyes of patriots it is the language which is most closely

allied to the saga tongue of their Viking ancestors. And yet it is

stated that less than a thousand persons in Norway actually use New

Norse in their conversation.[82] The supplanting of Norwego-Danish

by the made-to-order Landsmaal bids fair to take time. But the

process of welding Norwegian dialects into a single national

language is going on. In this must be sought the significance of

Norway’s language agitation. A Norwegian tongue which will be

spoken within Norwegian boundaries is being formed. In recent years

it has been customary to publish all acts of Parliament both in

Norwego-Danish and in Landsmaal.

The Swedish language differs from Norwegian by a typical

accentuation. The growth of the language to its present form may

be traced back to the Runic period of the thirteenth century. At

that time Swedish was free from foreign admixture. The influence

of Latin and of Middle and Low German was felt later. The language

passed successively through the period of Old Swedish (1200-1500)

and Early Modern Swedish (1500-1730). Its present form belongs to

the Later Modern School, although it is spoken now without much

change from the language of the middle eighteenth century.

The eastern half of the European Continent contains a zone of

excessive linguistic intermingling along the line where Teutonic

and Slavic peoples meet. From the shores of the White Sea to the

Baltic and thence to the coast of the Black Sea an elongated

belt of lowland was ill fitted to become the seat of a single

state because nature has not provided it with strongly marked

geographical boundaries which might have favored the development of

nationality. Hence it is that before the eighteenth century we do

not find a single nation in possession of this region. On the other

hand, it is the site on which three religions met in bloody fray

in modern times. At the beginning of the modern era its northern

sections became the theater of wars between Protestants and

Catholics, while to the south, Christians arrayed against eastern

infidels were obliged to war for centuries before the danger of the

invasion of central Europe by Mohammedan hordes was totally removed.

The Finns, occupying the northernmost section of this elongated

belt, are linguistically allied to the Turki. Physically they

constitute the proto-Teutonic substratum of the northern Russians

with whom they have been merged. Their land was transferred

from Sweden to Russia in 1808. Autonomy conceded by the Czar’s

government provided the inhabitants with a tolerable political

status, until it was rescinded by the imperial decree of February

15, 1899. The opening years of the present century marked the

beginning of a policy of Slavicization prosecuted with extreme

vigor on the part of the provincial administrators.

The Finnish peoples of Russia must be regarded as autochthons

who have been subjected to the inroads of both Slavic and

Tatar invasions. In the ninth century A.D. they formed compact

populations on the European mainland directly south of Finland,

where their descendants now group themselves in scattered colonies.

Except in Finland they are being Slavicized at a rapid rate and the

Slav population is now imposing itself on the Tatar which had once

swamped the indigenous element.

Early mention of these Finns shows them divided into several

tribes. The Livs and Chuds, who dwelt mainly around the gulfs

of Livonia and of Finland, were the forefathers of the present

inhabitants of northern Livonia as well as of Esthonia.[83] The

Ingrians and the Vods inhabited the basin of the Neva. The Suomi

tribes, of which the Kvens, Karels, Yams and Tavasts were the most

important, occupied the Finnish territory held at present by their

descendants. Every river valley of northwestern Russia was in fact

a tribal homeland. The term Finnish as applied to these tribes

refers to their culture, which was Asiatic throughout. Racially,

however, they consist of Nordics with a strong addition of Tatar

blood.

The area of Finnish speech forms a compact mass extending south

of the 69th parallel to the Baltic shores. Its complete access

to the sea is barred in part by two coastal strips in the gulfs

of Bothnia and Finland in both of which Swedish predominates in

varying percentages.[84] The group of the Aland Islands, although

included in the Czar’s dominions, is also peopled by Swedes all

the way to the southwestern point of Finland.[85] This broken

fringe of Swedish is conceded to be a relic of the early occupation

of Finland by Swedes.[86] One of its strips, the Bothnian, is

remarkably pure in composition. The band extending on the northern

shore of the Gulf of Finland, however, contains enclaves of the

Finnish element. This is ascribed to an artificial process of

“fennification” resulting from the introduction of cheap labor

in the industrial regions of southern Finland. Slower economic

development of the provinces of the western coast, on the other

hand, tends to maintain undisturbed segregation of the population.

The ties uniting Finland with Sweden are moral and cultural.

Swedish missionaries of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were

the agents through whom Christianity was introduced into Finland.

Together with religion many Swedish customs and laws superseded

the primitive social organization of the Finns. The relation

established was virtually that of an intellectual minority gaining

the upper hand over an ignorant majority. A change in the situation

came about in the middle of the fourteenth century when Finland

became an integral part of the Swedish kingdom and all civil and

political distinctions between the two elements of its populations

were abolished.

[Illustration:

FIG. 36--View of the Lake country near Kuopi, showing the

Kallavesi Sea with low islands and level shores. This is a

characteristic Finnish landscape.]

[Illustration:

FIG. 37--Above the Koivukoski Falls at Kajana. Finnish waterways

are the usual lanes of traffic between the inland seas of that

country.]

Finland’s union with the west failed, however, to bring about

Swedish predominance in the land. The Finns preserved their

language and tended in fact to assimilate their conquerors.

The physical isolation of their country from Sweden contributed

largely to foster this incipient stage of Finnish nationality.

The Gulf of Bothnia and the frozen solitudes of Lapland proved

an effective barrier to the complete fusion of Swedes and Finns.

Eastward, however, no natural obstacles intervened between Finland

and Russia. The prolonged struggle between the latter country and

Sweden hence inevitably led to the Russian conquest of Finland.

The peace of Nystad in 1721 enabled Russia to occupy Finnish

territory for the first time. All of the southeastern portion of

the duchy then became part of the Muscovite empire. A further

cession in 1743 at the treaty of Åbo brought Swedish frontiers as

far west as the Kymmens line. The final conquest was ratified by

the treaty of peace signed by Swedish and Russian plenipotentiaries

on September 17, 1809. Sweden formally renounced its rights over

Finland and the duchy became part of Russia.

Today Finland is a country with three languages. Russian is the

channel of official activity. Finnish, through a literary revival,

has won its right to be the language of the land and this is a

symbol of the Finns’ desire for independent national existence.

Swedish remains as the age-old medium through which Christianity

and western culture were conveyed. It is also to a large extent the

business language of the province, especially for communication

with western Europe. Competition between the three languages is

carried on with unabating energy. The struggle is an outward

manifestation of the fight for independence waged by the natives of

Finland in the presence of Swedish and Russian efforts to dominate

the country. The common danger from Russia has lately drawn the

Swedish and Finnish groups together, although the Finns were

previously strongly anti-Swedish. The old antagonism still lingers

in society life. The Swedish-speaking element rarely mixes with the

Finnish-speaking. This is particularly noticeable at Helsingfors,

where each language represents a distinct stratum of social life.

In Russia’s Baltic provinces two of the world’s oldest yet

absolutely distinct languages are spoken. South of the Gulf of

Finland the Esthonians or Chuds still retain a primitive form of

Mongolian. In the neighboring Letto-Lithuanian group, on the other

hand, a speech which is closely akin to the old Aryan is employed.

Almost any Lithuanian peasant can understand simple phrases in

Sanskrit. The survival of archaic languages in this section of

Europe is the result of isolation provided by a forested and marshy

country in which folk-characteristics maintained their ancient

forms. From the racial standpoint Esthonians, Letts and Lithuanians

are fair, generally tall, narrow-faced and long-headed. In the

Fellin district, in southern Estland, a very pure Nordic type is

found among peoples of Esthonian speech.

Early Russian chronicles describe the Letts and Lithuanians as

divided into several tribes.[87] The Yatvags were scattered along

the banks of the Narev. The Lithuanians proper together with

the Shmuds peopled the Niemen valley. Very little dialectical

differences exist between the two. The Shmuds cluster now in

northwestern Kovno without, however, attaining the Baltic shore.

The left bank of the Drina was occupied by the Semigals, while

on the right dwelt the Letgols who were the ancestors in direct

line of the Letts of southern Livonia. The Kors, who lived on the

western shores of the Gulf of Riga, were later to impose their name

on the province of Kurland.[88]

Two of these tribes, the Shmuds and the Lithuanians, escaped the

Teutonic conquest through the inaccessibility of their forested and

marshy retreat. Around them the Kors and the Letts, as well as the

primitive Slav occupants of Prussia, had been subjugated by the

Knights of the Teutonic Order. The only salvation for these tribes

from Teutonic oppression consisted in their seeking the natural

shelter occupied by the two more fortunate groups of their kinsmen.

Behind this natural barrier Lithuanian nationality was born in the

middle of the thirteenth century under the leadership of Mindvog,

an energetic chieftain who insured his own supremacy by causing

the leaders of rival clans to be put to death. With the help of the

Poles the Lithuanians eventually checked the easterly expansion of

the Teutons.

The region occupied by Lithuanians in former times can be traced

today by the distribution of the type of dwelling peculiar to

this people. The ancient area exceeds the borders of the present

linguistic zone. The earliest examples of Lithuanian houses consist

of a single room. The indoor life of a single family was spent

within this one apartment. This primitive habitation grew into the

modern style by the successive addition of rooms. In course of time

a kitchen or a stable was added to the main building. Sometimes

the old type of house stands to this day adjoining more modern

buildings. In such cases it is used as a barn.

The old Aryan of the Lithuanians is in vogue principally along

the Duna and Niemen rivers as well as around Vilna, where this

people are settled in compact masses. In spite of the antiquity

of their language, no texts prior to the sixteenth century are

known. Emigration in the past decade to large Russian cities, and

to America, has decreased their ranks appreciably. Their number is

now estimated at 3,500,000.[89] In his native land, the Lithuanian

is not on the best of terms with neighboring peoples. He looks upon

the Russian as his political oppressor and upon the Pole as his

hereditary foe. The Lett is regarded with somewhat less animosity

as a rival. The Letts spread inland from the shores of the Gulf

of Riga and number about 1,300,000. Owing to Polish influences,

many Lithuanians are Catholics, but, in the main, both Letts and

Lithuanians are stanch Lutherans.[90] Their land is the home of

religious free thought within orthodox Russia. German influence

prevails among them on this account, although it is doubtful

whether it extends to the point of their preferring German to

Russian rule. Evil memories of the attempts of the Teutonic Knights

to conquer the immemorial seat of the Lettish and Lithuanian

populations survive throughout their forests and marshes. Neither

people has forgotten that its ancestors were refugees who sought

the shelter of their boglands as a last recourse from Teutonic

aggression.

Prior to 1876, the Baltic provinces were ruled by a semi-autonomous

administration headed by a governor-general whose rôle was more

properly that of a viceroy. German was as much an official language

as Russian and no restrictions prevented its use in courts.

German schools and a German university were widely attended.

Since that date, however, the Letto-Lithuanian populations have

been deprived of the liberal régime they formerly enjoyed and an

official “Russification” has been directed against them. Most of

the Lutheran schools were closed by order of the government and

the teaching of German in schools restricted or prohibited. But to

this day the three Baltic provinces of Kurland, Livland and Estland

are considered by German writers as a domain of German culture and

Protestant faith controlled by Russian political and ecclesiastical

power.

In the province of Kurland the Germans boast 51,000 resident

kinsmen. As a rule this section of the population is confined to

the cities. Riga, Reval, Libau, Dorpat and Mitau contain notable

percentages of Germans among their citizens. The first-named city

counts 65,332 of these westerners in its population, or over 25 per

cent of the total.[91]

The Letts have settled mainly in the Kurland peninsula and southern

Livonia. They are also found in the governments of Kovno, Petrograd

and Mohilev. Lithuanians occupy the governments of Kovno, Vilna,

Suvalki and Grodno. No definite boundaries between the two peoples

can be determined because their intercourse is constant. The only

difference between the two languages is found in the greater

departure of Lettic from the old Vedic forms.

North of the Letto-Lithuanian group the Esthonians, who are Finns

and speak a Finnish language, occupy a lake-covered area similar

to Finland. In both a granite tableland is the scene of human

activity. In spite of the drawbacks of their natural environment

the Esthonians depend chiefly on agriculture for sustenance. This

industry has attained a high stage of perfection in their hands and

few peoples know how to make their soil yield a higher return than

do these virile northerners.

The number of Esthonians is estimated at about one million,[92]

distributed as follows: Esthonia, 365,959; Livonia, 518,594;

Government of St. Petersburg, 64,116; Government of Pskov, 25,458;

other parts of Russia, 12,855. Large colonies of Russians, Germans

and Swedes are settled in the Esthonian province. The census of

1897 showed Russians, 18,000; Germans, 16,000; Swedes, 5,800.

The number of Jews settled in the province is not high. The German

and Russian elements compose the nobility. The former owned and

farmed 52 per cent of the land in 1878. Since that time, however,

facilities have been accorded to the peasants of the province,

mostly Esthonians, to purchase farms and the proportion of native

land holdings is gradually increasing.

Confusion of racial minglings complicates the problem of assigning

fixed ethnic place to the Esthonians. That they belong to the

Finnish family is unquestionable. Linguistically they belong to the

Turkish-speaking peoples. Long-headedness prevails among them.[93]

These are also the characteristics of the Livs or Livonians, a

Finnish tribe formerly living in Esthonia and north Livonia, now

nearly extinct, but still holding a narrow strip of forest land

along the Baltic at the northern extremity of Kurland. These Livs

are now classed with the Baltic Finns and probably number less than

2,000 individuals. Their language has been almost entirely replaced

by a Lettish dialect.

The beginning of their history finds the Esthonians pirates of the

Baltic. Danish kings found it hard to subdue them and after two

centuries of struggle sold the Danish crown’s rights to the Knights

of the Sword in 1346. From this time on German influence was to

become paramount in the province. The condition of Esthonians in

relation to their Teutonic masters was that of serfs. By the terms

of the treaty of Nystad in 1721 Esthonia was ceded to Peter the

Great by the Swedes, who then exercised control of the land. Since

then it has remained a Russian province. Lutheranism, the religion

of its people, however, has been the foundation of much sympathy

for German institutions throughout the province. To combat this

feeling, as well as to eradicate national aspirations, Russian

authorities have resorted to those harsh and repressive measures

which both church and government have often enforced throughout the

Czar’s country.

The Esthonians are noted for their practical turn of mind. A

favorite pastime among them consists of conversing in verse.

They cling tenaciously to their language, the study of which is

actively maintained throughout the land. Two main dialects are in

use. A northern form, known as the Reval Esthonian, is recognized

as the literary language. Writers have succeeded in maintaining

its perfection and beauty. Through their efforts literature that

instills vigor into the national consciousness has sprung into

being around the legends and folk-tales of the region.

With the exception of the Finns all the peoples of northwestern

Russia are being gradually absorbed by the Slavic mass. The Slav’s

ability to fuse with alien peoples is a conspicuous historical

fact. In the Baltic provinces he seldom holds aloof as does his

German rival. A growing spirit of liberalism in Russia, and the

gradual loss of influence of the German nobility, ever ready to

stir the opposition of Baltic peoples against Russian institutions,

are two factors which have promoted the consolidation of Russian

power in its northwesternmost territory. The Slav’s achievement

in Baltic regions, during the past three centuries, has consisted

in steadily replacing the Teutonic stratum by a layer of his own

kinsmen. Swedes and Germans have either fallen back or become

lost in the midst of Slavic populations. The movement can hardly

be called a migration, but it is a westerly expansion of most

persistent and irresistible character although never aggressively

manifested. As a consequence Russia’s northwestern boundary with a

reconstituted Poland may be foreseen.

TABLE I

POPULATION BY GOVERNMENTS IN FINLAND ACCORDING TO LANGUAGE, 1910[94]

Per Per Per

Finnish cent Swedish cent Others cent

Nylands 212,315 85.1 149,173 11.1 1,391 3.8

Åbo o. Björneborgs 413,360 66.4 63,503 33.1 240 0.5

Tavastehus 330,190 86.6 4,356 13.0 119 0.4

Viborgs 479,120 69.7 7,872 15.9 7,116 14.4

St. Michels 191,137 96.0 670 3.5 93 0.5

Kuopio 324,553 97.4 664 2.0 191 0.6

Vasa 327,828 46.4 111,094 53.0 262 0.6

Uleaborgs 292,642 88.8 1,629 5.5 1,679 5.7

TABLE II

FINLAND: POPULATION ACCORDING TO LANGUAGE, 1865-1910

Per Per Per

1865 cent 1880 cent 1890 cent

Finnish 1,580,000 57.2 1,756,381 52.9 2,048,545 60.7

Swedish 256,000 38.9 294,876 43.2 322,604 35.6

Russian 4,000 2.2 4,195 2.0 5,795 2.4

German 1,200 0.6 1,720 0.8 1,674 0.7

Others 2,045 1.1 2,263 1.1 1,522 0.6

Per Per

1900 cent 1910 cent

Finnish 2,352,990 67.5 2,571,145 80.2

Swedish 349,733 28.9 338,961 16.0

Russian 5,939 2.2 7,339 2.5

German 1,925 0.7 1,794 0.6

Others 1,975 0.7 1,958 0.7

TABLE III

FINLAND: DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY LANGUAGE AND BY RELIGION,

DECEMBER 31, 1910[95]

Linguistic Greek Roman

group Lutheran Methodist Baptist Catholic Catholic Total

Finnish 2,531,014 198 1,086 38,749 98 2,571,145

Swedish 335,496 362 2,780 251 72 338,961

Russian 67 2 -- 7,156 114 7,339

German 1,758 1 -- 10 25 1,794

Lapps 1,660 -- -- -- -- 1,660

Others 184 1 -- -- 113 298

--------- --- ----- ------ --- ---------

Total 2,870,179 564 3,866 46,166 422 2,921,197

TABLE IV

FINLAND: RELATIVE DISTRIBUTION BY LANGUAGES OF THE URBAN AND RURAL

POPULATION OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF NYLAND, ÅBO AND BJÖRNEBORG, AND OF

VASA, IN PERCENTAGES[96]

-----------------------------------+-------------------------

URBAN | RURAL

-----------------------------------+-------------------------

Finnish Swedish Others | Finnish Swedish Others

_Nylands_ |

1880 315.7 608.2 76.1 | 532.8 466.6 0.6

1890 436.2 536.2 27.1 | 545.1 454.0 0.9

1900 489.7 488.2 22.1 | 570.9 428.7 0.4

1910 579.7 411.8 8.5 | 589.1 410.6 0.3

_Åbo and Björneborg_ |

1880 670.4 303.0 26.6 | 847.6 152.3 0.1

1890 700.0 292.8 7.2 | 855.7 144.2 0.1

1900 757.8 239.5 2.7 | 864.4 135.5 0.1

1910 792.8 204.4 2.8 | 880.2 119.7 0.1

_Vasa_ |

1880 195.7 800.5 3.8 | 695.3 304.7 [0.02]

1890 269.6 725.4 5.0 | 720.3 279.6 0.1

1900 359.6 637.9 2.5 | 738.8 261.1 0.1

1910 482.4 512.5 5.1 | 770.9 228.9 0.2

FOOTNOTES:

[72] A substantial account of the tribes speaking these three

languages was given as early as 731 by the Venerable Bede in his

_Historia Ecclesiastica_.

[73] [Translation.] “Art. V. His Majesty the Emperor of Austria

transfers to His Majesty the King of Prussia all the rights which

he acquired by the Vienna Treaty of Peace of 30th October, 1864,

over the Duchies of Holstein and Schleswig, with the condition

that the populations of the Northern Districts of Schleswig shall

be ceded to Denmark if, by a free vote, they express a wish to

be united to Denmark.” E. Herstlet: The Map of Europe by Treaty,

London, 1875, Vol. 3, p. 1722.

[74] A later treaty signed by Austria and Prussia at Vienna on Oct.

11, 1878, suppressed the referendum clause, which had never been

viewed with favor by the German government.

[75] M. R. Waultrin: Le rapprochement dano-allemand et la question

du Schleswig, _Ann. Sci. Polit._, May 15, and July 15, 1903.

[76] L. Gasselin: La question du Schleswig-Holstein, Paris, 1909.

[77] L. Gasselin: op. cit., p. 206.

[78] Scandinavia and the Scandinavians, New York, 1915, p. 30.

[79] Op. cit., p. 143.

[80] Op. cit., p. 147.

[81] Op. cit., p. 148.

[82] Op. cit., p. 150.

[83] A. Rambaud: Histoire de la Russie, Paris, 1914, p. 21.

[84] Atlas de Finlande, Carte 46, Helsingfors, 1911.

[85] K. B. Wiklund: Språken i Finland, 1880-1900, _Ymer_, 1905, No.

2, pp. 132-149.

[86] R. Saxen: Répartition des langues, _Fennia_, Vol. 30, No. 2,

1910-1911, Helsingfors, 1911.

[87] A. Rambaud: Histoire de la Russie depuis les origines jusqu’à

nos jours, Paris, 1914, p. 21.

[88] Rambaud: op. cit.

[89] The Russian census of 1897 showed 3,094,469.

[90] About 50,000 Letts belong to the Greek Church.

[91] H. Rosen: Die ethnographische Verhältnisse in den baltischen

Provinzen und in Litauen, _Pet. Mitt._, Sept. 1915, pp. 329-333.

[92] Russian census of 1897.

[93] W. Z. Ripley: The Races of Europe, New York, 1899.

[94] Statisko Årsbok för Finland 1914, Helsingfors, 1915, pp. 45-46.

[95] Bidrag till Finlands Officiella Statistik, VI,

Befolkningsstatistik, 45, Finlands Folkmängd den 31 December, 1910

(enligt Församlingarnas Kyrkoböcker), Helsingfors, 1915, p. 127.

[96] Bidrag till Finlands Officiella Statistik, VI,

Befolkningsstatistik, 45, Finlands Folkmängd den 31 December,

1910 (enligt Församlingarnas Krykoböcker), Helsingfors, 1915, pp.

124-125.

The Frontiers of Language and Nationality in Europe · 第 5 / 14 章