CHAPTER II

THE REFORMS OF GLUCK

The death of Lulli left French opera established upon a sure foundation.

The form which he perfected seemed, with all its faults, to commend

itself to the genius of the nation, and for many years a succession of

his followers and imitators, such as Campra and Destouches, continued to

produce works which differed little in scope and execution from the

model he had established. The French drama of the seventeenth century

had reached such a high point of development that its influence over the

sister art was all-powerful. The composers of the French court willingly

sacrificed musical to declamatory interest, and thus, while they steered

clear of the mere tunefulness which was the rock on which Italian

composers made shipwreck, they fell into the opposite extreme and wrote

works which seem to us arid and jejune. Paris at this time was curiously

isolated from the world of music, and it is strange to find how little

the development of Italian opera affected the French school. Marais

(1650-1718) was more alive to Southern influences than most of his

contemporaries, and in his treatment of the aria there is a perceptible

approach to Italian methods; but Rameau (1683-1764) brought back French

opera once more to its distinctive national style. Though he followed

the general lines of Lulli's school, he brought to bear upon it a richer

sense of beauty and a completer musical organisation than Lulli ever

possessed. In his treatment of declamation pure and simple, he was

perhaps Lulli's inferior, but in all other respects he showed a decided

advance upon his predecessor. He infused new life into the monotonous

harmony and well-worn modulations which had done duty for so many years.

His rhythms were novel and suggestive, and the originality and resource

of his orchestration opened the eyes of Frenchmen to new worlds of

beauty and expression. Not the least important part of Rameau's work lay

in the influence which his music exerted upon the genius of the man to

whom the regeneration of opera is mainly due. Christoph Willibald Gluck

(1714-1787) was the son of a forester. Such musical education as he

received he acquired in Italy, and his earlier works are written in the

Italian style which was fashionable at the time. There are few

indications in his youthful operas of the power which was destined later

to work such changes in the world of opera. He was at first

whole-hearted in his devotion to the school of Porpora, Hasse and the

others who did so much to degrade Italian opera. 'Artaserse,' his first

work, was produced in 1741, the year in which Handel bade farewell for

ever to the stage. It was successful, and was promptly followed by

others no less fortunate. In 1745 Gluck visited England where he

produced 'La Caduta de' Giganti,' a work which excited the contempt of

Handel. In the following year he produced 'Piramo e Tisbe,' a pasticcio,

which failed completely. Its production, however, was by no means labour

lost, if it be true, as the story goes, that it was by its means that

Gluck's eyes were opened to the degradation to which opera had been

reduced. It was about this time that Gluck first heard Rameau's music,

and the power and simplicity of it compared with the empty sensuousness

of Italian opera, must have materially strengthened him in the desire to

do something to reform and purify his art. Yet, in spite of good

resolutions, Gluck's progress was slow. In 1755 he settled at Vienna,

and there, under the shadow of the court, he produced a series of works

in which the attempt to realise dramatic truth is often distinctly

perceptible, though the composer had as yet not mastered the means for

its attainment. But in 1762 came 'Orfeo ed Euridice,' a work which

placed Gluck at the head of all living operatic composers, and laid the

foundation of the modern school of opera.

The libretto of 'Orfeo' was by Calzabigi, a prominent man of letters,

but it seems probable that Gluck's own share in it was not a small one.

The careful study which he had given to the proper conditions of opera

was not likely to exclude so important a question as that of the

construction and diction of the libretto, and the poem of 'Orfeo' shows

so marked an inclination to break away from the conventionality and sham

sentiment of the time that we can confidently attribute much of its

originality to the influence of the composer himself. The opening scene

shows the tomb of Eurydice erected in a grassy valley. Orpheus stands

beside it plunged in the deepest grief, while a troop of shepherds and

maidens bring flowers to adorn it. His despairing cry of 'Eurydice'

breaks passionately upon their mournful chorus, and the whole scene,

though drawn in simple lines, is instinct with genuine pathos. When the

rustic mourners have laid their gifts upon the tomb and departed,

Orpheus calls upon the shade of his lost wife in an air of exquisite

beauty, broken by expressive recitative. He declares his resolution of

following her to the underworld, when Eros enters and tells him of the

condition which the gods impose on him if he should attempt to rescue

Eurydice from the shades. Left to himself, Orpheus discusses the

question of the rescue in a recitative of great intrinsic power, which

shows at a glance how far Gluck had already distanced his predecessors

in variety and dramatic strength. The second act takes place in the

underworld. The chorus of Furies is both picturesque and effective, and

the barking of Cerberus which sounds through it is a touch, which though

its _naïveté_ may provoke a smile, is characteristic of Gluck's

strenuous struggle for realism. Orpheus appears and pleads his cause in

accents of touching entreaty. Time after time his pathetic song is

broken by a sternly decisive 'No,' but in the end he triumphs, and the

Furies grant him passage. The next scene is in the Elysian fields.

After an introduction of charming grace, the spirits of the blessed are

discovered disporting themselves after their kind. Orpheus appears, lost

in wonder at the magical beauty of all around him. Here again is a

remarkable instance of Gluck's pictorial power. Simple as are the means

he employs, the effect is extraordinary. The murmuring of streams, the

singing of birds, and the placid beauty of the landscape are depicted

with a touch which, if light, is infallibly sure. Then follows the

famous scene in which Orpheus, forbidden to look at the face of his

beloved, tries to find her by touch and instinct among the crowd of

happy spirits who pass him by. At last she approaches, and he clasps her

in his arms, while a chorus of perfect beauty bids him farewell as he

leads her in triumph to the world above. The third act shows the two

wandering in a cavern on their way to the light of day. Eurydice is

grieved that her husband should never look into her eyes, and her faith

is growing cold. After a scene in which passionate beauty goes side by

side with strange relapses into conventionality, Orpheus gives way to

her prayers and reproaches, and turns to embrace her. In a moment she

sinks back lifeless, and he pours forth his despair in the immortal

strains of 'Che farò senza Euridice.' Eros then appears, and tells him

that the gods have had pity upon his sorrow. He transports him to the

Temple of Love, where Eurydice, restored to life, is awaiting him, and

the opera ends with conventional rejoicings.

Beautiful as 'Orfeo' is--and the best proof of its enduring beauty is

that, after nearly a hundred and fifty years of change and development,

it has lost none of its power to charm--we must not be blind to the fact

that it is a strange combination of strength and weakness. Strickly

speaking, Gluck was by no means a first-rate musician, and in 1762 he

had not mastered his new gospel of sincerity and truth so fully as to

disguise the poverty of his technical equipment. Much of the orchestral

part of the work is weak and thin. Berlioz even went so far as to

describe the overture as _une niaiserie incroyable_, and the vocal part

sometimes shows the influence of the empty formulas from which Gluck was

trying to escape. Throughout the opera there are unmistakable traces of

Rameau's influence, indeed it is plain that Gluck frankly took Rameau's

'Castor et Pollux' as his model when he sat down to compose 'Orfeo.' The

plot of the earlier work, the rescue of Pollux by Castor from the

infernal regions, has of course much in common with that of 'Orfeo' and

it is obvious that Gluck took many hints from Rameau's musical treatment

of the various scenes which the two works have in common.

In spite, however, of occasional weaknesses, 'Orfeo' is a work of

consummate loveliness. Compared to the tortured complexity of our modern

operas, it stands in its dignified simplicity like the Parthenon beside

the bewildering beauty of a Gothic cathedral; and its truth and grandeur

are perhaps the more conspicuous because allied to one of those classic

stories which even in Gluck's time had become almost synonymous with

emptiness and formality.

Five years elapsed between the production of 'Orfeo' and of Gluck's next

great opera, 'Alceste'; but that these years were not wasted is proved

by the great advance which is perceptible in the score of the later

work. The libretto of 'Alceste' is in many ways superior to that of

'Orfeo,' and Gluck's share of the work shows an incontestable

improvement upon anything he had yet done. His touch is firmer, and he

rarely shows that inclination to drop back into the old conventional

style, which occasionally mars the beauty of 'Orfeo.' Gluck wrote a

preface to the published score of 'Alceste,' which is one of the most

interesting documents in the history of music. It proves

conclusively--not that any proof is necessary--that the composer had

thought long and seriously about the scope of his art, and that the

reforms which he introduced were a deliberate attempt to reconstruct

opera upon a new basis of ideal beauty. If he sometimes failed to act up

to his own theories, it must be remembered in what school he had been

trained, and how difficult must have been the attempt to cast off in a

moment the style which had been habitual to him for so many years.

When 'Alceste' was produced in Paris in 1776, Gluck made some

alterations in the score, some of which were scarcely improvements. In

his later years he became so completely identified with the French

school that the later version is now the more familiar.

The opera opens before the palace at Pheræ, where the people are

gathered to pray Heaven to spare the life of Admetus, who lies at the

point of death. Alcestis appears, and, after an air of great dignity and

beauty, bids the people follow her to the temple, there to renew their

supplications. The next scene shows the temple of Apollo. The high

priest and the people make passionate appeal to the god for the life of

their king, and the oracle replies that Admetus must perish, if no other

will die in his place. The people, seized with terror, fly from the

place, and Alcestis, left alone, determines to give up her own life for

that of her husband. The high priest accepts her devotion, and in the

famous air 'Divinités du Styx,' she offers herself a willing sacrifice

to the gods below. In the original version the second act opened with a

scene in a gloomy forest, in which Alcestis interviews the spirits of

Death, and, after renewing her vow, obtains leave to return and bid

farewell to her husband. The music of this scene is exceedingly

impressive, and intrinsically it must have been one of the finest in the

opera, but it does not advance the action in the least, and its omission

sensibly increases the tragic effect of the drama. In the later version

the act begins with the rejoicings of the people at the recovery of

Admetus. Alcestis appears, and after vainly endeavouring to conceal her

anguish from the eyes of Admetus is forced to admit that she is the

victim whose death is to restore him to life. Admetus passionately

refuses the sacrifice, and declares that he will rather die with her

than allow her to immolate herself on his account. He rushes wildly into

the palace, and Alcestis bids farewell to life in an air of

extraordinary pathos and beauty. The third act opens with the

lamentations of the people for their departed queen. Hercules, released

for a moment from his labours, enters and asks for Admetus. He is

horrified at the news of the calamity which has befallen his friend, and

announces his resolve of rescuing Alcestis from the clutches of Death.

Meanwhile Alcestis has reached the portals of the underworld, and is

about to surrender herself to the powers of Hell. Admetus, who has not

yet given up hope of persuading her to relinquish her purpose, appears,

and pleads passionately with her to leave him to his doom. His prayers

are vain, and Alcestis is tearing herself for the last time from his

arms, when Hercules rushes in. After a short struggle he defeats the

powers of Death and restores Alcestis to her husband. The character of

Hercules did not appear in the earlier version of the opera, and in fact

was not introduced until after Gluck had left Paris, a few days after

the production of 'Alceste.' Most of the music allotted to him is

probably not by Gluck at all, but seems to have been written by Gossec,

who was at that time one of the rising musicians in Paris. The close of

the opera is certainly inferior to the earlier parts, but the

introduction of Hercules is a great improvement upon the original

version of the last act, in which the rescue of Alcestis is effected by

Apollo. The French librettist did not treat the episode cleverly, and

indeed all the last scene is terribly prosaic, and lacking in poetical

atmosphere. To see how the appearance of the lusty hero in the halls of

woe can heighten the tragic interest by the sheer force of contrast, we

must turn to the 'Alcestis' of Euripides, where the death of Alcestis

and the strange conflict of Hercules with Death is treated with just

that touch of mystery and unearthliness which is absent from the

libretto which Gluck was called upon to set. Of the music of 'Alceste,'

its passion and intensity, it is impossible to speak too highly. It has

pages of miraculous power, in which the deepest tragedy and the most

poignant pathos are depicted with unfaltering certainty. It is strange

to think by what simple means Gluck scaled the loftiest heights.

Compared with our modern orchestra the poverty of the resources upon

which he depended seems almost ludicrous. Even in the vocal part of

'Alceste' he was so careful to avoid anything like the sensuous beauty

of the Italian style, that sometimes he fell into the opposite extreme

and wrote merely arid rhetoric. Yet he held so consistently before him

his ideal of dramatic truth, that his music has survived all changes of

taste and fashion, and still delights connoisseurs as fully as on the

day it was produced. 'Paride ed Elena,' Gluck's next great work, shows

his genius under a more lyrical aspect. Here he gives freer reign to the

romanticism which he had designedly checked in 'Alceste,' and much of

the music seems in a measure to anticipate the new influences which

Mozart was afterwards to infuse into German music. Unfortunately the

libretto of 'Paride ed Elena,' though possessing great poetical merit,

is monotonous and deficient in incident, so that the opera has never won

the success which it deserves, and is now almost completely forgotten.

The admiration for the French school of opera which had been aroused in

Gluck by hearing the works of Rameau was not by any means a passing

fancy. His music proves that the French school had more influence upon

his development than the Italian, so it was only natural that he should

wish to have an opportunity of introducing his works to Paris. That

opportunity came in 1774, when, after weary months of intrigue and

disappointment, his 'Iphigéne en Aulide' was produced at the Académie

Royale de Musique. After that time Gluck wrote all his greatest works

for the French stage, and became so completely identified with the

country of his adoption, that nowadays we are far more apt to think of

him as a French than as a German composer. 'Iphigénie en Aulide' is

founded upon Racine's play, which in its turn had been derived from the

tragedy of Euripides. The scene of the opera is laid at Aulis, where the

Greek fleet is prevented by contrary winds from starting for Troy.

Diana, who has been unwittingly insulted by Agamemnon, demands a human

sacrifice, and Iphigenia, the guiltless daughter of Agamemnon, has been

named by the high priest Calchas as the victim. Iphigenia and her mother

Clytemnestra are on their way to join the fleet at Aulis, and Agamemnon

has sent a despairing message to bid them return home, hoping thus to

avoid the necessity of sacrificing his child. Meanwhile the Greek hosts,

impatient of delay, clamour for the victim, and are only appeased by the

assurance of Calchas that the sacrifice shall take place that very day.

Left alone with Agamemnon, Calchas entreats him to submit to the will of

the gods. Agamemnon, torn by conflicting emotions, at first refuses, but

afterwards, relying upon the message which he has sent to his wife and

daughter, promises that if Iphigenia sets foot in Aulis he will give her

up to death. He has hardly spoken the words when shouts of joy announce

the arrival of Clytemnestra and Iphigenia. The message has miscarried,

and they are already in the camp. As a last resource Agamemnon now tells

Clytemnestra that Achilles, the lover of her daughter, is false, hoping

that this will drive her from the camp. Clytemnestra calls upon

Iphigenia to thrust her betrayer from her bosom, and Iphigenia replies

so heroically that it seems as though Agamemnon's plot to save his

daughter's life might actually succeed. Unfortunately Achilles himself

appears, and, after a scene of reproach and recrimination, succeeds in

dispelling Iphigenia's doubts and winning her to complete

reconciliation.

The second act begins with the rejoicings over the marriage of

Iphigenia. The general joy is turned to lamentation by the discovery of

Agamemnon's vow and the impending doom of Iphigenia. Clytemnestra

passionately entreats Achilles to save her daughter, which he promises

to do, though Iphigenia professes herself ready to obey her father. In

the following scene Achilles meets Agamemnon, and, after a long

altercation, swears to defend Iphigenia with the last drop of his blood.

He rushes off, and Agamemnon is left in anguish to weigh his love for

his daughter against his dread of the angry gods, Love triumphs and he

sends Areas, his attendant, to bid Clytemnestra fly with Iphigenia home

to Mycenae.

In the third act the Greeks are angrily demanding their victim. Achilles

prays Iphigenia to fly with him, but she is constant to her idea of

duty, and bids him a pathetic farewell. Achilles, however, is not to be

persuaded, and in an access of noble rage swears to slay the priest upon

the steps of the altar rather than submit to the sacrifice of his love.

After another farewell scene with her mother Iphigenia is led off, while

Clytemnestra, seeing in imagination her daughter under the knife of the

priest, bursts forth into passionate blasphemy. Achilles and his

Thessalian followers rush in to save Iphigenia, and for a time the

contest rages fiercely, but eighteenth-century convention steps in.

Calchas stops the combat, saying that the gods are at length appeased;

Iphigenia is restored to Achilles, and the opera ends with general

rejoicings.

'Iphigénie en Aulide' gave Gluck a finer opportunity than he had yet

had. The canvas is broader than in 'Alceste' or 'Orfeo,' and the

emotions are more varied. The human interest, too, is more evenly

sustained, and the supernatural element, which played so important a

part in the two earlier works, is almost entirely absent. Nevertheless,

fine as much of the music is, the restraint which Gluck exercised over

himself is too plainly perceptible, and the result is that many of the

scenes are stiff and frigid. There is scarcely a trace of the delightful

lyricism which rushes through 'Paride ed Elena' like a flood of

resistless delight. Gluck had set his ideal of perfect declamatory truth

firmly before him, and he resisted every temptation to swerve into the

paths of mere musical beauty. He had not yet learnt how to combine the

two styles. He had not yet grasped the fact that in the noblest music

truth and beauty are one and the same thing.

In 'Armide,' produced in 1777, he made another step forward. The

libretto was the same as that used by Lulli nearly a hundred years

before. The legend, already immortalised by Tasso, was strangely

different from the classical stories which had hitherto inspired his

greatest works. The opening scene strikes the note of romanticism which

echoes through the whole opera. Armida, a princess deeply versed in

magic arts, laments that one knight, and one only, in the army of the

Crusaders has proved blind to her charms. All the rest are at her feet,

but Rinaldo alone is obdurate. She has had a boding dream, moreover, in

which Rinaldo has vanquished her, and all the consolations of her

maidens cannot restore her peace of mind. Hidraot, her uncle, entreats

her to choose a husband, but she declares that she will bestow her hand

upon no one but the conqueror of Rinaldo. While the chorus is

celebrating her charms, Arontes, a Paynim warrior, enters bleeding and

wounded, and tells how the prowess of a single knight has robbed him of

his captives. Armida at once recognises the hand of the recalcitrant

Rinaldo, and the act ends with her vows of vengeance against the

invincible hero.

The second act shows Rinaldo in quest of adventures which may win him

the favour of Godfrey of Bouillon, whose wrath he has incurred. Armida's

enchantments lead him to her magic gardens, where, amidst scenes of

voluptuous beauty, he yields to the fascinations of the place, lays down

his arms, and sinks into sleep. Armida rushes in, dagger in hand, but

the sight of the sleeping hero is too potent for her, and overcome by

passion, she bids the spirits of the air transport them to the bounds of

the universe. In the third act we find that Rinaldo has rejected the

love of the enchantress. Armida is inconsolable; she is ashamed of her

weakness, and will not listen to the well-meaning consolations of her

attendants. She calls upon the spirit of Hate, but when he appears she

rejects his aid, and still clings desperately to her fatal passion. The

fourth act, which is entirely superfluous, is devoted to the adventures

in the enchanted garden of Ubaldo and a Danish knight, two Crusaders who

have set forth with the intention of rescuing Rinaldo from the clutches

of the sorceress. The fifth act takes place in Armida's palace.

Rinaldo's proud spirit has at length been subdued, and he is completely

the slave of the enchantress. The duet between the lovers is of the most

bewitching loveliness, and much of it curiously anticipates the romantic

element which was to burst forth in a future generation. Armida tears

herself from Rinaldo's arms, and leaves him to be entertained by a

ballet of spirits, while she transacts some business with the powers

below. Ubaldo and the Danish knight now burst in, and soon bring Rinaldo

to a proper frame of mind. He takes a polite farewell of Armida, who in

vain attempts to prevent his going, and is walked off by his two

Mentors. Left alone, Armida calls on her demons to destroy the palace,

and the opera ends in wild confusion and tumult.

To say that 'Armide' recalls the romantic grace of 'Paride ed Elena,' is

but half the truth. The lyrical grace of the earlier work is as it were

concentrated and condensed in a series of pictures which for voluptuous

beauty surpass anything that had been written before Gluck's day.

Against the background formed by the magical splendour of the enchanted

garden, the figure of Armida stands out in striking relief. The mingled

pride and passion of the imperious princess are drawn with wonderful

art. Even while her passion brings her to the feet of her conqueror, her

haughty spirit rebels against her fate. Such weaknesses as the opera

contains are principally attributable to the libretto, which is

ill-constructed, and cold and formal in diction. Rinaldo is rather a

colourless person, and the other characters are for the most part merely

lay-figures, though the grim figure of Hate is drawn with extraordinary

power. But upon Armida the composer concentrated the full lens of his

genius, and for her he wrote music which satisfies every requirement of

dramatic truth, without losing touch of the lyrical beauty and

persuasive passion which breathes life into soulless clay.

In 'Iphigénie en Tauride,' the last of his great works, which was

produced in 1778, Gluck reached his highest point. Here he seems for the

first time thoroughly to fuse and combine the two elements which are for

ever at war in his earlier operas, musical beauty and dramatic truth.

Throughout the score of 'Iphigénie en Tauride' the declamation is as

vivid and true as in 'Alceste,' while the intrinsic loveliness of the

music yields not a jot to the passion-charged strains of 'Armide.' The

overture paints the gradual awakening of a tempest, and when the storm

is at its height the curtain rises upon the temple of Diana at Tauris,

where Iphigenia, snatched by the goddess from the knife of the

executioner at Aulis, has been placed as high priestess. The priestesses

in chorus beseech the gods to be propitious, and when the fury of the

storm is allayed, Iphigenia recounts her dream of Agamemnon's death, and

laments the woes of her house. She calls upon Diana to put an end to her

life, which already has lasted too long. Thoas, the king of the country,

now enters, alarmed by the outcries of the priestesses. He is a prey to

superstitious fears, and willingly listens to the advice of his

followers, that the gods can only be appeased by human blood. A message

is now brought that two young strangers have been cast upon the

rock-bound coast, and Thoas at once decides that they shall be the

victims. Orestes and Pylades are now brought in. They refuse to make

themselves known, and are bidden to prepare for death, while the act

closes with the savage delight of the Scythians.

The second act is in the prison. Orestes bewails his destiny, and

refuses the consolation which Pylades offers in a noble and famous song.

Pylades is torn from his friend's arms by the officers of the guard, and

Orestes, left to himself, after a paroxysm of madness sinks to sleep

upon the prison floor. His eyes are closed, but his brain is a prey to

frightful visions. The Furies surround him with horrible cries and

menaces, singing a chorus of indescribable weirdness. Lastly, the shade

of the murdered Clytemnestra passes before him, and he awakes with a

shriek to find his cell empty save for the mournful form of Iphigenia,

who has come to question the stranger as to his origin and the purpose

of his visit to Tauris. In broken accents he tells her--what is new to

her ears--the tale of the murder of Agamemnon, and the vengeance taken

upon Clytemnestra by himself; adding, in order to conceal his own

identity, that Orestes is also dead, and that Electra is the sole

remnant of the house of Atreus. Iphigenia bursts into a passionate

lament, and the act ends with her offering a solemn libation to the

shade of her brother.

In the third act Iphigenia resolves to free one of the victims, and to

send him with a message to Electra. A sentiment which she cannot explain

bids her choose Orestes, but the latter refuses to save his life at the

expense of that of his friend. A contention arises between the two,

which is only decided by Orestes swearing to take his own life if

Pylades is sacrificed. The precious scroll is thereupon entrusted to

Pylades, who departs, vowing to return and save his friend.

In the fourth act Iphigenia is a prey to conflicting emotions. A

mysterious sympathy forbids her to slay the prisoner, yet she tries to

steel her heart for the performance of her terrible task, and calls upon

Diana to aid her. Orestes is brought on by the priestesses, and while

urging Iphigenia to deal the blow, blesses her for the pity which stays

her hand. Just as the knife is about to descend, the dying words of

Orestes, 'Was it thus thou didst perish in Aulis, Iphigenia my sister?'

bring about the inevitable recognition, and the brother and sister rush

into each other's arms. But Thoas has yet to be reckoned with. He is

furious at the interruption of the sacrifice, and is about to execute

summary vengeance upon both Iphigenia and Orestes, when Pylades returns

with an army of Greek youths--whence he obtained them is not

explained--and despatches the tyrant in the nick of time. The opera

ends with the appearance of Pallas Athene, the patroness of Argos, who

bids Orestes and his sister return to Greece, carrying with them the

image of Diana, too long disgraced by the barbarous rites of the

Scythians.

'Echo et Narcisse,' an opera cast in a somewhat lighter mould, which was

produced in 1779, seems to have failed to please, and 'Iphigénie en

Tauride' may be safely taken as the climax of Gluck's career. It is the

happiest example of his peculiar power, and shows more convincingly than

any of its predecessors where the secret of his greatness really lay. He

was the first composer who treated an opera as an integral whole. He was

inferior to many of his predecessors, notably to Handel, in musical

science, and even in power of characterisation. But while their works

were often hardly more than strings of detached scenes from which the

airs might often be dissociated without much loss of effect, his operas

were constructed upon a principle of dramatic unity which forbade one

link to be taken from the chain without injuring the continuity of the

whole. In purely technical matters, too, his reforms were far-reaching

and important. He was first to make the overture in some sort a

reflection of the drama which it preceded, and he used orchestral

effects as a means of expressing the passion of his characters in a way

that had not been dreamed of before. He dismissed the harpsichord from

the orchestra, and strengthened his band with clarinets, an instrument

unknown to Handel. His banishment of _recitativo secco_, and his

restoration of the chorus to its proper place in the drama, were

innovations of vast importance to the history of opera, but the chief

strength of the influence which he exerted upon subsequent music lay in

his power of suffusing each of his operas in an atmosphere special to

itself.

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