AMURCAS, a nation of barbarous Indians, descended from the Panches, in

New Grenada. They live in the forests to the south of the river

Magdalena. But little is known of them.

AMUSKEAG, the Indian name of a fall in the river Merrimack, New

Hampshire, 16 miles below Concord, and 7 miles below Hookset falls.

ANA, SANTA. Of the fifty-five names of places in Mexico, or New Spain,

mentioned by Alcedo, which bear this name, seven are the seat of a joint

population of 544 Indian families. Of these, 31 are in Zaqualpa; 117 in

Zultepec; 124 in Toluca; 134 in Cholula; 18 in Yautepec; 25 in Mitla; 70

in Amaqueca; and 149 in Huehuetlan.

ANAHUAC, the ancient Indian name of New Spain, or Mexico. The valley of

Mexico, or Tenochtitlan, is, according to Humboldt, situated in the

centre of the cordillera of Anahuac. This valley is of an oval form. Its

length is 18-3/4 leagues, estimating from the entry of the Rio Tenango

into lake Chalco to the foot of the Cerro de Sincoque, and 12-1/2

leagues in breadth, from St. Gabriel to the sources of the Rio de

Escapusalco. Its territorial extent is 244-1/2 square leagues, of which

only 22 square leagues are occupied by lakes, being less than a tenth

of the whole surface. The circumference of the valley, estimating around

the crest of the mountains, is 67 leagues. This crest is very elevated

in most parts, and embraces the great volcanoes of La Puebla,

Popocatepetl, and Iztacchihuatl. There are five lakes in this valley, of

which, that of Tezcuco is the largest. All are much diminished in the

quantity of water they yield, since the 16th century, which is owing, in

part, to the destruction of trees by the Spaniards, but most directly to

the canal of Huehuetoco, cut through a mountain, by which the waters are

drawn into the river Panuco, and thus find their way into the Atlantic.

By this work, the city of Mexico itself was freed from all effects of

periodical inundation, and the site enlarged and rendered better suited

to streets and carriages. The waters of lake Tezcuco are impregnated

with muriate and carbonate of soda. Those of Xochimilco are the most

pure and limpid. Humboldt found their specific gravity to be 1.0009,

when distilled water at the temperature of 54° Fahrenheit, was 1.000,

and that of Tezcuco 1.0215.

Of the five lakes mentioned, Xochimilco and Chalco contain 6-1/2 square

leagues; Tezcuco, 10-1/10; San Christoval, 3-6/10; and Zumpango, 1-3/10.

The valley is a basin, surrounded by an elevated wall of porphyry

mountains. The bottom of this basin is 2,277 metres, or 7,468 feet above

the sea.

ANALCO, a settlement of Guadalaxara, in Mexico, containing 40 Indian

families.

ANASAGUNTAKOOK, a band of the Abenaki, on the sources of the

Androscoggin, in Maine.

ANCAMARES, a nation of Indians inhabiting the shores of the river

Madera. They are very warlike and robust. In 1683 they attacked the

Portuguese, and compelled them to give up the navigation of the river.

They are divided into different tribes. The most numerous are the

Ancamares, who inhabit the shores of the river Cayari.

ANCAS, a nation of Indians in Peru, who, on the 6th January, 1725, were

overwhelmed and destroyed by the ruins of a mountain which burst forth

by an earthquake. Fifteen thousand souls perished on that occasion.

ANCE, or HANCE'S band of Chippewas, living at Point St. Ignace, on the

straits of Michilimackinac, in Michigan. This band, in 1840, as denoted

by the annuity pay rolls, numbered 193; of whom, 33 were men, 54 women,

and 106 children. They subsist in part by hunting the small furred

animals still existing in the country, and in part by fishing. They

migrate from place to place, as the season varies, plant very little,

and are addicted to the use of ardent spirits.

ANCLOTE, an island on the southwest coast of Florida; also, a river

flowing into the gulf at that locality, which is also called, in the

Seminole dialect, the Est-has-hotee.

ANCUTERES, a nation of infidel Indians inhabiting the forests of the

river Napo, in Quito. They are numerous, savage, treacherous, and

inconstant.

ANDASTES, a nation formerly inhabiting the territory on the southern

shores of lake Erie, southwest of the Senecas. They were extirpated by

the Iroquois.

ANDAIG WEOS, or CROW'S FLESH, a hereditary chief of the Chippewa nation,

living towards the close of the last century at the ancient Indian

village of La Pointe Chegoimegon, on lake Superior. He possessed

qualities, which, under a different phasis of society, would have

developed themselves in marked acts of benevolence. Numbers of

anecdotes, favourable to his character, are related of him, and have

been handed down by tradition among the French residents on that remote

frontier. Although a warrior, engaged in frequent expeditions against

the enemies of his tribe, he opposed the shedding of the blood of white

men who were encountered, in a defenceless state, in the pursuits of

trade. He also resisted the plunder of their property. He had a strong

natural sense of justice, accompanied with moral energy, and gave

utterance to elevated and ennobling sentiments in his intercourse.

ANDREAS, SAN. A settlement of Texupilco, in Mexico, containing 77 Indian

families; another of Toluco, of 134; another in Tlatotepec, of 33;

another in Tuxtla, of 1170; another in Guejozingo, of 15; another in

Papalotepec, of 20; another in Hiscoutepec, of 68; another in

Tepehuacan, of 40; all under the same dedicatory name.

ANDROSCOGGIN, the main western source of the river Kennebec, in Maine.

ANGAGUA, SANTIAGO DE; a settlement of Valladolid, Mexico, containing 22

Indian families.

ANGAMOCUTIRO, a settlement of the same district with the preceding,

containing 106 Indian families.

ANGARAES, a province of Peru, containing six curacies or parishes of

Indians.

ANGELES, PUEBLA DE LOS, the capitol of the province of Tlaxcala, in New

Spain, or Mexico, founded in 1533. The entire number of Indian families

within this important jurisdiction is 3,200, which, at the ordinary rate

of the estimation of Indian population here, that is, five souls to a

family, gives an aggregate of 16,000. These are descendants of the

ancient Azteecs, who inhabited the country on its conquest.

This is, however, but the population of the chief town or capital. The

entire intendency of Pueblos de los Angeles contained, in 1793, 508,098

souls. Of this number, 373,752 were Indians of pure blood, divided into

187,531 males, and 186,221 females. There were also 77,908 of the mixed

race, divided into 37,318 males, and 40,590 females. But 54,980 were

Spaniards, or whites, exclusive of 585 secular ecclesiastics, 446 monks,

and 427 nuns. This preponderance of the native Indian population is

still more striking in the government of Ilaxcala, which, of course,

includes the capital above named. In 1793, it contained a population of

59,177 souls; of which, 42,878 were Indians, divided into 21,849 males,

and 21,029 females. The town is governed by a Cacique, and four Indian

Alcaldes, who represent the ancient heads of the four quarters, still

called Teepectipac, Ocotelalco, Quiahtuitztlan, and Tizatlan. By virtue

of a royal cedula of 16th April, 1585, the whites have no seat in the

municipality. The Cacique, or Indian Governor, enjoys the honors of an

_alferez real_. Notwithstanding the zeal of a Spanish intendant general,

the progress of the inhabitants in industry and prosperity has been

extremely slow. The secret of this is, perhaps, revealed in the fact

that four fifths of the whole property belongs to mort-main proprietors,

that is to say, to communities of monks, to chapters, corporations, and

hospitals. Their trade is also depressed by the enormous price of

carriage from the table lands, and the want of beasts of burden.

The geology and antiquities of this part of Mexico, are equally

interesting. The intendency of Puebla is traversed by the high

cordilleras of Anahuac, which, beyond the 18th degree of latitude,

spreads into a plain, elevated from 1,800 to 2,000 metres above the

level of the ocean, or from 5,905 to 6,561 feet. In this intendency is

also the Popocatepetl, the highest mountain in Mexico. Humboldt's

measurement of this volcano makes it 600 metres (1,968 feet,) higher

than the most elevated summit of the old continent. It is, indeed, only

exceeded between Panama and Behring's Straits, by Mt. St. Elias.

The table land of Puebla exhibits remarkable vestiges of ancient

civilization. The fortifications of Tlaxcala are posterior in the date

of their construction to the great pyramid of Cholula. This pyramid, or

teocalli, is the most stupendous monument erected by the race. Its

squares are arranged in exact accordance with the astronomical

parallels. It is constructed in stages or terraces, the highest of which

is 177 feet above the plain. It has a base of 1423 feet. By a passage

excavated into the north side of it, a few years ago, it is found to be

solid, and to consist of alternate layers of brick and clay. Its centre

has not, however, been reached. Its height exceeds the third of the

great Egyptian pyramids of the group of Ghiza. In its base, however, it

exceeds that of all other edifices found by travellers in the old

continent; it is almost double that of the great pyramid of Cheops. To

conceive of the vastness of the structure, let the traveller imagine a

square four times the size of the Place Vendome, piled up with brick, in

terraces, twice the utmost height of the palace of the Louvre.

The Indians of the province of Tlaxcala speak three languages, differing

from one another, namely: the Mexican, Totonac, and Tlapanac. The first

is peculiar to the inhabitants of Puebla, Cholula, and Tlascalla; the

second to the inhabitants of Zacatlan; and the third is preserved in the

environs of Tlapa. The population of the entire intendency of Puebla, in

1803, that is, ten years after the census above noted, had advanced to

813,300 in an extent of 2,696 square leagues, giving 301 inhabitants to

the square league. Small as this may appear, it is four times greater

than that of Sweden, and nearly equal to that of the Kingdom of Arragon.

ANIALIS, a barbarous nation of South American Indians, in the llanos of

Casanare and Meta, in the new kingdom of Grenada. They are descended

from the Betoyes. They are very numerous, and of a gentle nature. The

Jesuits established a mission among them in 1722.

ANNACIOIS, or ANNACOUS, a barbarous nation of Indians, of the province

of Puerto Seguro, in Brazil. They inhabit the woods and mountains to the

west, and near the rivers Grande and Yucara. They are in a constant

state of warfare, night and day. They are irreconcileable enemies of the

Portuguese, whose colonies and cultivated lands they continually infest,

and which they destroyed in 1687.

ANNEMOSING, the name of the Ottowas, and Chippewas, for the Fox Islands,

of lake Michigan. It is derived of Annemose, a young dog or fox, and

_ing_, a particle denoting place, or locality.

ANNEMIKEENS, a Chippewa hunter of Red River, in Hudson's bay, who

survived a conflict with a grisly bear. After being terribly lacerated,

in his face and limbs, but not deprived of consciousness, he affected

death. The animal then seized him gently by the neck, and dragged him to

a thicket, where he was left, as it was thought, to be eaten when the

calls of hunger should demand. From this position he arose, first

setting up, and binding parts of his lacerated flesh down, and

afterwards rose, and succeeded in reaching his wigwam, where, by skill

in the use of simples, his wounds were entirely healed. The name

signifies little thunder, being a compound from Annimikee, thunder, and

the diminutive inflection in us.

ANNUTTELIGO, a hammock brought to notice in the late war with the

Seminoles, in Florida. It is situated east of the Withlacooche river.

ANOLAIMA, a settlement of Iocaima, in New Granada, containing a small,

but indefinite population of Indians.

ANTALIS, a barbarous and warlike nation of Indians, in the kingdom of

Chile, to the west of Coquimbo. They valorously opposed the progress of

the Inca Yupanqui, compelling him, in the end, to terminate his

conquests on the other side of the river Maule, the last boundary of

Peru.

ANTIQUITIES. See the articles Grave Creek, Marrietta, Circleville, &c.

ANTHONY ST.; the falls of, being the fourth and lowermost of the

perpendicular, or prominent falls of the Mississippi, and by far the

greatest.

The first fall of this stream is the Kakabika, situated about half a

day's journey below Itasca lake; the second is called Pukägama, and

occurs below the influx of the Leech lake branch. The third is below

Elk river, and is passable in boats and canoes. St. Anthony's is the

most considerable of the series, and the only one which presents an

abrupt plunge of the stream from horizontal rocks. They were thus named

by Hennepin, about 1680. By the Dacotah Indians, who inhabit the

country, they are called Haha. It is at this point, that the

Mississippi, which gathers its waters from high table lands, and has its

course, for several hundreds of miles, through diluvions superimposed on

the primitive, first plunges into the great secondary formation. For

more than a thousand miles, in its way southward, its banks are rendered

imposing and precipitous by this formation. At or near the Grand Tower,

and its adjunct precipice, on the Missouri shore, this formation ceases,

and the river enters the great delta, which still confines it, for a

like distance, before it expands itself, by its bifurcations, and final

exit, in the Gulf of Mexico, at the Balize.

ANTONIO, SAN. The following statistical facts, denote the Indian

population, of sundry settlements, bearing this name, within the former

government of New Spain, now Mexico. In the limits of Toliman, 32

families; in Tampolomon, 128; in Toluca, 51; in Metepec, 261; in

Coronango, 44; in Huehuetlan, 140; in Chapala, 27.

APACAHUND, or WHITE EYES, a Delaware chief of note, of the era of the

American revolution, who is frequently mentioned in documents of the

times.

APACES, SAN JUAN BAUTISTA DE, a settlement of Zelaga in the province and

bishopric of Mechoacan, containing 135 Indian families. Another

settlement, of the same name, with the dedicatory title of Santa Maria,

in the district of Zitaguaro, contains 24 families.

APACHES, a nation of Indians, located between the Rio del Norte and the

sources of the Nuaces, who were reported, in 1817, at 3,500. In an

official report submitted to Congress, in 1837, their numbers "within

striking distance of the western frontier," are vaguely put at, 20,280.

APALLACHIANS; a nation of Indians who formerly inhabited the extreme

southern portion of the United States, and have left their name in the

leading range of the Apallachian mountains. In 1539 De Soto found them

in Florida, a term at that era comprehending also the entire area of the

present states of Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and other portions of

the southern territory. They were numerous, fierce, and valorous. They

were clothed in the skins of wild beasts. They used bows and arrows,

clubs and spears. They did not, as many nations of barbarians do, poison

their darts. They were temperate, drinking only water. They did not make

wars on slight pretences, or for avarice, but to repress attacks, or

remedy injustice. They treated their prisoners with humanity, and like

other persons of their households. They were long lived, some persons

reaching a hundred years. They worshipped the sun, to which they sang

hymns, morning and evening. These facts are to be gleaned from the

narrative. What were their numbers, how far they extended their

jurisdiction, what were their affiliations by language, customs, and

institutions with other tribes, cannot be accurately decided. Much that

is said of their civil and military polity, buildings, ceremonies and

other traits, applies to the Floridian Indians generally, and may be

dismissed as either vague, or not characteristic of the Appalachians. A

quarto volume was published in London in 1666, by John Davies, under the

title of a "History of the Caribby Indians," in which he traces the

caribs of the northern groups of the West Indies, to the Apallachians,

and relates many incidents, and narrates a series of surprising wars and

battles, reaching, in their effects, through the Mississippi valley up

to the great lakes, which have the appearance of fable. How much of this

account, which speaks of "cattle" and "herds," may be grafted on ancient

traditions, it is impossible to tell. There are some proofs of such an

ancient civilisation in the Ohio valley and other sections of the

country, but they are unconnected with any Indian traditions, which have

survived, unless we consider the mounds and remains of antique forts as

monumental evidences of these reputed wars. The Lenapee accounts of

these ancient wars with the Tallagees or Allegewy, may be thought to

refer to this ancient people, who had, if this conjecture be correct,

extended their dominion to the middle and northern latitudes of the

present area of the United States, prior to the appearance of the

Algonquin and Iroquies races. Mr. Irving has suggested the name of

Apallachia, or Allegania, derived from the stock, for this division of

the continent.

LANGUAGE.

LECTURES ON THE GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE OF THE INDIAN LANGUAGE.

The course of lectures, of which the following are part, were delivered

before the St. Mary's committee of the Algic Society. Two of them only

have been published. They are here continued from the article "Indian

Languages," at page 202 of the "Narrative of the Discovery of the actual

Source of the Mississippi, in Itasca Lake," published by the Harpers, in

1834. The family of languages selected as the topic of inquiry, is the

Algonquin. All the examples employed are drawn from that particular type

of it which is called Chippewa, in our transactions with them, but which

they uniformly pronounce themselves, Od-jib-wa. These terms are employed

as perfect synonyms. The phrase "Odjibwa-Algonquin," wherever it occurs,

is intended to link, in the mind of the inquirer, the species and the

genus (if we may borrow a term from natural history) of the language,

but is not fraught with, or intended to convey, any additional idea. The

three terms relate to one and the same people.

LECTURE III.

Observations on the Adjective--Its distinction into two classes

denoted by the presence or absence of vitality--Examples of the

animates and inanimates--Mode of their conversion into

substantives--How pronouns are applied to these derivatives, and

the manner of forming compound terms from adjective bases, to

describe the various natural phenomena--The application of these

principles in common conversation, and in the description of

natural and artificial objects--Adjectives always preserve the

distinction of number--Numerals--Arithmetical capacity of the

language--The unit exists in duplicate.

1. It has been remarked that the distinction of words into animates and

inanimates, is a principle intimately interwoven throughout the

structure of the language. It is, in fact, so deeply imprinted upon its

grammatical forms, and is so perpetually recurring, that it may be

looked upon, not only as forming a striking peculiarity of the language,

but as constituting the fundamental principle of its structure, from

which all other rules have derived their limits, and to which they have

been made to conform. No class of words appears to have escaped its

impress. Whatever concords other laws impose, they all agree, and are

made subservient in the establishment of this.

It might appear to be a useless distinction in the adjective, when the

substantive is thus marked; but it will be recollected that it is in the

plural of the substantive only, that the distinction is marked. And we

shall presently have occasion to show, that redundancy of forms, are, to

considerable extent, obviated in practice.

For the origin of the principle itself, we need look only to nature,

which endows animate bodies with animate properties and qualities, and

vice versa. But it is due to the tribes who speak this language, to have

invented one set of adjective symbols to express the ideas peculiarly

appropriate to the former, and another set applicable, exclusively, to

the latter; and to have given the words good and bad, black and white,

great and small, handsome and ugly, such modifications as are

practically competent to indicate the general nature of the objects

referred to, whether provided with, or destitute of the vital principle.

And not only so, but by the figurative use of these forms, to exalt

inanimate masses into the class of living beings, or to strip the latter

of the properties of life--a principle of much importance to their

public speakers.

This distinction is shown in the following examples, in which it will be

observed, that the inflection _izzi_, generally denotes the personal,

and _au_, _un_, or _wud_, the impersonal forms.

Adj: INANIMATE. Adj: ANIMATE.

Bad Monaud ud Monaud izzi.

Ugly Gushkoonaug wud Gushkoonaug oozzi.

Beautiful Bishegaindaug wud Bishegaindaug oozzi.

Strong Söng un Söng izzi.

Soft Nök un Nök izzi.

Hard Mushkow au Mushkow izzi.

Smooth Shoiskw au Shoisk oozzi.

Black Mukkuddäw au Mukkuddäw izzi.

White Waubishk au Waubishk izzi.

Yellow Ozahw au Ozahw izzi.

Red Miskw au Miskw izzi.

Blue Ozhahwushkw au Ozhahwushkw izzi.

Sour Sheew un Sheew izzi.

Sweet Weeshkob un Weeshkob izzi.

Light Naung un Naung izzi.

It is not, however, in all cases, by mere modifications of the

adjective, that these distinctions are expressed. Words totally

different in sound, and evidently derived from radically different

roots, are, in some few instances, employed, as in the following

examples:

Adj: _Inanimate._ Adj: _Animate._

Good Onisheshin Minno.

Bad Monaudud Mudjee.

Large Mitshau Mindiddo.

Small Pungee Uggaushi.

Old Geekau Gitizzi.

It may be remarked of these forms, that although the impersonal will, in

some instances, take the personal inflections, the rule is not

reciprocated, and minno, and mindiddo, and gitizzi, and all words

similarly situated, remain unchangeably animates. The word pungee, is

limited to the expression of quantity, and its correspondent uggaushi,

to size, or quality. Kishedä, (hot) is restricted to the heat of a fire;

keezhautä, to the heat of the sun. There is still a third term to

indicate the natural heat of the body, _Kizzizoo_. Mitshau (large) is

generally applied to countries, lakes, rivers, &c. Mindiddo, to the

body, and gitshee, indiscriminately. Onishishin, and its correspondent

onishishshä, signify, handsome or fair, as well as good. Kwonaudj a. a.

and kwonaudj ewun a. i. mean, strictly, handsome, and imply nothing

further. Minno, is the appropriate personal form for good. Mudgee and

monaudud, may reciprocally change genders, the first by the addition of

_i-e-e_, and the second by altering _ud_ to _izzi_.

Distinctions of this kind are of considerable importance in a practical

point of view, and their observance or neglect, are noticed with

scrupulous exactness by the Indians. The want of inanimate forms to such

words as happy, sorrowful, brave, sick &c. creates no confusion, as

inanimate nouns cannot, strictly speaking, take upon themselves such

qualities, and when they do--as they sometimes do, by one of those

extravagant figures of speech, which are used in their tales of

transformations, the animate forms answer all purposes. For in these

tales the whole material creation may be clothed with animation. The

rule, as exhibited in practice, is limited, with sufficient accuracy, to

the boundaries prescribed by nature.

To avoid a repetition of forms, were the noun and the adjective both to

be employed in their usual relation, the latter is endowed with a

pronominal, or substantive inflection. And the use of the noun, in its

separate form, is thus wholly superceded. Thus onishishin, a. i. and

onishishsha, a. a. become Wanishishing, that which is good, or fair, and

Wanishishid, he who is good or fair. The following examples will exhibit

this rule, under each of its forms.

Compound or Noun-Adjective Animate.

Black Mukkuddaw izzi Makuddaw izzid.

White Waubishk izzi Wyaubishk izzid.

Yellow Ozahw izzi Wazauw izzid.

Red Miskw izzi Mashk oozzid.

Strong Song izzi Song izzid.

Noun-Adjective Inanimate.

Black Mukkuddäw au Mukkuddäw aug.

White Waubishk au Wyaubishk aug.

Yellow Ozahw au Wäzhauw aug.

Red Mishkw au Mishkw aug.

The animate forms in these examples will be recognized, as exhibiting a

further extension of the rule, mentioned in the preceding chapter, by

which substantives are formed from the indicative of the verb by a

permutation of the vowels. And these forms are likewise rendered plural

in the manner there mentioned. They also undergo changes to indicate the

various persons. For instance onishisha is thus declined to mark the

person.

Wänishish-eyaun I (am) good, or fair.

Wänishish-eyun Thou (art) good, or fair.

Wänishish-id He (is) good or fair.

Wänishish-eyang We (are) good or fair (ex.)

Wänishish-eyung We (are) good a fair (in.)

Wänishish-eyaig Ye (are) good or fair.

Wänishish-idigj They (are) good or fair.

The inanimate forms, being without person, are simply rendered plural by

_in_, changing maiskwaug, to maiskwaug-in, &c. &c. The verbal

signification which these forms assume, as indicated in the words am,

art, is, are, is to be sought in the permutative change of the first

syllable. Thus o is changed to wä, muk to mäk, waub to wy-aub, ozau to

wäzau, misk to maisk, &c. The pronoun, as is usual in the double

compounds, is formed wholly by the inflections eyaun, eyun, &c.

The strong tendency of the adjective to assume a personal, or

pronomico-substantive form, leads to the employment of many words in a

particular, or exclusive sense. And in any future practical attempts

with the language, it will be found greatly to facilitate its

acquisition if the adjectives are arranged in distinct classes,

separated by this characteristic principle of their application. The

examples we have given are chiefly those which may be considered

strictly animate, or inanimate, admit of double forms, and are of

general use. Many of the examples recorded in the original manuscripts

employed in these lectures, are of a more concrete character, and, at

the same time, a more limited use. Thus shaugwewe, is a weak person,

nökaugumme, a weak drink, nokaugwud, a weak, or soft piece of wood.

Sussägau, is fine, but can only be applied to personal appearance:

beesau, indicates fine grains. Keewushkwa is giddy, and keewushkwäbee,

giddy with drink, both being restricted to the third person. Söngun and

songizzi, are the personal and impersonal forms of strong, as given

above. But Mushkowaugumme, is strong drink. In like manner the two words

for hard, as above, are restricted to solid substances. Sunnuhgud is

hard (to endure,) waindud, is easy (to perform), Söngedää is brave,

Shaugedää cowardly, keezhinzhowizzi, active, kizhekau, swift,

onaunegoozzi lively, minwaindum happy, gushkwaindum, sorrowful, but all

these forms are confined to the third person of the indicative,

singular. Pibbigwau, is a rough or knotted substance. Pubbiggoozzi, a

rough person. Keenwau is long, or tall, (any solid mass.) Kaynozid is a

tall person. Tahkozid a short person. Wassayau is light; wassaubizzoo,

the light of the eye; wasshauzhä, the light of a star, or any luminous

body. Keenau is sharp, keenaubikud, a sharp knife, or stone.

Keezhaubikeday, is hot metal, a hot stove, &c. Keezhaugummeda, is hot

water. Aubudgeetön, is useful,--a useful thing. Wauweeug is frivolous,

any thing frivolous in word, or deed. Tubbushish, appears to be a

general term for low. Ishpimming is high in the air. Ishpau, is applied

to any high fixture, as a house, &c. Ishpaubikau is a high rock.

Taushkaubikau, a split rock.

These combinations and limitations meet the inquirer at every step: They

are the current phrases of the language. They present short, ready, and

often beautiful modes of expression. But as they shed light, both upon

the idiom and genius of the language, I shall not scruple to add further

examples and illustrations. Ask a Chippewa, the name for rock, and he

will answer _awzhebik_. The generic import of aubik, has been explained.

Ask him the name for red rock, and he will answer miskwaubik,--for white

rock, and he will answer waubaubik, for black rock mukkuddäwaubik,--for

yellow rock, ozahwaubik,--for green rock, ozhahwushkwaubik,--for bright

rock, wassayaubik, for smooth rock, shoishkwaubik, &c. compounds in

which the words red, white, black, yellow, &c. unite with aubik. Pursue

this inquiry and the following forms will be elicited.

_Impersonal._

Miskwaubik-ud. It (is) a red rock.

Waubaubik-ud. It (is) a white rock.

Mukkuddäwaubik-ud. It (is) a black rock.

Ozahwaubik-ud. It (is) a yellow rock.

Wassayaubik-ud. It (is) a bright rock.

Shoiskwaubik-ud. It (is) a smooth rock.

_Personal._

Miskwaubik-izzi. He (is) a red rock.

Waubaubik-izzi. He (is) a white rock.

Mukkuddäwaubik-izzi. He (is) a black rock.

Ozahwaubik-izzi. He (is) a yellow rock.

Wassayaubik-izzi. He (is) a bright rock

Shoiskwaubik-izzi. He (is) a smooth rock.

Add _bun_ to these terms, and they are made to have passed

away,--prefix tah to them, and their future appearance is indicated.

The word "is" in the translations, although marked with brackets, is not

deemed wholly gratuitous. There is, strictly speaking, an idea of

existence given to these compounds, by the particle au in aubic, which

seems to be indirectly a derivative from that great and fundamental root

of the language iau. Bik, is, apparently, the radix of the expression

for "rock."

Let this mode of interrogation be continued, and extended to other

adjectives, or the same adjectives applied to other objects, and results

equally regular and numerous will be obtained. Minnis, we shall be told,

is an island: miskominnis, a red island; mukkaddäminnis, a black island;

waubeminnis, a white island, &c. Annokwut, is a cloud; miskwaunakwut, a

red cloud; mukkuddawukwut, a black cloud; waubahnokwut, a white cloud;

ozahwushkwahnokwut, a blue cloud, &c. Neebe is the specific term for

water; but is not generally used in combination with the adjective. The

word _guma_, like _aubo_, appears to be a generic term for water, or

potable liquids. Hence the following terms:--

Gitshee, Great. Gitshiguma, Great water.

Nokun, Weak. Nôkauguma, Weak drink.

Mushkowau, Strong. Mushkowauguma, Strong drink.

Weeshkobun, Sweet. Weeshkobauguma, Sweet drink.

Sheewun, Sour. Sheewauguma, Sour drink.

Weesugun, Bitter. Weesugauguma, Bitter drink.

Minno, Good. Minwauguma, Good drink.

Monaudud, Bad. Mahnauguma, Bad drink.

Miskwau, Red. Miskwauguma, Red drink.

Ozahwau, Yellow. Ozahwauguma, Yellow drink.

Weenun, Dirty. Weenauguma, Dirty water.

Peenud, Clear. Peenauguma, Clear Water.

From minno, and from monaudud, good and bad, are derived the following

terms. Minnopogwud, it tastes well; minnopogoozzi, he tastes well.

Mauzhepogwud, it tastes bad; mawzhepogoozzi, he tastes bad.

Minnomaugwud, it smells good; minnomaugoozzi, he smells good;

magghemaugawud, it smells bad; mawhemaugoozzi, he smells bad. The

inflections gwud, and izzi, here employed, are clearly indicative, as in

other combinations, of the words _it_ and _him_.

Baimwa is sound. Baimwäwa, the passing sound. Minwäwa, a pleasant sound.

Minwäwa, a pleasant sound. Maunwawa, a disagreeable sound.

Mudwayaushkau, the sound of waves dashing on the shore. Mudwayaunnemud,

the sound of winds. Mudway au kooskau, the sound of falling trees.

Mudwäkumigishin, the sound of a person falling upon the earth.

Mudwaysin, the sound of any inanimate mass falling on the earth. These

examples might be continued ad infinitum. Every modification of

circumstances--almost every peculiarity of thought is expressed by some

modification of the orthography. Enough has been given to prove that the

adjective combines itself with the substantive, the verb and the

pronoun--that the combinations thus produced are numerous, afford

concentrated modes of conveying ideas, and oftentimes happy terms of

expression. Numerous and prevalent as these forms are, they do not,

however, preclude the use of adjectives in their simple forms. The use

of the one, or of the other appears to be generally at the option of the

speaker. In most cases brevity or euphony dictates the choice. Usage

results from the application of these principles. There may be rules

resting upon a broader basis, but if so, they do not appear to be very

obvious. Perhaps the simple adjectives are oftenest employed before

verbs and nouns, in the first and second persons singular.

Ningee minno neebau-nabun, I have slept well.

Ningee minno weesin, I have eaten a good meal.

Ningee minno pimmoossay, } I have walked well, or a good

} distance.

Kägät minno geeghigud, It (is) a very pleasant day.

Kwunaudj ningödahs, I have a handsome garment.

Ke minno iau nuh? Are you well?

Auneende ain deyun? What ails you?

Keezhamonedo aupädushshäwainenik, God Prosper you

Aupädush Shäwaindaugoozzeyun, Good luck attend you.

Aupädush nau kinwainzh pimmaudizziyun, May you live long.

Onauneegoozzin, Be (thou) cheerful.

Ne miuwaindum waubumaun, I (am) glad to see you.

Kwanaudj Kweeweezains, A pretty boy.

Kägät Söngeedää, He (is) a brave man.

Kägät onishishsha, She (is) handsome.

Gitshee kinözee, He (is) very tall.

Uggausau bäwizzi, She (is) slender.

Gitshee sussaigau, He (is) fine dressed.

Bishegaindaugooziwug meegwunug, They (are) beautiful feathers.

Ke daukoozzinuh? Are you sick.

Monaudud maundun muskeekee, This (is) bad medicine.

Monaudud aindauyun, My place of dwelling (is) bad.

Aindauyaun mitshau, My place of dwelling is large.

Ne mittigwaub onishishsha, My bow (is) good.

Ne bikwukön monaududön, But my arrows (are) bad.

Ne minwaindaun appaukoozegun, I love mild, or mixed, tobacco.

Kauweekau neezhikay ussämau } But I never smoke pure tobacco.

ne sugguswaunausee, }

Monaudud maishkowaugumig, Strong drink (is) bad.

Keeguhgee baudjeëgonaun, It makes us foolish.

Gitshee Monedo nebee ogee } The Great Spirit made water.

ozhetön, }

Inineewug dush ween ishkädä } But man made whiskey.

waubo ogeo ozhetönahwaun. }

These expressions are put down promiscuously, embracing verbs and nouns

as they presented themselves; and without any effort to support the

opinion--which may, or may not be correct--that the elementary forms of

the adjectives are most commonly required before verbs and nouns in the

first and second persons. The English expression is thrown into Indian

in the most natural manner, and of course, without always giving

adjective for adjective, or noun for noun. Thus, God is rendered, not

"Monedo," but, "Geezha Monedo," _Merciful Spirit_. Good luck, is

rendered by the compound phrase "Shäwaindaugoozzeyun," indicating, in a

very general sense _the influence of kindness or benevolence on success

in life_. "Söngedää" is alone, _a brave man_; and the word "Kägät,"

prefixed, is an adverb. In the expression "mild tobacco," the adjective

is entirely dispensed with in the Indian, the sense being sufficiently

rendered by the compound noun "appaukoozzegun," which always means the

Indian weed, or smoking mixture. "Ussamau," on the contrary, without the

adjective, signifies, "pure tobacco." "Bikwakön," signifies blunt, or

lumpy-headed arrows. Assowaun is the barbed arrow. Kwonaudj

kweeweezains, means, not simply "pretty boy," but _pretty little boy_;

and there is no mode of using the word boy but in this diminutive

form--the word itself being a derivative, from kewewe, conjugal with

the regular diminutive in _ains_. "Onaunegoozzin" embraces the pronoun,

verb and adjective, _be thou cheerful_. In the last phrase of the

examples, "man," is rendered men (inineewug) in the translation, as the

term _man_ cannot be employed in the general plural sense it conveys in

this connection, in the original. The word "whiskey," is rendered by the

compound phrase ishködawaubo, literally, _fine-liquor_, a generic for

all kinds of ardent spirits.

These aberrations from the literal term, will convey some conceptions of

the difference of the two idioms, although, from the limited nature and

object of the examples, they will not indicate the full extent of this

difference. In giving anything like the spirit of the original, much

greater deviations, in the written forms, must appear. And in fact, not

only the structure of the language, but the mode and _order of thought_

of the Indians is so essentially different, that any attempts to

preserve the English idiom--to give letter for letter, and word for

word, must go far to render the translation pure nonsense.

2. Varied as the adjective is, in its changes it has no comparative

inflection. A Chippewa cannot say that one substance is hotter or colder

than another; or of two or more substances unequally heated, that this,

or that is the hottest or coldest, without employing adverbs, or

accessory adjectives. And it is accordingly by adverbs, and accessory

adjectives, that the degrees of comparison are expressed.

Pimmaudizziwin, is a very general substantive expression, in indicating

_the tenor of being or life_. Izzhewäbizziwin, is a term near akin to

it, but more appropriately applied to the _acts_, _conduct_, _manner_,

_or personal deportment of life_. Hence the expressions:

Nin bimmaudizziwin, My tenor of life.

Ke bimmaudizziwin, Thy tenor of life.

O Pimmaudizziwin, His tenor of life, &c.

Nin dizekewäbizziwin, My personal deportment.

Ke dizhewäbizziwin, Thy personal deportment.

O Izzhewäbizziwin, His personal deportment, &c.

To form the positive degree of comparison for these terms minno, good,

and mudjee, bad, are introduced between the pronoun and verb, giving

rise to some permutations of the vowels and consonants, which affect the

sound only. Thus:--

Ne minno pimmaudizziwin, My good tenor of life.

Ke minno pimmaudizziwin, Thy good tenor of life.

Minno pimmaudizziwin, His good tenor of life.

Ne mudjee pimmaudizziwin, My bad tenor of life.

Ke mudjee pimmaudizziwin, Thy bad tenor of life.

Mudjee pimmaudizziwin, His bad tenor of life.

To place these forms in the comparative degree, nahwudj, _more_, is

prefixed to the adjective; and the superlative is denoted by _mahmowee_,

an adverb, or an adjective as it is variously applied, but the meaning

of which, is, in this connexion, _most_. The degrees of comparison may

be therefore set down as follows:--

_Positive_, Kishedä, Hot, (restricted to the heat of

a fire.)

_Comp_. Nahwudj Kishedä, More hot.

_Super_. Mahmowee Kishedä, Most hot.

Your manner of life is good, Ke dizzhewäbizziwin onishishin.

Your manner of life is better, { Ke dizzhewäbizziwin nahwudj

onishishin.

Your manner of life is best, { Ke dizzhewäbizziwin mahmoweé

{ onishishin.

His manner of life is best, { Odizzhewabizziwin mahmowee

{ onishishinine.

Little Turtle was brave, Mikkenoköns söngedääbun.

Tecumseh was braver, Tecumseh nahwidj söngedääbun.

Pontiac was bravest, Pontiac mahmowee söngedääbun.

3. The adjective assumes a negative form when it is preceeded by the

adverb. Thus the phrase söngedää, he is brave, is changed to, Kahween

söngedää_see_, he is not brave.

_Positive._ _Negative._

Neebwaukah, Kahween neebwaukah-see,

He is wise. He is not wise.

Kwonaudjewe, Kahween kwonaudjewe-see,

She is handsome, She is not handsome.

Oskineegee, Kahween oskineegee-see,

He is young. He is not young.

Shaugweewee, Kahween Shaugweewee-see,

He is feeble. He is not feeble.

Geekkau, Kahween Geekkau-see,

He is old. He is not old.

Mushkowizzi, Kahween Mushkowizzi-see,

He is strong. He is not strong.

From this rule the indeclinable adjectives--by which is meant those

adjectives which do not put on the personal and impersonal forms by

inflection, but consist of radically different roots--form exceptions.

Are you sick? Ke dahkoozzi nuh?

You are not sick! Kahween ke dahkoozzi-see!

I am happy. Ne minwaindum.

I am unhappy. Kahween ne minwuindaz-see.

His manner of life is bad. Mudjee izzhewabizzi.

His manner of life is not bad. Kahween mudjee a izzhewabizzi-see.

It is large. Mitshau muggud.

It is not large. Kahween mitshau-seenön.

In these examples the declinable adjectives are rendered negative in

_see_. The indeclinable, remain as simple adjuncts to the verbs, and the

_latter_ put on the negative form.

4. In the hints and remarks which have now been furnished respecting the

Chippewa adjective, its powers and inflections have been shown to run

parallel with those of the substantive, in its separation into animates

and inanimates,--in having the pronominal inflections,--in taking an

inflection for tense--(a topic, which, by the way, has been very

cursorily passed over,) and in the numerous, modifications to form the

compounds. This parallelism has also been intimated to hold good with

respect to number--a subject deeply interesting in itself, as it has its

analogy only in the ancient languages, and it was therefore deemed best

to defer giving examples till they could be introduced without

abstracting the attention from other points of discussion.

Minno and mudjee, good and bad, being of the limited number of personal

adjectives, which modern usage permits being applied, although often

improperly applied, to inanimate objects, they as well as a few other

adjectives, form exceptions to the use of number. Whether we say a good

man or a bad man, good men or bad men, the words minno and mudjee,

remain the same. But all the declinable and coalescing

adjectives--adjectives which join on, and, as it were, _melt into_ the

body of the substantive, take the usual plural inflections, and are

governed by the same rules in regard to their use, as the substantive,

personal adjectives requiring personal plurals, &c.

Adjectives Animate.

_Singular._

Onishishewe mishemin, Good apple.

Kwonaudjewe eekwä, Handsome woman.

Songedää inine, Brave man.

Bishegaindaugoozzi peenasee, Beautiful bird.

Ozahwizzi ahmo, Yellow bee.

_Plural._

Onishishewe-wug mishemin-ug, Good apples.

Kwonaudjewe-wug eekwä-wug, Handsome women.

Songedää-wug inine-wug, Brave men.

Bishegaindaugoozzi-wug peenasee-wug, Beautiful birds.

Ozahwizzi-wug ahm-ög, Yellow bees.

Adjectives Inanimate.

_Singular._

Onishishin mittig, Good tree.

Kwonaudj tshemaun, Handsome canoe.

Monaudud ishkoda, Bad fire.

Weeshkobun aidetaig, Sweet fruit.

_Plural._

Onishishin-ön mittig-ön, Good trees.

Kwonaudjewun-ön tshemaun-un, Handsome canoes.

Monaudud-ön ishkod-än, Bad fires.

Weeshkobun-ön aidetaig-in, Sweet fruits.

Peculiar circumstances are supposed to exist, in order to render the use

of the adjective, in this connexion with the noun, necessary and proper.

But in ordinary instances, as the narration of events, the noun would

precede the adjective, and oftentimes, particularly where a second

allusion to objects previously named became necessary, the compound

expressions would be used. Thus instead of saying the yellow bee,

wäyzahwizzid, would distinctly convey the idea of that insect, _had the

species been before named_. Under similar circumstances kainwaukoozzid,

agausheid söngaunemud, mushkowaunemud, would respectively signify, a

tall tree, a small fly, a strong wind, a hard wind. And these terms

would become plural in _jig_, which, as before mentioned, is a mere

modification of _ig_, one of the five general animate plural inflections

of the language.

Kägát wahwinaudj abbenöjeeug, is an expression indicating _they are very

handsome children_. Bubbeeweezheewug monetösug, denotes _small insects_.

Minno neewugizzi, is good tempered, he is good tempered.

Mawshininewugizzi, is bad tempered, both having their plural in _wug_.

Nin nuneenahwaindum, I am lonesome. Nin nuneenahwaindaumin, we

(excluding you) are lonesome. Waweea, is a term generally used to

express the adjective sense of _round_. Kwy, is the scalp. (_Weenikwy_

his scalp.) Hence Weewukwon, hat; Wayweewukwonid, a wearer of the hat;

and its plural Wayeewukwonidjig, wearers of the hats--the usual term

applied to Europeans, or white men generally. These examples go to

prove, that under every form in which the adjective can be traced,

whether in its simplest or most compound state, it is susceptible of

number.

The numerals of the language are converted into adverbs, by the

inflection _ing_, making _one_, _once_, &c. The unit exists in

duplicate.

Päzhik, One, general unit } Aubeding, Once.

Ingoot, One, numerical unit}

Neesh, Two. Neeshing, Twice.

Niswee, Three. Nissing, Thrice.

Neewin, Four. Neewing, Four-times.

Naunun, Five. Nauning, Five-times.

N'goodwaswä, Six. N'goodwautshing, Six-times.

Neeshwauswä, Seven. Neeshwautshing, Seven-times.

Shwauswe, Eight. Shwautshing, Eight-times.

Shongusswe, Nine. Shongutshing, Nine-times.

Meetauswee, Ten. Meetaushing, Ten-times.

These inflections can be carried as high as they can compute numbers.

They count decimally. After reaching ten, they repeat, ten and one, ten

and two, &c. to twenty. Twenty is a compound signifying two tens,

thirty, three tens, &c., a mode which is carried up to one hundred

_n'goodwak_. Wak, then becomes the word of denomination, combining with

the names of the digits, until they reach a thousand, _meetauswauk_,

literally, _ten hundred_. Here a new compound term is introduced made by

prefixing twenty to the last denomination, neshtonnah duswak, which

doubles the last term, thirty triples it, forty quadruples it, &c., till

the computation reaches to ten thousand, n'goodwak dushing n'goodwak,

_one hundred times one hundred_. This is the probable extent of all

certain computation. The term _Gitshee_, (great,) prefixed to the last

denomination, leaves the number indefinite.

There is no form of the numerals corresponding to second, third, fourth,

&c. They can only further say, _nittum_ first, and _ishkwaudj_, last.

LECTURE IV.

Nature and principles of the pronoun--Its distinction into

preformative and subformative classes--Personal pronouns--The

distinction of an inclusive and exclusive form in the number of the

first person plural--Modifications of the personal pronouns to

imply existence, individuality, possession, ownership, position and

other accidents--Declension of pronouns to answer the purpose of

the auxiliary verbs--Subformatives, how employed, to mark the

persons--Relative pronouns considered--Their application to the

causative verbs--Demonstrative pronouns--their separation into two

classes, animates and inanimates--Example of their use.

Pronouns are buried, if we may so say, in the structure of the verb. In

tracing them back to their primitive forms, through the almost infinite

variety of modifications which they assume, in connexion with the verb,

substantive and adjective, it will facilitate analysis, to group them

into preformative and subformative, which include the pronominal

prefixes and suffixes, and which admit of the further distinction of

separable and inseparable. By separable is intended those forms, which

have a meaning by themselves, and are thus distinguished from the

inflective and subformative pronouns, and pronominal particles

significant only, in connection with another word.

1. Of the first class, are the personal pronouns Neen (I,) Keen (thou,)

and Ween or O (he or she.) They are declined to form the plural persons

in the following manner:

I, Neen. We Keen owind (in.)

We Neen owind (ex.)

Thou, Keen. Ye Keen owau.

He or She, Ween or O. They Ween owau.

Here the plural persons are formed by a numerical inflection of the

singular. The double plural of the first person, of which both the rule

and examples have been incidentally given in the remarks on the

substantive, is one of those peculiarities of the language, which may,

perhaps, serve to aid in a comparison of it, with other dialects,

kindred and foreign. As a mere conventional agreement, for denoting

whether the person addressed, be included, or excluded, it may be

regarded as an advantage to the language. It enables the speaker, by the

change of a single consonant, to make a full and clear discrimination,

and relieves the narration from doubts and ambiguity, where doubts and

ambiguity would otherwise often exist. On the other hand, by

accumulating distinctions, it loads the memory with grammatical forms,

and opens a door for improprieties of speech. We are not aware of any

inconveniencies in the use of a general plural. But in the Indian it

would produce confusion. And it is perhaps to that cautious desire of

personal discrimination, which is so apparent in the structure of the

language, that we should look for the reason of the duplicate forms of

this word. Once established, however, and both the distinction, and the

necessity of a constant and strict attention to it, are very obvious and

striking. How shall he address the Deity? If he say--"_Our father who

art in heaven_," the inclusive form of "our" makes the Almighty one of

the suppliants, or family. If he use the exclusive form, it throws him

out of the family, and may embrace every living being but the Deity.

Yet, neither of these forms can be used well in prayer, as they cannot

be applied directly _to_ the object addressed. It is only when speaking

_of_ the Deity, under the name of father, to other persons, that the

inclusive and exclusive forms of the word "our" can be used. The dilemma

may be obviated, by the use of a compound descriptive phrase--Wä ö se

mig o yun, signifying--THOU WHO ART THE FATHER OF ALL. Or, universal

father.

In practice, however, the question is cut short, by those persons who

have embraced Christianity. It has seemed to them, that by the use of

either of the foregoing terms, the Deity would be thrown into too remote

a relation to them, and I have observed, that, in prayer, they

invariably address Him, by the term used by children for the father of a

family, that is, NOSA, my father.

The other personal pronouns undergo some peculiar changes, when employed

as preformatives before nouns and verbs, which it is important to

remark. Thus neen, is sometimes rendered ne or _nin_, and sometimes

_nim_. Keen, is rendered ke or _kin_. In compound words the mere signs

of the first and second pronouns, N and K, are employed. The use of

_ween_ is limited; and the third person, singular and plural, is

generally indicated by the sign, O.

The particle _suh_ added to the complete forms of the disjunctive

pronouns, imparts a verbal sense to them; and appears in this instance,

to be a succedaneum for the substantive verb. Thus Neen, I, becomes

Neensuh, it is I. Keen, thou, becomes Keensuh, it is thou, and Ween, he

or she. Weensuh, it is he or she. This particle may also be added to the

plural forms.

Keenowind suh. It is we (in.)

Neenowind suh. It is we (ex.)

Keenowa suh. It is ye, or you.

Weenowau suh. It is they.

If the word _aittah_ be substituted for _suh_, a set of adverbial

phrases are formed.

Neen aittah, I only. Neen aittah wind, We &c. (ex.)

Keen aittah wind, We &c. (in.)

Keen aittah, Thou only. Keen aittah wau, You &c.

Ween aittah, He or she only. Ween aittah wau, They &c.

In like manner _nittum_ first, and _ishkwaudj_ last, give rise to the

following arrangement of the pronoun:

Neen nittum, I first.

Keen nittum, You or thou first.

Ween nittum, He or she first.

Keen nittum ewind, We first. (in.)

Neen nittum ewind, We first. (ex.)

Keen nittum ewau, Ye or you first.

Ween nittum ewau, They first.

ISHKWAUDJ.

Neen ishkwaudj, I last.

Keen ishkwaudj, Thou last.

Ween ishkwaudj, He or she last.

Keenowind ishkwaudj, We last (in.)

Neenowind ishkwaudj, We last (ex.)

Keenowau ishkwaudj, Ye or you last.

Weenowau ishkwaudj, They last.

The disjunctive forms of the pronoun are also sometimes preserved before

verbs and adjectives.

NEEZHIKA. Alone. (_an._)

Neen neezhika, I alone.

Keen neezhika, Thou alone.

Ween neezhika, He or she alone.

Keenowind neezhika, We alone (in.)

Neenowind neezhika, We alone (ex.)

Keenowau neezhika, Ye or you alone.

Weenowau neezhika, They alone.

To give these expressions a verbal form, the substantive verb, with its

pronominal modifications, must be superadded. For instance, _I am_

alone, &c., is thus rendered:

Neen neezhika nindyau, I am alone, × aumin.

Keen neezhika keedyau, Thou art alone, × aum.

Ween neezhika Iyau, He or she is alone, &c. × wug.

In the subjoined examples the noun ow, body, is changed to a verb, by

the permutation of the vowel, changing ow to auw, which last takes the

letter d before it, when the pronoun is prefixed.

I am a man, Neen nin dauw.

Thou art a man, Keen ke dauw.

He is a man, Ween ah weeh.

We are men, (in.) Ke dauw we min.

We are men, (ex.) Ne dauw we min.

Ye are men, Ke dauw min.

They are men, Weenowau ah weeh wug.

In the translation of these expressions "man" is used as synonomous with

person. If the specific term _inine_, had been introduced in the

original, the meaning thereby conveyed would be, in this particular

connexion, I am a man with respect to _courage_ &c., in opposition to

effeminacy. It would not be simply declarative of _corporeal existence_,

but of existence in a _particular state or condition_.

In the following phrases, the modified forms, or the signs only, of the

pronouns are used:

N' debaindaun, I own it.

Ke debaindaun, Thou ownest it.

O debaindaun, He or she owns it.

N' debaindaun-in, We own it (ex.)

Ke debaindaun-in, We own it (in.)

Ke debaindaun-ewau, Ye own it.

O debaindaun-ewau, They own it.

These examples are cited as exhibiting the manner in which the prefixed

and preformative pronouns are employed, both in their full and

contracted forms. To denote possession, nouns specifying the things

possessed, are required; and, what would not be anticipated, had not

full examples of this species of declension been given in another place,

the purposes of distinction are not effected by a simple change of the

pronoun, as _I_ to _mine_, &c., but by a subformative inflection of the

_noun_, which is thus made to have a reflective operation upon the

pronoun-speaker. It is believed that sufficient examples of this rule,

in all the modifications of inflection, have been given under the head

of the substantive. But as the substantives employed to elicit these

modifications were exclusively _specific_ in their meaning, it may be

proper here, in further illustration of an important principle, to

present a generic substantive under their compound forms.

I have selected for this purpose one of the primitives. IE-AÚ, is the

abstract term for existing matter. It is in the animate form and

declarative. Its inanimate correspondent is IE-EÉ. These are two

important roots. And they are found in combination, in a very great

number of derivative words. It will be sufficient here, to show their

connexion with the pronoun, in the production of a class of terms in

very general use.

Animate Forms.

_Singular._ _Plural._

{Nin dyë aum, Mine. Nin dyë auminaun, Ours. (ex.)

Poss. { Ke dyë auminaun, Ours. (in.)

{Ke dyë aum, Thine. Ke dyë aumewau, Yours.

Obj. O dyë aum-un, His or Hers. O dyë aumewaun, Theirs.

Inanimate Forms.

_Singular._ _Plural._

{Nin dyë eem, Mine. Nin dyë eeminaun, Ours. (ex.)

Poss.{ Ke dyë eeminaun, Ours. (in.)

{Ke dyë eem, Thine. Ke dyë eemewau, Yours.

Obj. O dyë eem-un, His or Hers. O dyë eemewaun, Theirs. _Poss. in._

In these forms the noun is singular throughout. To render it plural, as

well as the pronoun, the appropriate general plurals _ug_ and _un_ or

_ig_ and _in_, must be superadded. But it must be borne in mind, in

making these additions, "that the plural inflection to inanimate nouns

(which have no objective case,) forms the objective case to animates,

which have no number in the third person," [p. 30.] The particle _un_,

therefore, which is the appropriate plural for the inanimate nouns in

these examples, is only the objective mark of the animate.

The plural of I, is _naun_, the plural of thou and he, _wau_. But as

these inflections would not coalesce smoothly with the possessive

inflections, the connective vowels i. and e. are prefixed, making the

plural of I, _inaun_, and of thou, &c. _ewau_.

If we strike from these declensions the root IE, leaving its animate and

inanimate forms AU, and EE, and adding the plural of the noun, we shall

then,--taking the _animate_ declension as an instance, have the

following formula of the pronominal declensions.

-----+------+-----------+------------+--------+------------+-------+------

Pron.|Place |Possessive |Obj. inflec.|Connect.|Plu. inflec.| Obj. |Plural

Sing.|of the|inflection.| to the | vowel. | of the |inflec.|of the

|Noun. | | noun sing. | | pronoun. |n. plu.|Noun.

-----+------+-----------+------------+--------+------------+-------+------

Ne | ---- | aum | ---- | - i - | - naun | --- | - ig.

Ke | ---- | aum | ---- | - e - | - wau | --- | - g.

O | ---- | aum | un | | | |

O | ---- | aum | ---- | - e - | - wau | - n |

-----+------+-----------+------------+--------+------------+-------+------

To render this formula of general use, six variations, (five in

addition to the above) of the possessive inflection, are required,

corresponding to the six classes of substantives, whereby aum would be

changed to am, eem, im, öm, and oom, conformably to the examples

heretofore given in treating of the substantive. The objective

inflection, would also be sometimes changed to _een_ and sometimes to

_oan_.

Having thus indicated the mode of distinguishing the person, number,

relation, and gender--or what is deemed its technical equivalent, the

mutation words undergo, not to mark the distinctions of _sex_, but the

presence or absence of _vitality_, I shall now advert to the inflections

which the pronouns take for _tense_, or rather, to form the auxiliary

verbs, have, had, shall, will, may, &c. A very curious and important

principle, and one, which clearly demonstrates that no part of speech

has escaped the transforming genius of the language. Not only are the

three great modifications of time accurately marked in the verbal forms

of the Chippewas, but by the inflection of the pronoun they are enabled

to indicate some of the oblique tenses, and thereby to conjugate their

verbs with accuracy and precision.

The particle _gee_ added to the first, second, and third persons

singular of the present tense, changes them to the perfect past,

rendering I, thou, He, I did--have--or had. Thou didst,--hast--or hadst,

He, or she did--have, or had. If _gah_, be substituted for _gee_, the

first future tense is formed, and the perfect past added to the first

future, forms the conditional future. As the eye may prove an auxiliary

in the comprehension of forms, which are not familiar, the following

tabular arrangement of them, is presented.

_First Person, I._

Nin gee, I did--have--had.

Nin gah, I shall--will.

Nin gah gee, I shall have--will have.

_Second Person, Thou._

Ke gee, Thou didst--hast--hadst.

Ke gah, Thou shall--wilt.

Ke gah gee, Thou shall have--wilt have.

_Third Person, He, or She._

O gee, He or she did--has--had.

O gah, He or she did--has--had.

O gah gee, He or she shall have--will have.

The present and imperfect tense of the potential mood, is formed by

_dau_, and the perfect by _gee_, suffixed as in other instances.

_First Person, I._

Nin dau, I may--can, &c.

Nin dau gee, I may have--can have, &c.

_Second Person, Thou._

Ke dau, Thou mayst--canst, &c.

Ke dau gee, Thou mayst have--canst have, &c.

_Third Person, He, or She._

O dau, He or she may--can, &c.

O dau gee, He or she may have--can have, &c.

In conjugating the verbs through the plural persons, the singular terms

for the pronoun remain, and they are rendered plural by a retrospective

action of the pronominal inflections of the verb. In this manner the

pronoun-verb auxiliary, has a general application, and the necessity of

double forms is avoided.

The preceding observations are confined to the formative or _prefixed_

pronouns. The inseparable suffixed or subformative are as follows--

Yaun, My.

Yun, Thy.

Id, or d, His, or hers.

Yaung, Our. (ex.)

Yung, Our. (in.)

Yaig, Your.

Waud, Their.

These pronouns are exclusively employed as suffixes,--and as suffixes to

the descriptive compound substantives, adjectives and verbs. Both the

rule and examples have been stated under the head of the substantive, p.

43. and adjective, p. 81. Their application to the verb will be shown,

as we proceed.

2. Relative Pronouns. In a language which provides for the distinctions

of person by particles prefixed or suffixed to the verb, it will

scarcely be expected, that separate and independent relative pronouns

should exist, or if such are to be found, their use, as separate parts

of speech, must, it will have been anticipated, be quite

limited--limited to simple interrogatory forms of expression, and not

applicable to the indicative, or declaratory. Such will be found to be

the fact in the language under review; and it will be perceived, from

the subjoined examples, that in all instances, requiring the relative

pronoun _who_, other than the simple interrogatory forms, this relation

is indicated by the inflections of the verb, or adjective, &c. Nor does

there appear to be any declension of the separate pronoun, corresponding

to _whose_, and _whom_.

* * * * *

The word Ahwaynain, may be said to be uniformly employed in the sense of

_who_, under the limitations we have mentioned. For instance,

Who is there? Ahwaynain e-mah ai-aud?

Who spoke? Ahwaynain kau keeg[oe]dood?

Who told you? Ahwaynain kau ween dumoak?

Who are you? Ahwaynain iau we yun?

Who sent you? Ahwaynain waynönik?

Who is your father? Ahwaynain kös?

Who did it? Ahwaynain kau tödung?

Whose dog is it? Ahwaynain way dyid?

Whose pipe is that? Ahwaynain döpwaugunid en-eu?

Whose lodge is it? Ahwaynain way weegewomid?

Whom do you seek? Ahwaynain nain dau wau bumud?

Whom have you here? Ahwaynain oh omau ai auwaud?

Not the slightest variation is made in these phrases, between who,

whose, and whom.

Should we wish to change the interrogative, and to say, he who is there;

he who spoke; he who told you, &c., the separable personal pronoun ween

(he) must be used in lieu of the relative, and the following forms will

be elicited.

Ween, kau unnönik, He (who) sent you.

Ween, kau geedood, He (who) spoke.

Ween, _ai_-aud e-mah, He (who) is there.

Ween, kau weendumoak, He (who) told you.

Ween, kau tö dung, He (who) did it, &c.

If we object that, that in these forms, there is no longer the relative

pronoun _who_, the sense being simply, he sent you, he spoke, &c., it is

replied that if it be intended only to say, he sent you, &c., and not he

_who_ sent you, &c., the following forms are used.

Ke gee unnönig. He (sent) you.

Ainnözhid, He (sent) me.

Ainnönaud, He (sent) him, &c.

Iau e-mau, He is there.

Ke geedo, He (spoke.)

Kegeeweendumaug, He (told) you.

Ke to dum, He did it.

We reply, to this answer of the native speaker, that the particle _kau_,

prefixed to a verb denotes the past tense,--that in the former series of

terms, in which this particle appears, the verbs are in the perfect

indicative,--and in the latter, they are in the present indicative,

marking the difference only between _sent_ and _send_, _spoke_ and

_speak_, &c. And that there is absolutely no relative pronoun, in either

series of terms. We further observe, that the personal pronoun ween,

prefixed to the first set of terms, may be prefixed with equal

propriety, to the second set, and that its use or disuse, is perfectly

optional with the speaker, as he may wish to give additional energy or

emphasis to the expression. To these positions, after reflection,

discussion and examination, we receive an assent, and thus the

uncertainty is terminated.

We now wish to apply the principle thus elicited to verbs causative, and

other compound terms--to the adjective verbs, for instance--and to the

other verbal compound expressions, in which the objective and the

nominative persons, are incorporated as a part of the verb, and are not

prefixes to it. This may be shown in the causative verb, _To make

Happy_.

Mainwaindumëid, He (who) makes _me_ happy.

Mainwaindumëik, He (who) makes _thee_ happy.

Mainwaindumëaud, He (who) makes _him_ happy.

Mainwaindumëinung, He (who) makes _us_ happy, (inclusive.)

Mainwaindumëyaug, He (who) makes _us_ happy, (exclusive.)

Mainwaindumëinnaig, He (who) makes _ye_ or _you_ happy.

Mainwaindumëigowaud, He (who) makes _them_ happy.

And so the forms might be continued, throughout all the objective

persons.--

Mainwaindumëyun, Thou (who) makest me happy, &c.

The basis of these compounds is _minno_, good, and _aindum_, the mind.

Hence minwaindum, he happy. The adjective in this connexion, cannot be

translated "good," but its effect upon the noun, is to denote that state

of the mind, which is at rest with itself. The first change from this

simple compound, is to give the adjective a verbal form; and this is

effected by a permutation of the vowels of the first syllable--a rule of

very extensive application--and by which, in the present instance, the

phrase _he happy_, is changed to _he makes happy_, (mainwaindum.) The

next step is to add the suffix personal pronouns, id, ik, aud, &c.,

rendering the expressions, he makes _me_ happy, &c. But in adding these

increments, the vowel e, is thrown between the adjective-verb, and the

pronoun suffixed, making the expression, not mainwaindum-yun, but

mainwaindumëyun. Generally the vowel e in this situation, is a

connective, or introduced merely for the sake of euphony. And those who

maintain that it is here employed as a personal pronoun, and that the

relative _who_, is implied by the final inflection; overlook the

inevitable inference, that if the marked e, stands for _me_ in the first

phrase, it must stand for _thee_ in the second, _he_ in the third, _us_

in the fourth, &c. As to the meaning and office of the final inflections

id, ik, &c.--whatever they may, in an involuted sense _imply_, it is

quite clear, by turning to the list of _suffixed personal pronouns_ and

_animate plurals_, that they mark the persons, I, thou, he, &c., we, ye,

they, &c.

Take for example, minwaindumëigowaud. He (who) makes them happy. Of this

compound, minwaindum, as before shown, signifies _he makes happy_. But

as the verb is in the singular number, it implies that but _one person_

is made happy, and the suffixed, personal pronouns _singular_, mark the

distinctions between _me_, _thee_, and he, or him.

Minwaindum-e-ig is the verb plural, and implies that several persons are

made happy, and, in like manner, the suffixed personal pronouns

_plural_, mark the distinctions between we, ye, they, &c. For it is a

rule of the language, that a strict concordance must exist between the

number of the verb, and the number of the pronoun. The termination of

the verb consequently always indicates, whether there be one or many

objects, to which its energy is directed. And as animate verbs can be

applied only to animate objects, the numerical inflections of the verb,

are understood to mark the number of persons. But this number is

indiscriminate, and leaves the sense vague, until the pronominal

suffixes are superadded. Those who, therefore, contend for the sense of

the relative pronoun "who," being given in the last mentioned phrase,

and all phrases similarly formed, by a succedaneum, contend for

something like the following form of translation:--He makes them

happy--him! or Him--he (meaning who) makes them happy.

The equivalent for what, is _Waygonain_.

What do you want? Waygonain wau iauyun?

What have you lost? Waygonain kau wonetöyun?

What do you look for? Waygonain nain dahwaubundamun?

What is this? Waygonain ewinain maundun?

What will you have? Waygonain kau iauyun?

What detained you? Waygonain kau oon dahme egöyun?

What are you making? Waygonain wayzhetöyun?

What have you there? Waygonain e-mau iauyun?

The use of this pronoun, like the preceding, appears to be confined to

simple interrogative forms. The word _auneen_, which sometimes supplies

its place, or is used for want of the pronoun _which_, is an adverb, and

has considerable latitude of meaning. Most commonly it may be considered

as the equivalent for _how_, in what manner, or at what time.

What do you say? Auneen akeedöyun?

What do you call this? Auneen aizheneekaudahmun

maundun? (i.)

What ails you? Auneen aindeeyun?

What is your name? Auneen aizheekauzoyun?

Which do you mean; this or that? (an.) Auneen ah-ow ainud, woh-ow

gämau ewidde?

Which do you mean; this or that? (in.) Auneen eh-eu ewaidumun oh-oo

gämau ewaidde?

Which boy do you mean? Auneen ah-ow-ainud?

By adding to this word, the particle _de_, it is converted into an

adverb of place, and may be rendered _where_.

Where do you dwell? Auneende aindauyun?

Where is your son? Auneende ke gwiss?

Where did you see him? Auneende ke waubumud?

[The text at this point was misprinted. There is at least one missing

page.]

becomes quite necessary in writing the language. And in the following

sentences, the substantive is properly employed after the pronoun.

This dog is very lean, Gitshee bukaukdoozo woh-ow

annemoosh.

These dogs are very lean, Gitshee bukauddoozowug o-goo

annemooshug.

Those dogs are fat, Ig-eu annemooshug ween-in-oawug.

That dog is fat, Ah-ow annemoosh ween-in-ao.

This is a handsome knife, Gagait onishishin maundun mokomahn.

These are handsome knives, Gagait wahwinaudj o-noo mokomahnun.

Those are bad knives, Monaududön in-euwaidde mokomahnun.

Give me that spear, Meezhishin eh-eu ahnitt.

Give me those spears, Meezhishin in-eu unnewaidde

ahnitteen.

That is a fine boy, Gagait kwonaudj ah-ow kweewezains.

Those are fine boys, Gagait wahwinaudj ig-euwaidde

kweewezainsug.

This boy is larger than that, Nahwudj mindiddo woh-ow kweewezains

ewaidde dush.

That is what I wanted, Meeh-eu wau iauyaumbaun.

This is the very thing I wanted, Mee-suh oh-oo wau iauyaumbaun.

In some of these expressions, the pronoun combines with an adjective, as

in the compound words, ineuwaidde, and igeuwaidde, _those yonder_, (in.)

and _those yonder_ (an.) Compounds which exhibit the full pronoun in

coalescence with the word _Ewaidde_ yonder.

CHRONOLOGY.

Columbus discovered the West Indies Oct. 12, 1492.

Americo Vespucio, discovered the coast of South America, 1497.

Cabot discovered the North American coast 1497.

De Leon discovered Florida 1512.

Cortes, enters the city of Mexico, after a seige, Aug. 13, 1521.

Verrizani, is said to have entered the bay of New York, 1524.

Cartier discovered the St. Lawrence, 1534.

Jamestown, in Virginia, is founded, 1608.

Acknowledged date of the settlement of Canada, 1608.

Hudson discovers the river bearing his name, 1609.

The Dutch build a fort near Albany, 1614.

The Pilgrims land at Plymouth Dec, 22, 1620.

New Amsterdam taken from the Dutch by the Duke of York and Albany

and named New York 1664.

La Salle discovers the Illinois in upper Louisiana 1678.

discovers Lower Louisiana, and is killed 1685.

THE ERA OF THE ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH IN THE UPPER LAKES.

Ke-wa-kons, a chief of the straits of St. Mary's, told me, during an

interview, in 1827, that but seven generations of red men had passed

away, since the French first appeared on those straits. If we take the

date of Cartier's first visit to the St. Lawrence, as the era of their

acquaintance with this nation, A.D. 1534, we should have 56 years as the

period of an Indian generation. Should we take, instead of this, the

time of La Salle's first arrival on the upper lakes, 1778, there would,

on the contrary, be but a fraction over 22 years for a generation. But

neither of these periods, can be truly said to coincide with the

probable era of the chief's historical reminiscences. The first is too

early, the last too late. An average of the two, which is required to

apply the observation properly, gives 38 years as the Indian generation.

This nearly assimilates it to the results among Europeans, leaving 8

years excess. Further data would probably reduce this; but it is a

department in which we have so little material, that we must leave it

till these be accumulated. It may be supposed that the period of Indian

longevity, before the introduction of ardent spirits, was equal,

perhaps, a little superior, to that of the European; but it did not

exceed it, we think, by 8 years.

Ke-wa-kons, whom I knew very well, was a man of shrewd sense, and

respectable powers of observation. He stated, at the same interview,

that his tribe, who were of the Odjibwa type of the Algonquins, laid

aside their Akeeks, or clay cooking-vessels, at _that time_, and adopted

in lieu of them, the light brass kettle, which was more portable and

permanent. And from that time, their skill in pottery declined, until,

in our day, it is entirely lost. It is curious to reflect, that within

the brief period of 150 years, a living branch of coarse manufacture

among them, has thus been transferred into an object of antiquarian

research. This fact, should make historians cautious in assigning very

remote periods of antiquity to the monumental evidences of by-gone

generations.

It is by such considerations that we get a glimpse of some of the

general principles which attended the early periods of discovery and

settlement, in all parts of the continent. Adventurers came to find

gold, or furs, to amass wealth, get power, or to perform mere exploits.

Nobody cared much for the native race, beyond the fact of their being

the medium to lead to these specified objects. There were none, to

record accurately, their arts, and other peculiarities, which now excite

intense interest. They died away very fast, whole tribes becoming

extinct within a generation or two. The European fabrics, then

introduced, were so much superior to their own, that they, at once,

discontinued such rude arts as they practised, at least in our northern

latitudes. New adventurers followed in the track of Columbus, Amerigo,

Cabot, and their compeers and followers, who, in the lapse of time,

picked up, from the soil, pieces of coarse pottery, pestles and such

like things, and holding them up, said,--"See these!--here are evidences

of very great skill, and very high antiquity."

It is not the intention by any means, to assert, that there were not

antiquities of a far higher era, and nobler caste, but merely to impress

upon inquirers, the necessity of discriminating the different eras in

the chronology of our antiquities. All Indian pottery, north of the

capes of Florida and the Gulf of Mexico, is of, or preceding the era of

the discovery; but there is found in graves, a species of pottery, and

vitrified ware, which was introduced, in the early stages of traffic, by

Europeans. Of this transition era between the dying away of the Indian

arts, and the introduction of the European, are the rude pastes, enamel

and glass beads, and short clay pipes of coarse texture, found in Indian

cemeteries, but not in the tumuli. In place of these, our ancient

Indians used wrought and unwrought sea shells of various species, and

pipes carved out of steatites and other soft materials.

* * * * *

Mr. Anderson remarks in his biography of Catharine Brown, that "the

Cherokees are said to possess a language, which is more precise and

powerful than any into which learning has poured richness of thought, or

genius breathed the enchantments of fancy and eloquence."

David Brown, in one of his letters, in the same volume, terms his people

the Tsallakee, of which we must therefore take "Cherokee," to be a

corruption. It is seen by the Cherokee alphabet, that the sound of _r_

does not occur in that language.

FAITH.

When Chusco was converted to Christianity at the mission of

Michilimackinac, he had planted a field of potatoes on one of the

neighbouring islands in lake Huron. In the fall he went over in his

canoe, with his aged wife, to dig them--a labour which the old woman set

unceremoniously about, as soon as they got into the field. "Stop!" cried

the little old man, who had a small tenor voice and was bent nearly

double by age,--"dare you begin to dig, till we have thanked the Lord

for their growth." They then both knelt down in the field, while he

lifted up his voice, in his native language, in thanks.

SHINGABA-WOSSINS; OR IMAGE STONES.

The native tribes who occupy the borders of the great lakes, are very

ingenious in converting to the uses of superstition, such masses of

loose rock, or boulder stones, as have been fretted by the action of

water into shapes resembling the trunks of human bodies, or other

organic forms.

There appears, at all times, to have been a ready disposition to turn

such masses of rude natural sculpture, so to call them, to an idolatrous

use; as well as a most ingenious tact, in aiding the effect of the

natural resemblance, by dots or dabs of paint, to denote eyes, and other

features, or by rings of red ochre, around their circumference, by way

of ornament.

In the following figures, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, some of these masses are

represented.

[Illustration]

Number 3. was brought to the office of the Indian Agent at

Michilimackinac in 1839, and placed among objects of analagous interest

to visiters. It consisted of a portion of a vein or mass of gneiss or

granite, from which both mica and feldspar were nearly absent, existing

only in trace, while the quartzy portion predominated, and had, by its

superior hardness, resisted the elemental action. The mode of the

formation of such masses is very well known to geologists, resulting, in

almost every case, from the unequal degree of hardness of various parts

of a mass, submitted to an equal force of attrition, such as is

ordinarily given by the upheaving and rolling force of waves on a lake,

or ocean beach. To the natives, who are not prone to reason from cause

to effect, such productions appear wonderful. All that is past

comprehension, or wonderful, is attributed by them to the supernatural

agency of spirits. The hunter or warrior, who is travelling along the

coast, and finds one of these self-sculptured stones, is not sure that

it is not a direct interposition of his God, or guardian Manito, in his

favour. He is habitually a believer in the most subtle forms of

mysterious power, which he acknowledges to be often delegated to the

native priests, or necromancers. He is not staggered by the most

extraordinary stretch of fancy, in the theory of the change or

transformation of animate into inanimate objects, and vice versa. All

things, "in heaven and earth," he believes to be subject to this subtle

power of metamorphosis. But, whatever be the precise operating cause of

the respect he pays to the imitative rolled stones, which he calls

Shingaba-wossins, and also by the general-phrase of Muz-in-in-a-wun, or

images, he is not at liberty to pass them without hazarding something,

in his opinion, of his chance of success in life, or the fortune of the

enterprize in hand.

If the image be small, it is generally taken with him and secreted in

the neighborhood of his lodge. If large and too heavy for this purpose,

it is set up on the shore, generally in some obscure nook, where an

offering of tobacco, or something else of less value, may be made _to_

it, or rather _through_ it, to the spirit.

In 1820 one of these stones (No. 2.) was met by an expedition of the

government sent north, that year, for the purpose of interior discovery

and observation, at the inner Thunder Bay island, in Lake Huron. It was

a massy stone, rounded, with a comparatively broad base and entablature

but not otherwise remarkable. It was set up, under a tree on the island,

which was small, with the wide and clear expanse of the lake in plain

view. The island was one of those which were regarded as desert, and was

probably but seldom stopped at. It was, indeed, little more than a few

acres of boulders and pebbles, accumulated on a limestone reef, and

bearing a few stunted trees and shrubs. The water of the lake must, in

high storms, have thrown its spray over this imaged stone. It was, in

fine, one of those private places which an Indian might be supposed to

have selected for his secret worship.

In No. 3. is figured an object of this kind, which was found in 1832, in

the final ascent to the source of the Mississippi, on the right cape, in

ascending this stream into lac Traverse--at the distance of about 1000

miles above the falls of St. Anthony. I landed at the point to see it,

having heard, from my interpreter, that such an object was set up and

dedicated to some unknown Manito there. It was a pleasant level point of

land shaded with trees, and bearing luxuriant grass and wild shrubbery

and flowers. In the middle of this natural parterre the stone was

placed, and was overtopped by this growth, and thus concealed by it. A

ring of red paint encircled it, at the first narrowed point of its

circumference, to give it the resemblance of a human neck; and there

were some rude dabs to denote other features. The Indian is not precise

in the matter of proportion, either in his drawing, or in his attempts

at statuary. He seizes upon some minute and characteristic trait, which

is at once sufficient to denote the _species_, and he is easily

satisfied about the rest. Thus a simple cross, with a strait line from

shoulder to shoulder, and a dot, or circle above, to serve for a head,

is the symbol of the human frame; and without any adjunct of feet, or

hands, it could not have been mistaken for anything else--certainly for

any other object in the animal creation.

MNEMONIC SYMBOLS OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.

CHAPTER I.

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.--SYMBOLICAL REPRESENTATIONS AND HIEROGLYPHICS,

ONE OF THE EARLIEST OBSERVED TRAITS IN THE CUSTOMS AND ARTS OF THE

AMERICAN ABORIGINES; BUT THIS ART NOT SUSPECTED TO HAVE A

SYSTEMATIC FORM AMONG THE RUDE HUNTER TRIBES OF NORTH AMERICA,

UNTIL THE YEAR 1820, WHEN IT WAS DISCOVERED ON THE SOURCE OF THE

MISSISSIPPI. THIS INSTANCE GIVEN, WITH A DRAWING; THE HINT PURSUED.

The practice of the North American tribes, of drawing figures and

pictures on skins, trees, and various other substances, has been noticed

by travellers and writers from the earliest times. Among the more

northerly tribes, these figures are often observed on that common

substitute for the ancient papyrus, among these nations, the bark of the

_betula papyracea_, or white birch: a substance possessing a smooth

surface, easily impressed, very flexible, and capable of being preserved

in rolls. Often these devices are cut, or drawn in colours on the trunks

of trees, more rarely on rocks or boulders. According to Colden and

Lafitou records of this rude character were formerly to be seen on the

blazed surface of trees, along some of the ancient paths and portages

leading from the sources of the Atlantic rivers into the interior, or in

the valley of the St. Lawrence; but these, after satisfying a transient

curiosity, have long since yielded to the general fate of these simple

and unenduring monuments. Pictures and symbols of this kind are now to

be found only on the unreclaimed borders of the great area west of the

Alleghanies and the Lakes, in the wide prairies of the west, or along

the Missouri and the upper Mississippi. It is known that such devices

were in use, to some extent, at the era of the discovery, among most of

the tribes, situated between the latitudes of the capes of Florida, and

Hudson's Bay, although they have been considered as more particularly

characteristic of the tribes of the Algonquin type. In a few instances,

these pictorial inscriptions have been found to be painted or stained on

the faces of rocks, or on loose boulders, and still more rarely, devices

were scratched or pecked into the surface, as is found to be the case

still at Dighton and Venango. Those who are intent on observations of

this kind, will find figures and rude hieroglyphics invariably at the

present time, on the grave posts which mark the places of Indian

sepulchre at the west and north. The nations who rove over the western

prairies, inscribe them on the skins of the buffalo. North of latitude

42°, the bark of the birch, which furnishes at once the material of

canoes, tents, boxes, water-dippers, and paper, constitutes the common

medium of their exhibition. Tablets of hard wood are confined to such

devices as are employed by their priests and prophets, and medicine-men;

and these characters uniformly assume a more mystical or sacred import.

But the recent discovery, on one of the tributaries of the Susquehanna,

of an Indian map, drawn on stone, with intermixed devices, a copy of

which appears in the 1st volume of the collections of the Historical

Committee of the American Philosophical Society, proves that stone was

also employed in that branch of inscription. This discovery was on the

area occupied by the Lenapees.

Colden, in his history of the Five Nations,[23] informs us that when, in

1696, the Count de Frontenac marched a well appointed army into the

Iroquois country, with artillery and all other means of regular military

offence, he found, on the banks of the Onondaga, now called Oswego

river, a tree, on the trunk of which the Indians had depicted the French

army, and deposited two bundles of cut rushes at its foot, consisting of

1434 pieces--an act of defiance on their part, which was intended to

inform their invaders, that they would have to encounter this number of

warriors. In speaking in another passage of the general traits of the

Five Nations, he mentions the general custom prevalent among the Mohawks

going to war, of painting, with red paint, on the trunk of a tree; such

symbols, as might serve to denote the object of their expedition. Among

the devices was a canoe pointed towards the enemies' country. On their

return, it was their practice to visit the same tree, or precinct, and

denote the result: the canoe being, in this case, drawn with its bows in

the opposite direction. Lafitou, in his account of the nations of

Canada, makes observations on this subject to which we shall more

particularly refer hereafter, which denote the general prevalence of the

custom in that quarter. Other writers, dating as far back as Smith and

de Bre, bear a passing testimony to the existence of this trait among

the northern tribes. Few have however done more than notice it, and none

are known to have furnished any amount of connected details.

A single element in the system attracted early notice. I allude to the

institution of the Totem, which has been well known among the Algonquin

tribes from the settlement of Canada. By this device, the early

missionaries observed, that the natives marked their division of a tribe

into clans, and of a clan into families, and the distinction was thus

very clearly preserved. Affinities were denoted and kept up, long after

tradition had failed in its testimony. This distinction, which is

marked with much of the certainty of heraldic bearings in the feudal

system, was seen to mark the arms, the lodge, and the trophies of the

chief and warrior. It was likewise employed to give identity to the

_clan_ of which he was a member, on his ad-je-da-teg or grave-post. This

record went but little farther; a few strokes or geometric devices were

drawn on these simple monuments, to denote the number of men he had

slain in battle.

It has not been suspected in any notices to which I have had access,

that there was a pictorial alphabet, or a series of homophonous figures,

in which, by the juxtaposition of symbols representing acts, as well as

objects of action, and by the introduction of simple adjunct signs, a

series of disjunctive, yet generally connected ideas, were denoted; or

that the most prominent incidents of life and death could be recorded so

as to be transmitted from one generation to another, as long at least as

the monument and the people endured. Above all, it was not anticipated

that there should have been found, as will be observed in the subsequent

details, a system of symbolic notation for the songs and incantations of

the Indian metas and priests, making an appeal to the memory for the

preservation of language.

Persons familiar with the state of the western tribes of this continent,

particularly in the higher northern latitudes, have long been aware that

the songs of the Indian priesthood, and wabenoes, were sung from a kind

of pictorial notation, made on bark. It is a fact which has often come

to the observation of military officers performing duties on those

frontiers, and of persons exercising occasional duties in civil life,

who have passed through their territories. But there is no class of

persons to whom the fact of such notations being made, is so well known,

as the class of Indian traders and interpreters who visit or reside a

part of the season at the Indian villages. I have never conversed with

any of this latter class of persons to whom the fact of such

inscriptions, made in various ways, was not so familiar as in their view

to excite no surprise or even demand remark.

My attention was first called to the subject in 1820. In the summer of

that year I was on an exploring journey through the lake country. At the

mouth of the small river Huron, on the banks of Lake Superior, there was

an Indian grave fenced around with saplings, and protected with much

care. At its head stood a post, or tabular stick, upon which was drawn

the figure of the animal which was the symbol of the clan to which the

deceased chief belonged. Strokes of red paint were added to denote,

either the number of war parties in which he had been engaged, or the

number of scalps which he had actually taken from the enemy. The

interpreter who accompanied us, and who was himself tinctured with

Indian blood, gave the latter, as the true import of these marks.

On quitting the river St. Louis, which flows into the head of the lake

at the Fond du Lac, to cross the summit dividing its waters from those

of the Mississippi, the way led through heavy and dense woods and

swamps, and the weather proved dark and rainy, so that, for a couple of

days together, we had scarcely a glimpse of the sun.

The party consisted of sixteen persons, with two Indian guides; but the

latter, with all their adroitness in threading the maze, were completely

at fault for nearly an entire day. At night we lay down on ground

elevated but a few inches above the level of the swamp. The next morning

as we prepared to leave the camp, a small sheet of birch bark containing

devices was observed elevated on the top of a sapling, some 8 or 10 feet

high. One end of this pole was thrust firmly into the ground leaning in

the direction we were to go. On going up to this object, it was found,

with the aid of the interpreter, to be a symbolic record of the

circumstances of our crossing this summit, and of the night's encampment

at this spot. Each person was appropriately depicted, distinguishing the

soldiers from the officer in command, and the latter from the scavans of

the party. The Indians themselves were depicted without hats, this

being, as we noticed, the general symbol for a white man or European.

The entire record, of which a figure is annexed, accurately symbolized

the circumstances, and they were so clearly drawn, according to their

conventional rules, that the intelligence would be communicated thereby

to any of their people who might chance to travel or wander this way.

This was the object of the inscription.

[Illustration]

Fig. No. 1. represents the subaltern officer in command of the party of

the U. S. troops. He is drawn with a sword to denote his official rank.

No. 2 denotes the person who officiated in quality of Secretary. He is

represented holding a book. No. 3 denotes the geologist and mineralogist

of the party. He is drawn with a hammer. Nos. 4 and 5 are attachés; No.

6, the interpreter.

The group of figures marked 9 represents eight infantry soldiers, each

of whom, as shown in group No. 10, was armed with a musket. No. 15

denotes that they had a separate fire, and constituted a separate mess.

Figures 7 and 8 are the two Chippewa guides, the principal of whom,

called Chamees, or the Pouncing-hawk, led the way over this dreary

summit. These are the only human figures on this unique bark letter, who

are drawn without a hat. This was the characteristic seized on, by them,

and generally employed by the tribes, to distinguish the Red from the

white race. Figures 11 and 12 represent a prairie hen, and a green

tortoise, which constituted the sum of the preceding day's chase, and

were eaten at the encampment. The inclination of the pole, was designed

to show the course pursued from that particular spot: there were three

hacks in it, below the scroll of bark, to indicate the estimated length

of this part of the journey, computing from water to water, that is to

say, from the head of the portage Aux Couteaux on the St. Louis river,

to the open shores of Sandy lake, the Ka-ma-ton-go-gom-ag of the

Odjibwas.

The story was thus briefly and simply told; and this memorial was set up

by the guides, to advertise any of their countrymen, who might chance to

wander in that direction, of the adventure--for it was evident, both

from this token, and from the dubiousness which had marked the prior

day's wanderings, that they regarded the passage in this light, and were

willing to take some credit for the successful execution of it.

Before we had penetrated quite to this summit, we came to another

evidence of their skill in this species of knowledge, consisting of one

of those contrivances which they denominate Man-i-to-wa-teg, or Manito

Poles. On reaching this our guides shouted, whether from a superstitious

impulse, or the joy of having found a spot they certainly could

recognize, we could not tell. We judged the latter. It consisted of

eight poles, of equal length; shaved smooth and round, painted with

yellow ochre, and set so as to enclose a square area. It appeared to

have been one of those rude temples, or places of incantation or

worship, known to the metas, or priests, where certain rites and

ceremonies are performed. But it was not an ordinary medicine lodge.

There had been far more care in its construction.

On reaching the village of Sandy lake, on the upper Mississippi, the

figures of animals, birds, and other devices were found, on the rude

coffins, or wrappings of their dead, which were scaffolded around the

precincts of the fort, and upon the open shores of the lake. Similar

devices were also observed, here, as at other points in this region,

upon their arms, war-clubs, canoes, and other pieces of moveable

property, as well as upon their grave posts.

In the descent of the Mississippi, we observed such devices painted on a

rock, below and near the mouth of Elk river, and at a rocky island in

the river, at the Little Falls. In the course of our descent to the

Falls at St. Anthony, we observed another bark letter, as the party now

began to call these inscriptions, suspended on a high pole, on an

elevated bank of the river, on its west shore. At this spot, where we

encamped for the night, and which is just opposite a point of highly

crystalized hornblende rock, called the Peace Rock, rising up through

the prairie, there were left standing the poles or skeletons of a great

number of Sioux lodges. It is near and a little west of the territorial

boundary of the Sioux nation; and on inspecting this scroll of bark, we

found it had reference to a negociation for bringing about a permanent

peace between the Sioux and Chippewas. A large party of the former, from

St. Peter's, headed by their chief, had proceeded thus far, in the hope

of meeting the Chippewa hunters, on their summer hunt. They had been

countenanced, or directed in this step, by Col. Leavenworth, the

commanding officer of the new post, just then about to be erected. The

inscription, which was read off at once, by the Chippewa Chief

Babesacundabee, who was with us, told all this; it gave the name of the

Chief who had led the party, and the number of his followers, and gave

that chief the first assurance he had, that his mission for the same

purpose, would be favourably received.

After our arrival at St. Anthony's Falls, it was found that this system

of picture writing was as familiar to the Dacotah, as we had found it

among the Algonquin race. At Prairie du Chien, and at Green Bay, the

same evidences were observed among the Monomonees, and the Winnebagoes,

at Chicago among the Pottowottomies, and at Michilimakinac, among the

Chippewas and Ottawas who resort, in such numbers, to that Island. While

at the latter place, on my return, I went to visit the grave of a noted

chief of the Monomonee tribe, who had been known by his French name of

Toma, i.e. Thomas. He had been buried on the hill west of the village;

and on looking at his Ad-je-da-tig or grave post, it bore a pictorial

inscription, commemorating some of the prominent achievements of his

life.

These hints served to direct my attention to the subject when I returned

to the country in 1822. The figures of a deer, a bear, a turtle, and a

crane, according to this system, stand respectively for the names of

men, and preserve the language very well, by yielding to the person

conversant with it, the corresponding words, of Addick, Muckwa,

Mickenock, and Adjeejauk. Marks, circles, or dots, of various kinds, may

symbolize the number of warlike deeds. Adjunct devices may typify or

explain adjunct acts. If the system went no farther, the record would

yield a kind of information both gratifying and useful to one of his

countrymen who had no letters and was expert in the use of symbols; and

the interpretation of it, would be easy and precise in proportion as the

signs were general, conventional, and well understood. There was

abundant evidence in my first year's observation, to denote that this

mode of communication was in vogue, and well understood by the northern

tribes; but it hardly seemed susceptible of a farther or extended use.

It was not till I had made a personal acquaintance with one of their

Medas--a man of much intelligence, and well versed in their customs,

religion, and history, that a more enlarged application of it appeared

to be practicable. I observed in the hands of this man a tabular piece

of wood, covered over on both sides, with a series of devices cut

between parallel lines, which he referred to, as if they were the notes

of his medicine and mystical songs. I heard him sing these songs, and

observed that their succession was fixed and uniform. By cultivating his

acquaintance, and by suitable attention and presents, such as the

occasion rendered proper, he consented to explain the meaning of each

figure, the object symbolized, and the words attached to each symbol. By

this revelation, which was made with closed doors, I became a member or

initiate of the Medicine Society, and also of the Wabeno Society. Care

was taken to write each sentence of the songs and chants in the Indian

language, with its appropriate devices, and to subjoin a literal

translation in English. When this had been done, and the system

considered, it was very clear that the devices were mnemonic--that any

person could sing from these devices, very accurately, what he had

previously committed to memory, and that the system revealed a curious

scheme of symbolic notation.