CHAPTER VII

ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE EUGENICS MOVEMENT

"Eugenics," wrote Francis Galton, who founded the science and coined the

name, "is the study of agencies under social control that may improve or

impair the racial qualities of future generations, either physically or

mentally." The definition is universally accepted, but by its use of the

word "study" it defines a pure science, and the present book is

concerned rather with the application of such a science. Accepting

Galton's definition, we shall for our purposes slightly extend it by

saying that applied eugenics embraces all such measures, in use or

prospect either individually or collectively, as may improve or impair

the racial qualities of future generations of man, either physically or

mentally, whether or not this was the avowed purpose.

It is one of the newest of sciences. It was practically forced into

existence by logical necessity. It is certainly here to stay, and it

demands the right to speak, in many cases to cast the deciding vote, on

some of the most important questions that confront society.

The science of eugenics is the natural result of the spread and

acceptance of organic evolution, following the publication of Darwin's

work on _The Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection_, in 1859.

It took a generation for his ideas to win the day; but then they

revolutionized the intellectual life of the civilized world. Man came to

realize that the course of nature is regular; that the observed

sequences of events can be described in formulas which are called

natural laws; he learned that he could achieve great results in plant

and animal breeding by working in harmony with these laws. Then the

question logically arose, "Is not man himself subject to these same

laws? Can he not use his knowledge of them to improve his own species,

as he has been more or less consciously improving the plants and animals

that were of most value to him, for many centuries?"

The evolutionist answered both these questions affirmatively. However

great may be the superiority of his mind, man is first of all an animal,

subject to the natural laws that govern other animals. He can learn to

comply with these laws; he can, therefore, take an active share in

furthering the process of evolution toward a higher life.

That, briefly, is the scope of the science of eugenics, as its founder,

Sir Francis Galton, conceived it. "Now that this new animal, man, finds

himself somehow in existence, endowed with a little power and

intelligence," Galton wrote 30 years ago, "he ought, I submit, to awake

to a fuller knowledge of his relatively great position, and begin to

assume a deliberate part in furthering the great work of evolution. He

may infer the course it is bound to pursue, from his observation of that

which it has already followed, and he might devote his modicum of power,

intelligence and kindly feeling to render its future progress less slow

and painful. Man has already furthered evolution very considerably, half

consciously, and for his own personal advantages, but he has not yet

risen to the conviction that it is his religious duty to do so,

deliberately and systematically."

But, it may well be asked, how does this sudden need for eugenics arise,

when the world has gone along without it for hundreds of millions of

years in the past, and the human race has made the great ascent from an

ape-like condition in spite of the fact that such a science as eugenics

was never dreamed of?

For answer recall that natural selection, which is mainly responsible

for bringing man to his present situation, has worked chiefly through a

differential death-rate. The less fit die: the more fit survive. In the

earlier stages of society, man interfered little with natural selection.

But during the last century the increase of the philanthropic spirit and

the progress of medicine have done a great deal to interfere with the

selective process. In some ways, selection in the human race has almost

ceased; in many ways it is actually reversed, that is, it results in the

survival of the inferior rather than the superior. In the olden days the

criminal was summarily executed, the weakly child died soon after birth

through lack of proper care and medical attention, the insane were dealt

with so violently that if they were not killed by the treatment they

were at least left hopelessly "incurable" and had little chance of

becoming parents. Harsh measures, all of these, but they kept the

germ-plasm of the race reasonably purified.

To-day, how is it? The inefficients, the wastrels, the physical, mental,

and moral cripples are carefully preserved at public expense. The

criminal is turned out on parole after a few years, to become the father

of a family. The insane is discharged as "cured," again to take up the

duties of citizenship. The feeble-minded child is painfully "educated,"

often at the expense of his normal brother or sister. In short, the

undesirables of the race, with whom the bloody hand of natural selection

would have made short work early in life, are now nursed along to old

age.

Of course, one would not have it otherwise with respect to the

prolongation of life. To expose deformed children as the Spartans did

would outrage our moral sentiments; to chloroform the incurable is a

proposition that almost every one condemns.

But this philanthropic spirit, this zealous regard for the interests of

the unfortunate, which is rightly considered one of the highest

manifestations of Christian civilization, has in many cases benefited

the few at the expense of the many. The present generation, in making

its own life comfortable, is leaving a staggering bill to be paid by

posterity.

It is at this point that eugenics comes in and demands that a

distinction be made between the interests of the individual and the

interests of the race. It does not yield to any one in its solicitude

for the individual unfortunate; but it says, "His happiness in life does

not need to include leaving a family of children, inheritors of his

defects, who if they were able to think might curse him for begetting

them and curse society for allowing them to be born." And looking at the

other side of the problem, eugenics says to the young man and young

woman, "You should enjoy the greatest happiness that love can bring to

a life. But something more is expected of you than a selfish,

short-sighted indifference to all except yourselves in the world. When

you understand the relation of the individual to the race, you will find

your greatest happiness only in a marriage which will result in a family

of worthy children. You are temporarily a custodian of the inheritance

of the whole past; it is far more disgraceful for you to squander or

ruin this heritage, or to regard it as intended solely for your

individual, selfish gratification, than it would be for you to dissipate

a fortune in money which you had received, or to betray any trust which

had been confided to you by one of your fellow men."

Such is the teaching of eugenics. It is not wholly new. The early Greeks

gave much thought to it, and with the insight which characterized them,

they rightly put the emphasis on the constructive side; they sought to

breed better men and women, not merely to accomplish a work of hygiene,

to lessen taxes, and reduce suffering, by reducing the number of

unfortunates among them. As early as the first half of the sixth century

B. C. the Greek poet Theognis of Megara wrote: "We look for rams and

asses and stallions of good stock, and one believes that good will come

from good; yet a good man minds not to wed an evil daughter of an evil

sire, if he but give her much wealth.... Wealth confounds our stock.

Marvel not that the stock of our folk is tarnished, for the good is

mingling with the base." A century later eugenics was discussed in some

detail by Plato, who suggested that the state intervene to mate the best

with the best, and the worst with the worst; the former should be

encouraged to have large families, and their children should be reared

by the government, while the children of the unfit were to be, as he

says, "put away in some mysterious, unknown places, as they should be."

Aristotle developed the idea on political lines, being more interested

in the economic than the biological aspects of marriage; but he held

firmly to the doctrine that the state should feel free to intervene in

the interests of reproductive selection.

For nearly two thousand years after this, conscious eugenic ideals were

largely ignored. Constant war reversed natural selection, as it is doing

to-day, by killing off the physically fit and leaving the relatively

unfit to reproduce the race; while monasticism and the enforced celibacy

of the priesthood performed a similar office for many of the mentally

superior, attracting them to a career in which they could leave no

posterity. At the beginning of the last century a germ of modern

eugenics is visible in Malthus' famous essay on population, in which he

directed attention to the importance of the birth-rate for human

welfare, since this essay led Darwin and Wallace to enunciate the theory

of natural selection, and to point out clearly the effects of artificial

selection. It is really on Darwin's work that the modern science of

eugenics is based, and it owes its beginning to Darwin's cousin, Francis

Galton.

Galton was born in 1822, studied mathematics and medicine, traveled

widely, attained fame as an explorer in South Africa, and after

inheriting sufficient income to make him independent, settled down in

London and gave his time to pioneering experiments in many branches of

science. He contributed largely to founding the science of meteorology,

opened new paths in experimental psychology, introduced the system of

finger prints to anthropology, and took up the study of heredity,

publishing in 1865 a series of articles under the title of "Hereditary

Talent and Genius," which contained his first utterances on eugenics.

The present generation can hardly understand what a new field Galton

broke. Even Darwin had supposed that men do not differ very much in

intellectual endowment, and that their differences in achievement are

principally the result of differences in zeal and industry. Galton's

articles, whose thesis was that better men could be bred by conscious

selection, attracted much attention from the scientific world and were

expanded in 1869 in his book _Hereditary Genius_.

This was an elaborate and painstaking study of the biographies of 977

men who would rank, according to Galton's estimate, as about 1 to 4,000

of the general population, in respect to achievement. The number of

families found to contain more than one eminent man was 300, divided as

follows: Judges, 85; Statesmen, 39; Commanders, 27; Literary, 33;

Scientific, 43; Poets, 20; Artists, 28; Divines, 25. The close groupings

of the interrelated eminence led to the conclusion that heredity plays a

very important part in achievement. The greater success of real sons of

great men as compared with adopted sons of great men likewise indicated,

he thought, that success is due to actual biological heredity rather

than to the good opportunities afforded the scion of the illustrious

family. Galton's conclusion was that by selecting from strains that

produced eminence, a superior human stock could be bred.

In 1874 he published a similar study of the heredity of 180 eminent

English scientists, reëmphasizing the claims of nature over nurture, to

use his familiar antithesis. In 1883 he published "Inquiries into the

Human Faculty and Its Development," a collection of evolutionary and

anthropometric essays where the word Eugenics was first used in a new

exposition of the author's views. "Natural Inheritance" appeared in

1889, being the essence of various memoirs published since "Hereditary

Genius," dealing with the general biological principles underlying the

study of heredity and continuing the study of resemblances between

individuals in respect to stature, eye color, artistic faculty and

morbid conditions.

Galton's interest in eugenics was not lessened by the abundant criticism

he received, and in 1901 he defended "The Possible Improvement of the

Human Breed under Existing Conditions of Law and Sentiment" before the

Anthropological Society. Three years later he read a paper entitled

"Eugenics; Its Definition, Scope and Aims," to the Sociological Society.

His program, in brief, was as follows:

1. Disseminate knowledge of hereditary laws as far as surely known and

promote their further study.

2. Inquire into birth rates of various strata of society (classified

according to civic usefulness) in ancient and modern nations.

3. Collect reliable data showing how large and thriving families have

most frequently originated.

4. Study the influences affecting marriage.

5. Persistently set forth the national importance of Eugenics.

The following year, Galton again read a paper before the Society,

suggesting the award of certificates of quality to the eugenically fit.

He also maintained that marriage customs which are largely controlled by

public opinion could be modified for racial welfare through a molding of

public sentiment.

In 1904 he founded a Research Fellowship at the University of London to

determine, if possible, what the standard of fitness is, and in 1905 a

Scholarship was added. Edgar Schuster and Miss E. M. Elderton held these

posts until 1907, when Professor Karl Pearson took charge of the

research work and, at the resignation of Mr. Schuster, David Heron was

appointed Fellow. On Galton's death, January 17, 1911, it became known

that through the terms of his will a professorship was founded and

Professor Pearson was invited to hold it. His corps of workers

constitutes the Galton Eugenics Laboratory staff.

To spread throughout the British Empire such knowledge of eugenics as

might be gathered by specialists, the Eugenics Education Society was

formed in 1908 with Galton as honorary president. Its field comprises:

(1) Biology in so far as it concerns hereditary selection; (2)

Anthropology as related to race and marriage; (3) Politics, where it

bears on parenthood in relation to civic worth; (4) Ethics, in so far as

it promotes ideals that lead to the improvement of social quality; (5)

Religion, in so far as it strengthens and sanctifies eugenic duty.

In America the movement got an early start but developed slowly. The

first definite step was the formation of an Institute of Heredity in

Boston, shortly after 1880, by Loring Moody, who was assisted by the

poet Longfellow, Samuel E. Sewall, Mrs. Horace Mann, and other

well-known people. He proposed to work very much along the lines that

the Eugenics Record Office later adopted, but he was ahead of his time,

and his attempt seems to have come to nothing.

In 1883 Alexander Graham Bell, who may be considered the first

scientific worker in eugenics in the United States, published a paper on

the danger of the formation of a deaf variety of the human race in this

country, in which he gave the result of researches he had made at

Martha's Vineyard and other localities during preceding years, on the

pedigrees of congenitally deaf persons--deaf mutes, as they were then

called. He showed clearly that congenital deafness is largely due to

heredity, that it is much increased by consanguineous marriages, and

that it is of great importance to prevent the marriage of persons, in

both of whose families congenital deafness is present. About five years

later he founded the Volta Bureau in Washington, D. C., for the study of

deafness, and this has fostered a great deal of research work on this

particular phase of heredity.

In 1903 the American Breeders' Association was founded at St. Louis by

plant and animals breeders who desired to keep in touch with the new

subject of genetics, the science of breeding, which was rapidly coming

to have great practical importance. From the outset, the members

realized that the changes which they could produce in races of animals

and plants might also be produced in man, and the science of eugenics

was thus recognized on a sound biological basis. Soon a definite

eugenics section was formed, and as the importance of this section

increased, and it was realized that the name of Breeders' Association

was too narrowly construed by the public, the association changed its

name (1913) to the American Genetic Association, and the name of its

organ from the _American Breeders' Magazine_ to the _Journal of

Heredity_.

Under the auspices of this association, the Eugenics Record Office was

established at Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, by Dr. C. B. Davenport.

It has been mainly supported by Mrs. E. H. Harriman, but has since been

taken over by the Carnegie Institution of Washington. It is gathering

pedigrees in many parts of the United States, analyzing them and

publishing the results in a series of bulletins.

In the last few years, the public has come to take a keen interest in

the possibilities of eugenics. This has led some sex hygienists, child

welfare workers, and persons similarly engaged, to attempt to capitalize

the interest in eugenics by appropriating the name for their own use. We

strongly object to any such misuse of the word, which should designate

the application of genetics to the human race. Sex hygiene, child

welfare, and other sanitary and sociological movements should stand on

their own feet and leave to eugenics the scope which its Greek

derivation indicates for it,--the science of good breeding.[73]

In all parts of Europe, the ideas of eugenics have gradually spread. In

1912 the first International Eugenics Congress was held at London, under

auspices of the Eugenics Education Society; more than 700 delegates were

in attendance.

Germany, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria are united in an International

Eugenics Society and the war led to the formation of a number of

separate societies in Germany. Hungary has formed an organization of its

own, France has its society in Paris, and the Italian Anthropological

Society has given much attention to the subject. The Anthropological

Society of Denmark has similarly recognized eugenics by the formation of

a separate section. The Institut Solvay of Belgium, a foundation with

sociological aims, created a eugenics section several years ago; and in

Holland a strong committee has been formed. Last of all, Sweden has put

a large separate organization in the field.

In the United States the subject has interested many women's clubs,

college organizations and Young Men's Christian Associations, while the

periodical press has given it a large amount of attention. Public

enthusiasm, often ill-guided, has in a few cases outrun the facts, and

has secured legislation in some states, which by no means meets the

approval of most scientific eugenists.

When we speak of scientific eugenists, it may appear that we use the

word in an invidious way. We use it deliberately, and by using it we

mean to intimate that we do not think enthusiasm is an adequate

substitute for knowledge, in anyone who assumes to pass judgment upon a

measure as being eugenic or dysgenic--as likely to improve the race or

cause its deterioration. Eugenics is a biological science which, in its

application, must be interpreted with the help of the best scientific

method. Very few social workers, whose field eugenics touches, are

competent to understand its bearings without some study, and an

appreciation of eugenics is the more difficult for them, because an

understanding of it will show them that some of their work is based on

false premises. The average legislator is equally unlikely to understand

the full import of eugenics, unless he has made a definite effort to do

so. All the more honor, then, to the rapidly increasing number of social

workers and legislators who have grasped the full meaning of eugenics

and are now striving to put it in effect. The agriculturist, through his

experience with plants and animals, is probably better qualified than

anyone else to realize the practicability of eugenics, and it is

accordingly not a matter of mere chance that the science of eugenics in

America was built up by a breeders' association, and has found and still

finds hundreds of effective advocates in the graduates of the

agricultural colleges.

The program of eugenics naturally divides itself in two parts:

(1) Reducing the racial contribution of the least desirable part of the

population.

(2) Increasing the racial contribution of the superior part of the

population.

The first part of this program is the most pressing and the most easily

dealt with; it is no cause for surprise, then, that to many people it

has seemed to be the predominant aim of eugenics. Certainly the problem

is great enough to stagger anyone who looks it full in the face;

although for a variety of reasons, satisfactory statistical evidence of

racial degeneracy is hard to get.

Considering only the "institutional population" of the United States,

one gets the following figures:

BLIND: total, 64,763 according to census of 1900. Of these,

35,645 were totally blind and 29,118 partly blind. The affection is

stated to have been congenital in 4,730 cases. Nineteen per cent of the

blind were found to have blind relatives; 4.5% of them were returned as

the offspring of cousin marriages.

DEAF: total, 86,515, according to the census of 1900. More than

50,000 of them were deaf from childhood (under 20), 12,609 being deaf

from birth. At least 4.5% of the deaf were stated to be offspring of

cousin marriages, and 32.1% to have deaf relatives. The significance of

this can not be determined unless it is known how many normal persons

have deaf relatives (or blind relatives, in considering the preceding

paragraph), but it points to the existence of families that are

characterized by deafness (or blindness).

INSANE: the census of 1910 enumerated only the insane who were

in institutions; they numbered 187,791. The number outside of

institutions is doubtless considerable but can not be computed. The

institutional population is not a permanent, but mainly a transient one,

the number of persons discharged from institutions in 1910 being 29,304.

As the number and size of institutions does not increase very rapidly,

it would appear probable that 25,000 insane persons pass through and out

of institutions, and back into the general population, each year. From

this one can get some idea of the amount of neurotic weakness in the

population of the United States,--much of it congenital and heritable in

character.

FEEBLE-MINDED: the census (1910) lists only those in

institutions, who totaled about 40,000. The census experts believe that

200,000 would be a conservative estimate of the total number of

feeble-minded in the country, and many psychologists think that 300,000

would be more nearly accurate. The number of feeble-minded who are

receiving institutional care is almost certainly not more than 10% or

15% of the total, and many of these (about 15,000) are in almshouses,

not special institutions.

PAUPERS: There were 84,198 paupers enumerated in almshouses on

January 1, 1910, and 88,313 admitted during the year, which indicates

that the almshouse paupers are a rapidly shifting group. This

population, probably of several hundred thousand persons, who drift

into and out of almshouses, can hardly be characterized accurately, but

in large part it must be considered at least inefficient and probably of

mentally low grade.

CRIMINALS: The inmates of prisons, penitentiaries,

reformatories, and similar places of detention numbered 111,609 in 1910;

this does not include 25,000 juvenile delinquents. The jail population

is nearly all transient; one must be very cautious in inferring that

conviction for an offense against the law indicates lack of eugenic

value; but it is worth noting that the number of offenders who are

feeble-minded is probably not less than one-fourth or one-third. If the

number of inebriates could be added, it would greatly increase the

total; and inebriacy or chronic alcoholism is generally recognized now

as indicating in a majority of cases either feeble-mindedness or some

other defect of the nervous system. The number of criminals who are in

some way neurotically tainted is placed by some psychologists at 50% or

more of the total prison population.

Add to these a number of epileptics, tramps, prostitutes, beggars, and

others whom the census enumerator finds it difficult to catch, and the

total number of possible undesirable parents becomes very large. It is

in fact much larger than appears in these figures, because of the fact

that many people carry defects that are latent and only appear in the

offspring of a marriage representing two tainted strains. Thus the

feeble-minded child usually if not always has feeble-mindedness in both

his father's and mother's ancestry, and for every one of the patent

feeble-minded above enumerated, there may be several dozen latent ones,

who are themselves probably normal in every way and yet carry the

dangerously tainted germ-plasm.

The estimate has frequently been made that the United States would be

much better off eugenically if it were deprived of the future racial

contributions of at least 10% of its citizens. While literally true this

estimate is too high for the group which could be considered for

attempts to directly control in a practical eugenics program.

Natural selection, in the early days of man's history, would have killed

off many of these people early in life. They would have been unable to

compete with their physically and mentally more vigorous fellows and

would have died miserably by starvation or violence. Natural selection's

use of the death-rate was a brutal one, but at least it prevented such

traits as these people show from increasing in each generation.

Eugenists hope to arrive at the same result, not by the death-rate but

by the birth-rate. If germinally anti-social persons are kept humanely

segregated during their lifetime, instead of being turned out after a

few years of institutional life and allowed to marry, they will leave no

descendants, and the number of congenital defectives in the community

will be notably diminished. If the same policy is followed through

succeeding generations, the number of defectives, of those incapable of

taking a useful part in society, will become smaller and smaller. One

who does not believe that these people hand on their traits to their

descendants may profitably consider the famous history of the so-called

Juke family, a strain originating among the "finger lakes" of New York,

whose history was published by R. L. Dugdale as far back as 1877 and

lately restudied by A. H. Estabrook.

"From one lazy vagabond nicknamed 'Juke,' born in 1720, whose two sons

married five degenerate sisters, six generations numbering about 1,200

persons of every grade of idleness, viciousness, lewdness, pauperism,

disease, idiocy, insanity and criminality were traced. Of the total

seven generations, 300 died in infancy; 310 were professional paupers,

kept in almshouses a total of 2,300 years; 440 were physically wrecked

by their own 'diseased wickedness'; more than half the women fell into

prostitution; 130 were convicted criminals; 60 were thieves; 7 were

murderers; only 20 learned a trade, 10 of these in state prison, and all

at a state cost of over $1,250,000."[74]

How heredity works both ways, is shown by the history of the Kallikak

family, published by H. H. Goddard a few years ago.

"At the beginning of the Revolutionary War a young man, known in the

history as Martin Kallikak, had a son by a nameless, feeble-minded girl,

from whom there have descended in the direct line four hundred and

eighty individuals. One hundred and forty-three of these are known to

have been feeble-minded, and only forty-six are known to have been

normal. The rest are unknown or doubtful. Thirty-six have been

illegitimate; thirty-three, sexually immoral, mostly prostitutes;

twenty-four, alcoholic; three, epileptic; eighty-two died in infancy;

three were criminal, and eight kept houses of ill-fame. After the war,

Martin Kallikak married a woman of good stock. From this union have come

in direct line four hundred and ninety-six, among whom only two were

alcoholic, and one known to be sexually immoral. The legitimate children

of Martin have been doctors, lawyers, judges, educators, traders,

landholders, in short, respectable citizens, men and women prominent in

every phase of social life. These two families have lived on the same

soil, in the same atmosphere, and in short, under the same general

environment, yet the bar sinister has marked every generation of one and

has been unknown in the other."

If it were possible to improve or eradicate these defective strains by

giving them better surroundings, the nation might easily get rid of this

burden. But we have given reasons in Chapter I for believing that the

problem can not be solved in that way, and more evidence to the same

effect will be present in other chapters of the book.

An understanding of the nature of the problem will show that present

methods of dispensing justice, giving charity, dealing with defectives

and working for social betterment need careful examination and numerous

modifications, if they are not to be ineffectual or merely palliative,

or worse still, if they are not to give temporary relief at the cost of

greatly aggravating the social disease in the end.

In the past America has given and at present still gives much thought to

the individual and little, if any, to posterity. Eugenics does not want

to diminish this regard for the individual, but it does insistently

declare that the interests of the many are greater than those of the

few, and it holds that a statesmanlike policy requires thought for the

future as well as the present. It would be hard to find a eugenist

to-day who would propose, with Plato, that the infants with bad heredity

should be put to death, but their right to grow up to the fullest

enjoyment of life does not necessarily include the right to pass on

their defective heredity to a long line of descendants, naturally

increasing in number in each generation. Indeed a regard for the

totality of human happiness makes it necessary that they should not so

continue.

While it is the hope of eugenics that fewer defective and anti-social

individuals shall be born in the future, it has been emphasized so much

that the program of eugenics is likely to be seen in false perspective.

In reality it is the less important side of the picture. More good

citizens are wanted, as well as fewer bad ones. Every race requires

leaders. These leaders appear from time to time, and enough is known

about eugenics now to show that their appearance is frequently

predictable, not accidental. It is possible to have them appear more

frequently; and in addition, to raise the level of the whole race,

making the entire nation happier and more useful. These are the great

tasks of eugenics. America needs more families like that old Puritan

strain which is one of the familiar examples of eugenics:

"At their head stands Jonathan Edwards, and behind him an array of his

descendants numbering in 1900, 1,394, of whom 295 were college

graduates; 13 presidents of our greatest colleges; 65 professors in

colleges, besides many principals of other important educational

institutions; 60 physicians, many of whom were eminent; 100 and more

clergymen, missionaries, or theological professors; 75 were officers in

the army and navy; 60 prominent authors and writers, by whom 135 books

of merit were written and published and 18 important periodicals edited;

33 American states and several foreign countries, and 92 American cities

and many foreign cities have profited by the beneficent influences of

their eminent activity; 100 and more were lawyers, of whom one was our

most eminent professor of law; 30 were judges; 80 held public office, of

whom one was vice president of the United States; three were United

States senators; several were governors, members of Congress, framers of

state constitutions, mayors of cities and ministers of foreign courts;

one was president of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company; 15 railroads,

many banks, insurance companies, and large industrial enterprises have

been indebted to their management. Almost if not every department of

social progress and of the public weal has felt the impulse of this

healthy and long-lived family. It is not known that any one of them was

ever convicted of crime."

Every one will agree that the nation needs more families like that. How

can it get them? Galton blazed the way in 1865, when he pointed to

selective breeding as the effective means. The animal breeder knows what

marvels he can accomplish by this means; but it is not practicable to

breed human beings in that direct way. Is there any indirect method of

reaching the same ends?

There are, in our opinion, a good many such means, and it is the

principal purpose of this book to point them out. The problem of

constructive or positive eugenics, naturally divides itself into two

parts:

1. To secure a sufficient number of marriages of the superior.

2. To secure an adequate birth-rate from these marriages.

The problem of securing these two results is a complex one, which must

be attacked by a variety of methods. It is necessary that superior

people first be made to desire marriage and children; and secondly, that

it be economically and otherwise possible for them to carry out this

desire.

It may be of interest to know how the Germans are attacking the problem,

even though some of their measures may be considered ineffective or

inadvisable.

At its annual meeting in 1914 the German Society for Race Hygiene

adopted a resolution on the subject of applied eugenics. "The future of

the German people is at stake," it declares. "The German empire can not

in the long run maintain its true nationality and the independence of

its development, if it does not begin without delay and with the

greatest energy to mold its internal and external politics as well as

the whole life of the people in accordance with eugenic principles. Most

important of all are measures for a higher reproduction of healthy and

able families. The rapidly declining birth-rate of the healthy and able

families necessarily leads to the social, economical and political

retrogression of the German people," it points out, and then goes on to

enumerate the causes of this decline, which it thinks is partly due to

the action of racial poisons but principally to the increasing willful

restriction of the number of children.

The society recognizes that the reasons for this limitation of the size

of families are largely economic. It enumerates the question of expense,

considerations of economic inheritance--that is, a father does not like

to divide up his estate too much; the labor of women, which is

incompatible with the raising of a large family; and the difficulties

caused by the crowded housing in the large cities.

In order to secure a posterity sufficient in number and ability, the

resolution continues, The German Society for Race Hygiene demands:

1. A back-to-the farm movement.

2. Better housing facilities in the cities.

3. Economic assistance of large families through payment of a

substantial relief to married mothers who survive their husbands, and

consideration of the number of children in the payment of public and

private employees.

4. Abolition of certain impediments to marriage, such as the army

regulation forbidding officers to marry before they reach a certain

grade.

5. Increase of tax on alcohol, tobacco and luxuries, the proceeds to be

used to subsidize worthy families.

6. Medical regulations of a hygienic nature.

7. Setting out large prizes for excellent works of art (novels, dramas,

plastic arts) which glorify the ideal of motherhood, the family and

simple life.

8. Awakening a national mind ready to undergo sacrifices on behalf of

future generations.

In spite of some defects such a program brings out clearly the principle

of eugenics,--the substitution of a selective birth-rate for the

selective death-rate by which natural selection has brought the race to

its present level. Nature lets a multitude of individuals be born and

kills off the poorer ones; eugenics proposes to have fewer poor ones and

more good ones born in each generation.

Any means which tends to bring about one of those ends, is a part of

Applied Eugenics.

By this time the reader will have seen that eugenics has some definite

ideals not only as to how the race can be kept from deteriorating

further, under the interference with natural selection which

civilization entails, but as to how its physical, mental and moral level

can actually be raised. He can easily draw his own conclusions as to

what eugenics does _not_ propose. No eugenist worthy of the name has

ever proposed to breed genius as the stockman breeds trotting horses,

despite jibes of the comic press to the contrary. But if young people,

before picking out their life partners, are thoroughly imbued with the

idea that such qualities as energy, longevity, a sound constitution,

public and private worth, are primarily due to heredity, and if they are

taught to realize the fact that one marries not an individual but a

family, the eugenist believes that better matings will be made,

sometimes realized, sometimes insensibly.

Furthermore, if children from such matings are made an asset rather than

a liability; if society ceases to penalize, in a hundred insidious ways,

the parents of large and superior families, but honors and aids them

instead, one may justifiably hope that the birth-rate in the most useful

and happy part of the population will steadily increase.

Perhaps that is as far as it is necessary that the aim of eugenics

should be defined; yet one can hardly ignore the philosophical aspect

of the problem. Galton's suggestion that man should assist the course of

his own evolution meets with the general approval of biologists; but

when one asks what the ultimate goal of human evolution should be, one

faces a difficult question. Under these circumstances, can it be said

that eugenics really has a goal, or is it merely stumbling along in the

dark, possibly far from the real road, of whose existence it is aware

but of whose location it has no knowledge?

There are several routes on which one can proceed with the confidence

that, if no one of them is the main road, at least it is likely to lead

into the latter at some time. Fortunately, eugenics is, paradoxical as

it may seem, able to advance on all these paths at once; for it proposes

no definite goal, it sets up no one standard to which it would make the

human race conform. Taking man as it finds him, it proposes to multiply

all the types that have been found by past experience or present reason

to be of most value to society. Not only would it multiply them in

numbers, but also in efficiency, in capacity to serve the race.

By so doing, it undoubtedly fulfills the requirements of that popular

philosophy which holds the aim of society to be the greatest happiness

for the greatest number, or more definitely the increase of the totality

of human happiness. To cause not to exist those who would be doomed from

birth to give only unhappiness to themselves and those about them; to

increase the number of those in whom useful physical and mental traits

are well developed; to bring about an increase in the number of

energetic altruists and a decrease in the number of the anti-social or

defective; surely such an undertaking will come nearer to increasing the

happiness of the greatest number, than will any temporary social

palliative, any ointment for incurable social wounds. To those who

accept that philosophy, made prominent by Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart

Mill, Herbert Spencer, and a host of other great thinkers, eugenics

rightly understood must seem a prime necessity of society.

But can any philosophy dispense with eugenics? Take those to whom the

popular philosophy of happiness seems a dangerous goal and to whom the

only object of evolution that one is at present justified in

recognizing is that of the perpetuation of the species and of the

progressive conquest of nature, the acquiring of an ascendancy over all

the earth. This is now as much a matter of self-preservation as it is of

progress: although man no longer fights for life with the cave bear and

saber-toothed tiger, the microbes which war with him are far more

dangerous enemies than the big mammals of the past. The continuation of

evolution, if it means conquest, is not a work for dilettantes and Lotos

Eaters; it is a task that demands unremitting hard work.

To this newer philosophy of creative work eugenics is none the less

essential. For eugenics wants in the world more physically sound men and

women _with greater ability in any valuable way_. Whatever the actual

goal of evolution may be, it can hardly be assumed by any except the

professional pessimist, that a race made up of such men and women is

going to be handicapped by their presence.

The correlation of abilities is as well attested as any fact in

psychology. Those who decry eugenics on the ground that it is impossible

to establish any "standard of perfection," since society needs many

diverse kinds of people, are overlooking this fact. Any plan which

increases the production of children in able families of _various_ types

will thereby produce more ability of all kinds, since if a family is

particularly gifted in one way, it is likely to be gifted above the

average in several other desirable ways.

Eugenics sets up no specific superman, as a type to which the rest of

the race must be made to conform. It is not looking forward to the

cessation of its work in a eugenic millenium. It is a perpetual process,

which seeks only to raise the level of the race by the production of

fewer people with physical and mental defects, and more people with

physical and mental excellencies. Such a race should be able to

perpetuate itself, to subdue nature, to improve its environment

progressively; its members should be happy and productive. To establish

such a goal seems justified by the knowledge of evolution which is now

available; and to make progress toward it is possible.

Applied Eugenics · 第 6 / 20 章