The other great division of English Puritanism is formed by the

Methodists. Wesleyan Methodism is, as is well known, not Calvinist, but

Arminian. The _Methodist Magazine_ was called by Wesley the _Arminian

Magazine_, and kept that title all through his life. Arminianism is an

attempt made with the best intentions, and with much truth of practical

sense, but not in a very profound philosophical spirit, to escape from

what perplexes and shocks us in Calvinism. The God of Calvinism is a

magnified and non-natural man who decrees at his mere good pleasure some

men to salvation and other men to reprobation; the God of Arminianism is

a magnified and non-natural man who foreknows the course of each man's

life, and who decrees each of us to salvation or reprobation in

accordance with this foreknowledge. But so long as we remain in this

anthropomorphic order of ideas the question will always occur: Why did

not a being of infinite power and infinite love so make all men as that

there should be no cause for this sad foreknowledge and sad decree

respecting a number of them? In truth, Calvinism is both theologically

more coherent, and also shows a deeper sense of reality than

Arminianism, which, in the practical man's fashion, is apt to scrape the

surface of things only.

For instance, the Arminian Remonstrants, in their zeal to justify the

morality, in a human sense, of God's ways, maintained that he sent his

word to one nation rather than another according as he saw that one

nation was more worthy than another of such a preference. The Calvinist

doctors of the Synod of Dort have no difficulty in showing that Moses

and Christ both of them assert, with respect to the Jewish nation, the

direct contrary; and not only do they here obtain a theological triumph,

but in rebutting the Arminian theory they are in accordance with

historical truth and with the real march of human affairs. They allow

more for the great fact of the _not ourselves_ in what we do and are.

The Calvinists seize, we say, that great fact better than the Arminians.

The Calvinist's fault is in his scientific appreciation of the fact; in

the reasons he gives for it. God, he says, sends his word to one nation

rather than another at _his mere good pleasure_. Here we have again the

magnified and non-natural man, who likes and dislikes, knows and

decrees, just as a man, only on a scale immensely transcending anything

of which we have experience, and whose proceedings we nevertheless

describe as if he were in the next street for people to verify all we

say about him.

Arminian Methodism, however, puts aside the Calvinistic doctrine of

predestination. The foremost place, which in the Calvinist scheme

belongs to the doctrine of predestination, belongs in the Methodist

scheme to the doctrine of justification by faith. More and more

prominently does modern Methodism elevate this as its essential

doctrine; and the era in their founder's life which Methodists select to

celebrate is the era of his conversion to it. It is the doctrine of

Anselm, adopted and developed by Luther, set forth in the Confession of

Augsburg, and current all through the popular theology of our day. We

shall find it in almost any popular hymn we happen to take, but the

following lines of Milton exhibit it classically. By the fall of our

first parents, says he:--

Man, losing all,

To expiate his treason hath nought left,

But to destruction sacred and devote

He with his whole posterity must die;

Die he or justice must; unless for him

Some other able, and as willing, pay

The rigid satisfaction; death for death.

By Adam's fall, God's justice and mercy were placed in conflict. God

could not follow his mercy without violating his justice. Christ by his

satisfaction gave the Father the right and power (_nudum jus Patri

acquirebat_, said the Arminians) to follow his mercy, and to make with

man the covenant of free justification by faith, whereby, if a man has a

sure trust and confidence that his sins are forgiven him in virtue of

the satisfaction made to God for them by the death of Christ, he is held

clear of sin by God, and admitted to salvation.

This doctrine, like the Calvinist doctrine of predestination, involves a

whole history of God's proceedings, and gives, also, first and almost

sole place to what God does, with disregard to what man does. It has

thus an essential affinity with Calvinism; indeed, Calvinism is but this

doctrine of original sin and justification, _plus_ the doctrine of

predestination. Nay, the Welsh Methodists, as is well known, have no

difficulty in combining the tenet of election with the practices and

most of the tenets of Methodism. The word _solifidian_ points precisely

to that which is common to both Calvinism and Methodism, and which has

made both these halves of English Puritanism so popular,--their

_sensational_ side, as it may be called, their laying all stress on a

wonderful and particular account of what God gives and works for us, not

on what we bring or do for ourselves. 'Plead thou singly,' says Wesley,

'the blood of the covenant, the ransom paid for thy proud stubborn

soul.' Wesley's doctrines of conversion, of the new birth, of

sanctification, of the direct witness of the spirit, of assurance, of

sinless perfection, all of them thus correspond with doctrines which we

have noticed in Calvinism, and show a common character with them. The

instantaneousness Wesley loved to ascribe to conversion and

sanctification points the same way. 'God gives in a moment such a faith

in the blood of his Son as translates us out of darkness into light, out

of sin and fear into holiness and happiness.' And again, 'Look for

sanctification just as you are, as a poor sinner that has nothing to

pay, nothing to plead but _Christ died_.' This is the side in Wesley's

teaching which his followers have above all seized, and which they are

eager to hold forth as the essential part of his legacy towards them.

It is true that from the same reason which prevents, as we have said,

those who know their Bible and nothing else from really knowing even

their Bible, Methodists, who for the most part know nothing but Wesley,

do not really know even Wesley. It is true that what really

characterises this most interesting and most attractive man, is not his

doctrine of justification by faith, or any other of his set doctrines,

but is entirely what we may call his _genius for godliness_. Mr.

Alexander Knox, in his remarks on his friend's life and character,

insists much on an entry in Wesley's Journal in 1767, where he seems

impatient at the endless harping on the tenet of justification, and

where he asks 'if it is not high time to return to the plain word: "He

that feareth God and worketh righteousness is accepted with him."' Mr.

Knox is right in thinking that the feeling which made Wesley ask this is

what gave him his vital worth and character as a man; but it is not what

gives him his character as the teacher of Methodism. Methodism rejects

Mr. Knox's version of its founder, and insists on making the article of

justification the very corner-stone of the Wesleyan edifice.

And the truth undoubtedly is, that not by his assertion of what man

brings, but by his assertion of what God gives, by his doctrines of

conversion, instantaneous justification and sanctification, assurance,

and sinless perfection, does Wesley live and operate in Methodism. 'You

think, I must first be or do thus or thus (for sanctification). Then you

are seeking it by works unto this day. If you seek it by faith, you may

expect it as you are; then expect it now. It is of importance to observe

that there is an inseparable connection between these three points:

expect it _by faith_, expect it _as you are_, and expect it _now_. To

deny one of them is to deny them all; to allow one is to allow them

all.' This is the teaching of Wesley, which has made the great Methodist

half of English Puritanism what it is, and not his hesitations and

recoils at the dangers of his own teaching.

No doubt, as the seriousness of Calvinism, its perpetual conversance

with deep matters and with the Bible, have given force and fervency to

Calvinist Puritans, so the loveliness of Wesley's piety, and what we

have called his genius for godliness, have sweetened and made amiable

numberless lives of Methodist Puritans. But as a religious teacher,

Wesley is to be judged by his doctrine; and his doctrine, like the

Calvinistic scheme, rests with all its weight on the assertion of

certain minutely described proceedings on God's part, independent of us,

our experience, and our will; and leads its recipients to look, in

religion, not so much for an arduous progress on their own part, and the

exercise of their activity, as for strokes of magic, and what may be

called a sensational character.

In the Heidelberg Catechism, after an answer in which the catechist

rehearses the popularly received doctrine of original sin and vicarious

satisfaction for it, the catechiser asks the pertinent question: '_Unde

id scis?_'--how do you know all that? The Apostle Paul is, as we have

already shown, the great authority for it whom formal theology invokes;

his name is used by popular theology with the same confidence. I open a

modern book of popular religion at the account of a visit paid to a

hardened criminal seized with terror the night before his execution. The

visitor says: '_I now stand in Paul's place_, and say: In Christ's stead

we pray you, be ye reconciled to God. I beg you to accept the pardon of

all your sins, which Christ has purchased for you, and which God freely

bestows on you for his sake. If you do not understand, I say: God's ways

are not as our ways.' And the narrative of the criminal's conversion

goes on: 'That night was spent in singing the praises of the Saviour who

had purchased his pardon.'

Both Calvinism and Methodism appeal, therefore, to the Bible, and, above

all, to St. Paul, for the history they propound of the relations between

God and man; but Calvinism relies most, in enforcing it, on man's fears,

Methodism on man's hopes. Calvinism insists on man's being under a

curse; it then works the sense of sin, misery, and terror in him, and

appeals pre-eminently to the desire to flee from the wrath to come.

Methodism, too, insists on his being under a curse; but it works most

the sense of hope in him, the craving for happiness, and appeals

pre-eminently to the desire for eternal bliss. No one, however, will

maintain that the particular account of God's proceedings with man,

whereby Methodism and Calvinism operate on these desires, proves itself

by internal evidence, and establishes without external aid its own

scientific validity. So we may either directly try, as best we can, its

scientific validity in itself; or, as it professes to have Paul's

authority to support it, we may first inquire what is really Paul's

account of God's proceedings with man, and whether this tallies with the

Puritan account and confirms it. The latter is in every way the safer

and the more instructive course to follow. And we will follow

Puritanism's example in taking St. Paul's mature and greatest work, the

Epistle to the Romans, as the chief place for finding what he really

thought on the points in question.

We have already said elsewhere,[19] indeed, what is very true, and what

must never be forgotten, that what St. Paul, a man so separated from us

by time, race, training and circumstances, really thought, we cannot

make sure of knowing exactly. All we can do is to get near it, reading

him with the sort of critical tact which the study of the human mind and

its history, and the acquaintance with many great writers, naturally

gives for following the movement of any one single great writer's

thought; reading him, also, without preconceived theories to which we

want to make his thoughts fit themselves. It is evident that the English

translation of the Epistle to the Romans has been made by men with their

heads full of the current doctrines of election and justification we

have been noticing; and it has thereby received such a bias,--of which a

strong example is the use of the word _atonement_ in the eleventh verse

of the fifth chapter,--that perhaps it is almost impossible for any one

who reads the English translation only, to take into his mind Paul's

thought without a colouring from the current doctrines. But besides

discarding the English translation, we must bear in mind, if we wish to

get as near Paul's real thought as possible, two things which have

greatly increased the facilities for misrepresenting him.

[Footnote 19: See _Culture and Anarchy_, chap. v.]

In the first place, Paul, like the other Bible-writers, and like the

Semitic race in general, has a much juster sense of the true scope and

limits of diction in religious deliverances than we have. He uses within

the sphere of religious emotion expressions which, in this sphere, have

an eloquence and a propriety, but which are not to be taken out of it

and made into formal scientific propositions.

This is a point very necessary to be borne in mind in reading the Bible.

The prophet Nahum says in the book of his vision: '_God is jealous, and

the Lord revengeth_;'[20] and the authors of the Westminster

Confession, drawing out a scientific theology, lay down the proposition

that God is a jealous and vengeful God, and think they prove their

proposition by quoting in a note the words of Nahum. But this is as if

we took from a chorus of Æschylus one of his grand passages about guilt

and destiny, just put the words straight into the formal and exact cast

of a sentence of Aristotle, and said that here was the scientific

teaching of Greek philosophy on these matters. The Hebrew genius has

not, like the Greek, its conscious and clear-marked division into a

poetic side and a scientific side; the scientific side is almost absent.

The Bible utterances have often the character of a chorus of Æschylus,

but never that of a treatise of Aristotle. We, like the Greeks, possess

in our speech and thought the two characters; but so far as the Bible is

concerned we have generally confounded them, and have used our double

possession for our bewilderment rather than turned it to good account.

The admirable maxim of the great mediæval Jewish school of Biblical

critics: _The Law speaks with the tongue of the children of men_,--a

maxim which is the very foundation of all sane Biblical criticism,--was

for centuries a dead letter to the whole body of our Western exegesis,

and is a dead letter to the whole body of our popular exegesis still.

Taking the Bible language as equivalent with the language of the

scientific intellect, a language which is adequate and absolute, we have

never been in a position to use the key which this maxim of the Jewish

doctors offers to us. But it is certain that, whatever strain the

religious expressions of the Semitic genius were meant, in the minds of

those who gave utterance to them, to bear, the particular strain which

we Western people put upon them is one which they were not meant to

bear.

[Footnote 20: _Nahum_ i, 2.]

We have used the word _Hebraise_[21] for another purpose, to denote the

exclusive attention to the moral side of our nature, to conscience, and

to doing rather than knowing; so, to describe the vivid and figured way

in which St. Paul, within the sphere of religious emotion, uses words,

without carrying them outside it, we will use the word _Orientalise_.

When Paul says: 'God hath concluded them all in unbelief _that he might_

have mercy upon all,'[22] he Orientalises; that is, he does not mean to

assert formally that God acted with this set design, but, being full of

the happy and divine end to the unbelief spoken of, he, by a vivid and

striking figure, represents the unbelief as actually caused with a view

to this end. But when the Calvinists of the Synod of Dort, wishing to

establish the formal proposition that faith and all saving gifts flow

from election and nothing else, quote an expression of Paul's similar to

the one we have quoted, 'He hath chosen us,' they say, 'not because we

were, but _that we might be_ holy and without blame before him,' they go

quite wide of the mark, from not perceiving that what the apostle used

as a vivid figure of rhetoric, they are using as a formal scientific

proposition.

[Footnote 21: See _Culture and Anarchy_, chap. iv.]

[Footnote 22: _Rom._ xi, 32.]

When Paul Orientalises, the fault is not with him when he is

misunderstood, but with the prosaic and unintelligent Western readers

who have not enough tact for style to comprehend his mode of expression.

But he also Judaises; and here his liability to being misunderstood by

us Western people is undoubtedly due to a defect in the critical habit

of himself and his race. A Jew himself, he uses the Jewish Scriptures in

a Jew's arbitrary and uncritical fashion, as if they had a talismanic

character; as if for a doctrine, however true in itself, their

confirmation was still necessary, and as if this confirmation was to be

got from their mere words alone, however detached from the sense of

their context, and however violently allegorised or otherwise wrested.

To use the Bible in this way, even for purposes of illustration, is

often an interruption to the argument, a fault of style; to use it in

this way for real proof and confirmation, is a fault of reasoning. An

example of the first fault may be seen in the tenth chapter of the

Epistle to the Romans, and in the beginning of the third chapter. The

apostle's point in either place,--his point that faith comes by hearing,

and his point that God's oracles were true though the Jews did not

believe them,--would stand much clearer without their scaffolding of

Bible-quotation. An instance of the second fault is in the third and

fourth chapters of the Epistle to the Galatians, where the Biblical

argumentation by which the apostle seeks to prove his case is as unsound

as his case itself is sound. How far these faults are due to the apostle

himself, how far to the requirements of those for whom he wrote, we need

not now investigate. It is enough that he undoubtedly uses the letter of

Scripture in this arbitrary and Jewish way; and thus Puritanism, which

has only itself to blame for misunderstanding him when he Orientalises,

may fairly put upon the apostle himself some of its blame for

misunderstanding him when he Judaises, and for Judaising so strenuously

along with him.

To get, therefore, at what Paul really thought and meant to say, it is

necessary for us modern and western people to translate him. And not as

Puritanism, which has merely taken his letter and recast it in the

formal propositions of a modern scientific treatise; but his letter

itself must be recast before it can be properly conveyed by such

propositions. And as the order in which, in any series of ideas, the

ideas come, is of great importance to the final result, and as Paul, who

did not write scientific treatises, but had always religious edification

in direct view, never set out his doctrine with a design of exhibiting

it as a scientific whole, we must also find out for ourselves the order

in which Paul's ideas naturally stand, and the connexion between one of

them and the other, in order to arrive at the real scheme of his

teaching, as compared with the schemes exhibited by Puritanism.

We remarked how what sets the Calvinist in motion seems to be the desire

to flee from the wrath to come; and what sets the Methodist in motion,

the desire for eternal bliss. What is it which sets Paul in motion? It

is the impulse which we have elsewhere noted as the master-impulse of

Hebraism,--_the desire for righteousness._ 'I exercise myself,' he told

Felix, '_to have a conscience void of offence towards God and men

continually_.'[23] To the Hebrew, this moral order, or righteousness,

was pre-eminently the universal order, the law of God; and God, the

fountain of all goodness, was pre-eminently to him the giver of the

moral law. The end and aim of all religion, _access to God_,--the sense

of harmony with the universal order--the partaking of the divine

nature--that our faith and hope might be in God--that we might have life

and have it more abundantly,--meant for the Hebrew, access to the source

of the _moral_ order in especial, and harmony with it. It was the

greatness of the Hebrew race that it felt the authority of this order,

its preciousness and its beneficence, so strongly. 'How precious are thy

thoughts unto me, O God!'--'The law of thy mouth is better than

thousands of gold and silver.'--'My soul is consumed with the very

fervent desire that it hath alway unto thy judgments.'[24] It was the

greatness of their best individuals that in them this feeling was

incessantly urgent to prove itself in the only sure manner,--in action.

'Blessed are they who hear the word of God, and _keep_ it.' 'If thou

wouldst enter into life, _keep_ the commandments.' 'Let no man deceive

you, he that _doeth_ righteousness is righteous.'[25] What

distinguishes Paul is both his conviction that the commandment is holy,

and just, and good; and also his desire to give effect to the

commandment, to _establish_ it. It was this which gave to his endeavour

after a clear conscience such meaning and efficacity. It was this which

gave him insight to see that there could be no radical difference, in

respect of salvation and the way to it, between Jew and Gentile. 'Upon

every soul of man that _worketh evil_, whoever he may be, tribulation

and anguish; to every one that _worketh good_, glory, honour, and

peace!'[26]

[Footnote 23: _Acts_, xxiv, 16.]

[Footnote 24: _Ps._ cxxxix, 7; cxix, 72; _Ibid._, 20.]

[Footnote 25: _Luke_, xi, 28; _Matth._, xix, 17; I _John_, iii, 7.]

[Footnote 26: _Rom._, ii, 9, 10.]

St. Paul's piercing practical religious sense, joined to his strong

intellectual power, enabled him to discern and follow the range of the

commandment, both as to man's actions and as to his heart and thoughts,

with extraordinary force and closeness. His religion had, as we shall

see, a preponderantly mystic side, and nothing is so natural to the

mystic as in rich single words, such as faith, light, love, to sum up

and take for granted, without specially enumerating them all good moral

principles and habits; yet nothing is more remarkable in Paul than the

frequent, nay, incessant lists, in the most particular detail, of moral

habits to be pursued or avoided. Lists of this sort might in a less

sincere and profound writer be formal and wearisome; but to no attentive

reader of St. Paul will they be wearisome, for in making them he touched

the solid ground which was the basis of his religion,--the solid ground

of his hearty desire for righteousness and of his thorough conception of

it,--and only on such a ground was so strong a superstructure possible.

The more one studies these lists, the more does their significance come

out. To illustrate this, let any one go through for himself the

enumeration, too long to be quoted here, in the four last verses of the

first chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, of 'things which are not

convenient;' or let him merely consider with attention this catalogue,

towards the end of the fifth chapter of the Epistle to the Galatians, of

fruits of the spirit: 'love, joy, peace, long-suffering, kindness,

goodness, faith, mildness, self-control.'[27] The man who wrote with

this searching minuteness knew accurately what he meant by sin and

righteousness, and did not use these words at random. His diligent

comprehensiveness in his plan of duties is only less admirable than his

diligent sincerity. The sterner virtues and the gentler, his conscience

will not let him rest till he has embraced them all. In his deep resolve

'to make out by actual trial what is that good and perfect and

acceptable will of God,'[28] he goes back upon himself again and again,

he marks a duty at every point of our nature, and at points the most

opposite, for fear he should by possibility be leaving behind him some

weakness still indulged, some subtle promptings to evil not yet brought

into captivity.

[Footnote 27: Verses 22, 23.]

[Footnote 28: _Rom._, xii, 2.]

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