mercy and humanity of the American commander at Detroit drew from the
same source the means of saving them from perishing by famine, and in
other places the appeals made by the wants and sufferings of that
unhappy description of people have been equally imperious.
The necessity imposed by the conduct of the enemy in relation to the
savages of admitting their cooperation in some instances with our arms
has also involved occasional expense in supplying their wants, and it
is possible that a perseverance of the enemy in their cruel policy may
render a further expense for the like purpose inevitable.
On these subjects an estimate from the Department of War will be laid
before Congress, and I recommend a suitable provision for them.
JAMES MADISON.
MARCH 31, 1814.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
Taking into view the mutual interests which the United States and
the foreign nations in amity with them have in a liberal commercial
intercourse, and the extensive changes favorable thereto which have
recently taken place; taking into view also the important advantages
which may otherwise result from adapting the state of our commercial
laws to the circumstances now existing, I recommend to the consideration
of Congress the expediency of authorizing, after a certain day,
exportations, specie excepted, from the United States in vessels of the
United States and in vessels owned and navigated by the subjects of
powers at peace with them, and a repeal of so much of our laws as
prohibits the importation of articles not the property of enemies, but
produced or manufactured only within their dominions.
I recommend also, as a more effectual safeguard and encouragement to our
growing manufactures, that the additional duties on imports which are
to expire at the end of one year after a peace with Great Britain be
prolonged to the end of two years after that event, and that, in favor
of our moneyed institutions, the exportation of specie be prohibited
throughout the same period.
JAMES MADISON.
PROCLAMATIONS.
[From Niles's Weekly Register, vol. 6, p. 279.]
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas information has been received that a number of individuals who
have deserted from the Army of the United States have become sensible of
their offenses and are desirous of returning to their duty, a full
pardon is hereby granted and proclaimed to each and all such individuals
as shall within three months from the date hereof surrender themselves
to the commanding officer of any military post within the United States
or the Territories thereof.
[SEAL.]
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand.
Done at the city of Washington, the 17th day of June, A.D. 1814, and of
the Independence of the United States the thirty eighth.
JAMES MADISON.
By the President:
JAMES MONROE,
_Secretary of State_.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas it is manifest that the blockade which has been proclaimed by
the enemy of the whole Atlantic coast of the United States, nearly 2,000
miles in extent, and abounding in ports, harbors, and navigable inlets,
can not be carried into effect by any adequate force actually stationed
for the purpose, and it is rendered a matter of certainty and notoriety
by the multiplied and daily arrivals and departures of the public and
private armed vessels of the United States and of other vessels that no
such adequate force has been so stationed; and
Whereas a blockade thus destitute of the character of a regular and
legal blockade as defined and recognized by the established law of
nations, whatever other purposes it may be made to answer, forms no
lawful prohibition or obstacle to such neutral and friendly vessels
as may choose to visit and trade with the United States; and
Whereas it accords with the interest and the amicable views of the
United States to favor and promote as far as may be the free and
mutually beneficial commercial intercourse of all friendly nations
disposed to engage therein, and with that view to afford to their
vessels destined to the United States a more positive and satisfactory
security against all interruptions, molestations, or vexations whatever
from the cruisers of the United States:
Now be it known that I, James Madison, President of the United States of
America, do by this my proclamation strictly order and instruct all the
public armed vessels of the United States and all private armed vessels
commissioned as privateers or with letters of marque and reprisal not
to interrupt, detain, or otherwise molest or vex any vessels whatever
belonging to neutral powers or the subjects or citizens thereof, which
vessels shall be actually bound and proceeding to any port or place
within the jurisdiction of the United States, but, on the contrary, to
render to all such vessels all the aid and kind offices which they may
need or require.
[SEAL.]
Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of
Washington, the 29th day of June, A.D. 1814, and of the Independence
of the United States the thirty-eighth.
JAMES MADISON.
By the President:
JAMES MONROE,
_Secretary of State_.
[From Annals of Congress, Thirteenth Congress, vol. 3, 9.]
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas great and weighty matters claiming the consideration of the
Congress of the United States form an extraordinary occasion for
convening them, I do by these presents appoint Monday, the 19th day of
September next, for their meeting at the city of Washington, hereby
requiring the respective Senators and Representatives then and there to
assemble in Congress, in order to receive such communications as may
then be made to them and to consult and determine on such measures as in
their wisdom may be deemed meet for the welfare of the United States.
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand,
[SEAL.]
Done at the city of Washington, the 8th day of August, A.D. 1814, and of
the Independence of the United States the thirty-ninth.
JAMES MADISON.
By the President:
JAMES MONROE,
_Secretary of State_.
[From Nile's Weekly Register, vol. 7, p. 2.]
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas the enemy by a sudden incursion have succeeded in invading the
capital of the nation, defended at the moment by troops less numerous
than their own and almost entirely of the militia, during their
possession of which, though for a single day only, they wantonly
destroyed the public edifices, having no relation in their structure to
operations of war nor used at the time for military annoyance, some of
these edifices being also costly monuments of taste and of the arts, and
others depositories of the public archives, not only precious to the
nation as the memorials of its origin and its early transactions, but
interesting to all nations as contributions to the general stock of
historical instruction and political science; and
Whereas advantage has been taken of the loss of a fort more immediately
guarding the neighboring town of Alexandria to place the town within the
range of a naval force too long and too much in the habit of abusing its
superiority wherever it can be applied to require as the alternative of
a general conflagration an undisturbed plunder of private property,
which has been executed in a manner peculiarly distressing to the
inhabitants, who had inconsiderately cast themselves upon the justice
and generosity of the victor; and
Whereas it now appears by a direct communication from the British
commander on the American station to be his avowed purpose to employ the
force under his direction "in destroying and laying waste such towns and
districts upon the coast as may be found assailable," adding to this
declaration the insulting pretext that it is in retaliation for a wanton
destruction committed by the army of the United States in Upper Canada,
when it is notorious that no destruction has been committed, which,
notwithstanding the multiplied outrages previously committed by the
enemy was not unauthorized, and promptly shown to be so, and that the
United States have been as constant in their endeavors to reclaim the
enemy from such outrages by the contrast of their own example as they
have been ready to terminate on reasonable conditions the war itself;
and
Whereas these proceedings and declared purposes, which exhibit a
deliberate disregard of the principles of humanity and the rules of
civilized warfare, and which must give to the existing war a character
of extended devastation and barbarism at the very moment of negotiations
for peace, invited by the enemy himself, leave no prospect of safety to
anything within the reach of his predatory and incendiary operations but
in manful and universal determination to chastise and expel the invader:
Now, therefore, I, James Madison, President of the United States, do
issue this my proclamation, exhorting all the good people thereof to
unite their hearts and hands in giving effect to the ample means
possessed for that purpose. I enjoin it on all officers, civil and
military, to exert themselves in executing the duties with which they
are respectively charged; and more especially I require the officers
commanding the respective military districts to be vigilant and alert in
providing for the defense thereof, for the more effectual accomplishment
of which they are authorized to call to the defense of exposed and
threatened places portions of the militia most convenient thereto,
whether they be or be not parts of the quotas detached for the service
of the United States under requisitions of the General Government.
On an occasion which appeals so forcibly to the proud feelings and
patriotic devotion of the American people none will forget what they
owe to themselves, what they owe to their country and the high destinies
which await it, what to the glory acquired by their fathers in
establishing the independence which is now to be maintained by their
sons with the augmented strength and resources with which time and
Heaven had blessed them.
[SEAL.]
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed to these presents. Done at the city of
Washington, the 1st day of September, A.D. 1814 and of the Independence
of the United States the thirty-ninth.
JAMES MADISON.
By the President:
JAMES MONROE,
_Secretary of State_.
SPECIAL MESSAGE.
WASHINGTON, _September 17, 1814_.
The PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
SIR: The destruction of the Capitol by the enemy having made it
necessary that other accommodations should be provided for the
meeting of Congress, chambers for the Senate and for the House of
Representatives, with other requisite apartments, have been fitted up,
under the direction of the superintendent of the city, in the public
building heretofore allotted for the post and other public offices.
With this information, be pleased, sir, to accept assurances of my great
respect and consideration.
JAMES MADISON.
SIXTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
WASHINGTON, _September 20, 1814_.
_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
Notwithstanding the early day which had been fixed for your session of
the present year, I was induced to call you together still sooner, as
well that any inadequacy in the existing provisions for the wants of the
Treasury might be supplied as that no delay might happen in providing
for the result of the negotiations on foot with Great Britain, whether
it should require arrangements adapted to a return of peace or further
and more effective provisions for prosecuting the war.
That result is not yet known. If, on the one hand, the repeal of the
orders in council and the general pacification in Europe, which withdrew
the occasion on which impressments from American vessels were practiced,
suggest expectations that peace and amity may be reestablished, we are
compelled, on the other hand, by the refusal of the British Government
to accept the offered mediation of the Emperor of Russia, by the delays
in giving effect to its own proposal of a direct negotiation, and, above
all, by the principles and manner in which the war is now avowedly
carried on to infer that a spirit of hostility is indulged more violent
than ever against the rights and prosperity of this country.
This increased violence is best explained by the two important
circumstances that the great contest in Europe for an equilibrium
guaranteeing all its States against the ambition of any has been closed
without any check on the overbearing power of Great Britain on the
ocean, and it has left in her hands disposable armaments, with which,
forgetting the difficulties of a remote war with a free people, and
yielding to the intoxication of success, with the example of a great
victim to it before her eyes, she cherishes hopes of still further
aggrandizing a power already formidable in its abuses to the
tranquillity of the civilized and commercial world.
But whatever may have inspired the enemy with these more violent
purposes, the public councils of a nation more able to maintain than it
was to acquire its independence, and with a devotion to it rendered more
ardent by the experience of its blessings, can never deliberate but
on the means most effectual for defeating the extravagant views or
unwarrantable passions with which alone the war can now be pursued
against us.
In the events of the present campaign the enemy, with all his augmented
means and wanton use of them, has little ground for exultation, unless
he can feel it in the success of his recent enterprises against this
metropolis and the neighboring town of Alexandria, from both of which
his retreats were as precipitate as his attempts were bold and
fortunate. In his other incursions on our Atlantic frontier his
progress, often checked and chastised by the martial spirit of the
neighboring citizens, has had more effect in distressing individuals
and in dishonoring his arms than in promoting any object of legitimate
warfare; and in the two instances mentioned, however deeply to be
regretted on our part, he will find in his transient success, which
interrupted for a moment only the ordinary public business at the seat
of Government, no compensation for the loss of character with the world
by his violations of private property and by his destruction of public
edifices protected as monuments of the arts by the laws of civilized
warfare.
On our side we can appeal to a series of achievements which have given
new luster to the American arms. Besides the brilliant incidents in the
minor operations of the campaign, the splendid victories gained on the
Canadian side of the Niagara by the American forces under Major-General
Brown and Brigadiers Scott and Gaines have gained for these heroes and
their emulating companions the most unfading laurels, and, having
triumphantly tested the progressive discipline of the American soldiery,
have taught the enemy that the longer he protracts his hostile efforts
the more certain and decisive will be his final discomfiture.
On our southern border victory has continued also to follow the American
standard. The bold and skillful operations of Major-General Jackson,
conducting troops drawn from the militia of the States least distant,
particularly of Tennessee, have subdued the principal tribes of hostile
savages, and, by establishing a peace with them, preceded by recent and
exemplary chastisement, has best guarded against the mischief of their
cooperation with the British enterprises which may be planned against
that quarter of our country. Important tribes of Indians on our
northwestern frontier have also acceded to stipulations which bind them
to the interests of the United States and to consider our enemy as
theirs also.
In the recent attempt of the enemy on the city of Baltimore, defended by
militia and volunteers, aided by a small body of regulars and seamen, he
was received with a spirit which produced a rapid retreat to his ships,
whilst a concurrent attack by a large fleet was successfully resisted by
the steady and well-directed fire of the fort and batteries opposed to
it.
In another recent attack by a powerful force on our troops at
Plattsburg, of which regulars made a part only, the enemy, after a
perseverance for many hours, was finally compelled to seek safety in a
hasty retreat, with our gallant bands pressing upon him.
On the Lakes, so much contested throughout the war, the great exertions
for the command made on our part have been well repaid. On Lake Ontario
our squadron is now and has been for some time in a condition to confine
that of the enemy to his own port, and to favor the operations of our
land forces on that frontier.
A part of the squadron on Lake Erie has been extended into Lake Huron,
and has produced the advantage of displaying our command on that lake
also. One object of the expedition was the reduction of Mackinaw, which
failed with the loss of a few brave men, among whom was an officer
justly distinguished for his gallant exploits. The expedition, ably
conducted by both the land and the naval commanders, was otherwise
highly valuable in its effects.
On Lake Champlain, where our superiority had for some time been
undisputed, the British squadron lately came into action with the
American, commanded by Captain Macdonough. It issued in the capture of
the whole of the enemy's ships. The best praise for this officer and his
intrepid comrades is in the likeness of his triumph to the illustrious
victory which immortalized another officer and established at a critical
moment our command of another lake.
On the ocean the pride of our naval arms had been amply supported. A
second frigate has indeed fallen into the hands of the enemy, but the
loss is hidden in the blaze of heroism with which she was defended.
Captain Porter, who commanded her, and whose previous career had
been distinguished by daring enterprise and by fertility of genius,
maintained a sanguinary contest against two ships, one of them superior
to his own, and under other severe disadvantages, till humanity tore
down the colors which valor had nailed to the mast. This officer and his
brave comrades have added much to the rising glory of the American flag,
and have merited all the effusions of gratitude which their country is
ever ready to bestow on the champions of its rights and of its safety.
Two smaller vessels of war have also become prizes to the enemy, but by
a superiority of force which sufficiently vindicates the reputation
of their commanders, whilst two others, one commanded by Captain
Warrington, the other by Captain Blakely, have captured British ships of
the same class with a gallantry and good conduct which entitle them and
their companions to a just share in the praise of their country.
In spite of the naval force of the enemy accumulated on our coasts, our
private cruisers also have not ceased to annoy his commerce and to bring
their rich prizes into our ports, contributing thus, with other proofs,
to demonstrate the incompetency and illegality of a blockade the
proclamation of which is made the pretext for vexing and discouraging
the commerce of neutral powers with the United States.
To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by the enemy, great
bodies of militia have been taken into service for the public defense,
and great expenses incurred. That the defense everywhere may be both
more convenient and more economical, Congress will see the necessity
of immediate measures for filling the ranks of the Regular Army and of
enlarging the provision for special corps, mounted and unmounted, to be
engaged for longer periods of service than are due from the militia. I
earnestly renew, at the same time, a recommendation of such changes in
the system of the militia as, by classing and disciplining for the most
prompt and active service the portions most capable of it, will give to
that great resource for the public safety all the requisite energy and
efficiency.
The moneys received into the Treasury during the nine months ending on
the 30th day of June last amounted to $32,000,000, of which near eleven
millions were the proceeds of the public revenue and the remainder
derived from loans. The disbursements for public expenditures during the
same period exceeded $34,000,000, and left in the Treasury on the 1st
day of July near $5,000,000. The demands during the remainder of the
present year already authorized by Congress and the expenses incident to
an extension of the operations of the war will render it necessary that
large sums should be provided to meet them.
From this view of the national affairs Congress will be urged to take
up without delay as well the subject of pecuniary supplies as that of
military force, and on a scale commensurate with the extent and the
character which the war has assumed. It is not to be disguised that the
situation of our country calls for its greatest efforts. Our enemy is
powerful in men and in money, on the land and on the water. Availing
himself of fortuitous advantages, he is aiming with his undivided force
a deadly blow at our growing prosperity, perhaps at our national
existence. He has avowed his purpose of trampling on the usages of
civilized warfare, and given earnests of it in the plunder and wanton
destruction of private property. In his pride of maritime dominion and
in his thirst of commercial monopoly he strikes with peculiar animosity
at the progress of our navigation and of our manufactures. His barbarous
policy has not even spared those monuments of the arts and models of
taste with which our country had enriched and embellished its infant
metropolis. From such an adversary hostility in its greatest force and
in its worst forms may be looked for. The American people will face it
with the undaunted spirit which in their revolutionary struggle defeated
his unrighteous projects. His threats and his barbarities, instead of
dismay, will kindle in every bosom an indignation not to be extinguished
but in the disaster and expulsion of such cruel invaders. In providing
the means necessary the National Legislature will not distrust the
heroic and enlightened patriotism of its constituents. They will
cheerfully and proudly bear every burden of every kind which the safety
and honor of the nation demand. We have seen them everywhere paying
their taxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest promptness and
alacrity. We see them rushing with enthusiasm to the scenes where danger
and duty call. In offering their blood they give the surest pledge that
no other tribute will be withheld.
Having forborne to declare war until to other aggressions had been added
the capture of nearly a thousand American vessels and the impressment of
thousands of American seafaring citizens, and until a final declaration
had been made by the Government of Great Britain that her hostile
orders against our commerce would not be revoked but on conditions as
impossible as unjust, whilst it was known that these orders would not
otherwise cease but with a war which had lasted nearly twenty years, and
which, according to appearances at that time, might last as many more;
having manifested on every occasion and in every proper mode a sincere
desire to arrest the effusion of blood and meet our enemy on the ground
of justice and reconciliation, our beloved country, in still opposing
to his persevering hostility all its energies, with an undiminished
disposition toward peace and friendship on honorable terms, must carry
with it the good wishes of the impartial world and the best hopes of
support from an omnipotent and kind Providence.
JAMES MADISON.
SPECIAL MESSAGES.
SEPTEMBER 26, 1814.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit to Congress, for their information, copies of a letter from
Admiral Cochrane, commanding His Britannic Majesty's naval forces on the
American station, to the Secretary of State, with his answer, and of a
reply from Admiral Cochrane.
JAMES MADISON.
WASHINGTON, _October 10, 1814_.