The identity of the 'Apiru (also written in cuneiform SA GAZ) has
puzzled scholars since the discovery of the Amarna tablets. Some
categorically affirmed that the 'Apiru are identical with the Biblical
Hebrews, or Israelites, and that the Amarna tablets reflect the
Canaanite version of events described in the Biblical book of
Joshua.[47] Most scholars now agree that the 'Apiru cannot be identified
with the Biblical Hebrews, although many suggest that the peoples are
related. A strong argument against identification comes from the fact
that 'Apiru appear in a wide variety of places of which there is no hint
in the Biblical narrative. They appear in Sumer during the Ur III
dynasty (_ca._ 2050 B.C.), in Larsa during the reigns of Warad-Sin and
Rim-Sin (_ca._ 1770-1698 B.C.), in Hammurabi's Babylon (_ca._ 1728-1686
B.C.), in Mari during the reign of Zimri Lim (_ca._ 1730-1700 B.C.).
They are mentioned in the large bodies of texts from Nuzi, Ugarit, and
Bogazkoy. None of these references bear any relationship to the people
of Israel.
In the Mari tablets the 'Apiru are described as a semi-nomadic people
settled in the area between the Habur and the Balikh rivers, north of
the Euphrates. The tablets from Alalakh mention that King Idrimi lived
seven years among 'Apiru soldiers. Studies in the personal names of
individuals designated 'Apiru in the Amarna and the Nuzi tablets have
shown that they do not belong to any one ethnic group, although West
Semitic names are most common in the Amarna texts.
There is considerable evidence that the 'Apiru were regarded as a social
rather than an ethnic group. At Bogazkoy they are listed among the
social classes and appear to have been classified between freemen and
slaves. Wherever they appear they have one common trait--they are beyond
the jurisdiction of the established authority. They frequently appear as
a landless people who enter into dependent status as agricultural
workers or soldiers in exchange for maintenance. The 'Apiru of the
Amarna tablets are never described as invaders. They are people within
the land who occupy areas not controlled by the larger towns. In a time
of weak central government they sought to profit from the general
confusion by challenging the city-states. Whatever their ethnic origins,
they were doubtless joined by a variety of peoples from the oppressed
elements of the population. To the rulers of Canaan, the 'Apiru were
lawless bandits, a menace to society. Although 'Apiru is a much more
inclusive term than Israel, the citizens of the city-states of Canaan
probably thought of Joshua's army much as they regarded the 'Apiru of
the Amarna Age.
Although the place names of the Amarna texts are parallel to those of
the Old Testament, the personal names are totally different. In Joshua
we read of Adoni-zedek, not Abdi-Khepa, as king of Jerusalem, and a
number of other kings are named for the period of the conquest (cf.
Josh. 10:3). Meredith G. Kline, who holds to the early date of the
Exodus (1440 B.C.) has suggested that the conquest of Canaan by Joshua
precedes the Amarna Age and that the 'Apiru of the Amarna letters may
actually be the forces of Cushan Rishathaim, Israel's first oppressor
during the time of the Judges. He concludes that the 'Apiru are not to
be associated with Israel, but rather must be regarded as
oppressors--the first of a series of such oppressors described in the
Book of Judges.[48]
Most contemporary scholars date the conquest of Canaan after the Amarna
Age, suggesting some time around 1280 B.C., as the probable date of the
Exodus.[49] This would place the Amarna Age in the period between Joseph
and Moses. Aside from the fact that Israel was in Egypt during this
time, and that they lost the favored position which they enjoyed in the
days of Joseph, Scripture passes over this period with complete silence.
While we may not be able to pinpoint the exact chronology, the
description of events in Canaan during the Amarna Age lends perspective
to Biblical history during the years before the Monarchy. Local and
tribal loyalties were more meaningful than imperial government, and
centralized government was looked upon with suspicion (cf. Judg.
9:7-15).
VII
TRADE AND COMMERCE DURING THE AMARNA AGE
By the Amarna Age the Mediterranean had become a highway for the ships
of Egypt, Crete, Cyprus, Ugarit, the Phoenician cities, and even distant
Mycenae. Land routes around the Fertile Crescent saw a steady stream of
caravans bearing tribute to kings and items of trade for commoners.
Horses and lapis lazuli were carried westward from Babylon, and its king
Burnaburiash hoped for large quantities of Egyptian gold. Caravans were
subject to attack, and Burnaburiash made it clear that it was the duty
of Akhenaton to punish such offenders:
Canaan (Kinahhi) is your land, and its kings are your servants. In
your land I have been violently dealt with. Blind them (i.e., the
raiders) and make good the money which they have stolen. Kill the
people who murdered my servants and avenge their blood, for if you do
not kill these people they will return, and my caravans, or even your
messengers they will murder, and messengers between us will be
intercepted, and if that happens, the inhabitants of the land will
fall away from you.[50]
The king of Alashia (Cyprus) sent copper to Egypt, requesting silver and
gold in exchange.[51] Iron, which in Hyksos times had twice the value of
gold, became more plentiful during the Amarna Age. Tushratta of Mitanni
sent iron to Egypt.[52] Iron, however, was not in common use in Israel
until the time of David (I Chron. 22:3; 29:2). During the days of Saul,
the Philistines had a monopoly on iron in Canaan:
Now there was no smith to be found throughout all the land of Israel,
for the Philistines said, "Lest the Hebrews make themselves swords or
spears"; but every one of the Israelites went down to the Philistines
to sharpen his plowshare, his mattock, his axe or his sickle, and the
charge was a pim for the plowshares and for the mattocks, and a third
of a shekel for sharpening the axes and setting the goads (I Sam.
13:19-21).