What interests--fascinates--the student of contemporary humanity rather
than of contemporary politics is to what extent the war will either
advance or set us back as a civilisation; shall we be better for it,
will life be better for it?
I have always had a horror of war. I hoped and thought up to the last
moment that it would be averted. It seemed impossible that France and
Germany could come to blows; the cost looked to be too big. Yet I see
the Kaiser swept away by the war party behind him, urged by that
mysticism, which always characterised him, to believe that war was a
divine duty. This is the only reason I can find for his declaration. He
loved to preach and pray and live and talk among the stars. The impulse
of religious fervour ran riot in him, and he persuaded himself that to
plunge the world into the most horrible war of all time was his divine
mission.
The horror of war which we feel was naturally enough not shared by the
Kaiser and the war party in Berlin. They had grown used to the idea, for
years it had been among their ambitions, and many of them had spent all
their lives training for it. In fact, that is the biggest and most
tragic mistake of modern history--Germany’s conception that to conquer
the rest of Europe was her divinely appointed mission; you can see it in
every bellicose utterance of the Kaiser! This was never a mere pose. He
was in his private life exactly the same man as in his public
utterances.
What is to be the result of this war? The setbacks are obvious. It will
take Great Britain, with all the wealth and resources of her Empire, a
dozen years to recover from the exhaustion of it. France, with large
stretches of her country desolated, and crippled financially, will
perhaps take longer. Russia will feel it less in many ways, and
certainly will reap one big benefit in that the war will, I do not
doubt, help to cement her scattered and immense population and bring in
a new era of unity.
It may well be, indeed, that the end of the war will see a Russia
reborn, rid of her antiquated systems of local government, released from
methods which were mediæval--a country set upon a definite road to
freedom.
I do not mean that a Russian republic is a likely result. I think the
war will strengthen the monarchy; a successful war always does.
Why, even in France to-day there is a widespread feeling that a return
to monarchy would be welcome. Personally, however, I do not believe the
monarchical party will gain much headway; the whole tendency of the
world is against it.
The spirit of the times is democratic. When a people realises that kings
and queens are in no way superior mortals it gradually brings about a
republic. This is the only natural and logical conclusion of things.
France has learned this lesson well enough, she will never go back from
her present methods of government--methods which have developed the
natural genius and intelligence of her people and brought such
prosperity that she has become one of the wealthiest countries in the
world. The aristocracy of France has not sufficient power to overthrow
the people, especially now when the people have been fighting with true
patriotism, not for the ideal of a kingship, but for the ideal of a
country--confraternity.
This spirit of democracy, I think, will extend all over Europe.
Republics will arise, not by force of arms, mutinies or revolutions, but
by natural evolution. To kill a king does not make a republic; that
comes from the natural growth of ideas and ideals, from the development
of the democratic spirit, the spirit of freedom, which follows in the
wake of liberal education.
One effect of the war, then, may be to substantiate monarchy for the
time being, save in France, where I think it will create a bigger
confidence in the Republic. In other words, if the Allies emerge with
considerable success, conditions of government as they are will be
strengthened, particularly in Russia.
A great deal has been written in the past about the tottering power of
the monarchy in Russia. All of this has been mostly untrue, and
certainly misleading. I can recall statements in print of the fear of
the Tsar to appear before his people. This is not the truth. When I was
in Petrograd he often came to visit me practically unattended, and
whenever he has been counselled to take precaution he has adopted such
measures only because he has thought it best for his country. He loves
Russia; how much has been splendidly evident since the war broke out,
and when all is over one effect will surely be that he will be all the
more beloved by Russia. I see, too, as a result of his generous attitude
the possibility of a resurrected Poland, whose populace will freely give
suzerainty to Nicholas II. because they recognise amid all the riot and
disaster of to-day that he is their friend.
Exaggerated statements have also been made that the Tsaritza fears
assassination. The writers have based their reports no doubt on the fact
that the Tsar’s grandfather met his death in this way, and they have no
doubt assumed the fears of the present monarchs as a matter of course.
The Empress is said visibly to tremble in public, but this is occasioned
simply because she is unhappily a sufferer from timidity!
But what about Germany? Who shall dare to prophesy?
But more interesting than these things is the question of armament--or
rather disarmament. Is the latter possible? Arbitration in council
instead of the sword and the gun--shall we, any of us, live to see that
dream come true? Democracy, and a world-wide development of a Hague
Conference of the Powers--these are the hopes of those who think. Is it
too near the Utopia of the Romanticists? Is it the impossible
Millennium?
I do most honestly believe this will be the last big war; it will be a
lesson to the wide world of the cost of fighting, the cost in lives, in
comforts, in money. The English will surely feel this; they are fond of
luxury. When I visited England I was impressed by the almost reckless
extravagance of living; money did not count so long as entertainment was
obtained; women seemed to have a careless disregard of all things save
pleasure. I have wondered and marvelled at the way they have acted since
war broke out; now no sacrifice is too great for them to make. Truly the
English are remarkable; they are on the surface lovers of ease and lazy
luxury, so as to seem almost degenerate. Yet, beneath it all, there is
stamina, grit, the power to bear hardship, the spirit of the real
adventurer. The war will do English social life good--for a time; but
though for a little while the English will eschew gaiety perhaps--I
mean the recklessly extravagant gaieties which were their wont--will
their phlegmatic nature presently allow this disturbance to be forgotten
and the old conditions to recur?
Sincerely I hope not. To end some of the senseless dissipations would be
one of the best results of the war; there is no room in life for stupid
extravagances, for heedless rushing after novel excitement. For English
Society I hope the lesson will go too deep to be forgotten lightly. And
I am interested too in the movement which is just now on foot in England
to prohibit, or at least to curtail so extensive a sale of alcohol. An
abstemious Europe would have made the war almost worth while. And why
should it be impossible? France has closed down the sale of absinthe,
Russia sells and consumes no more vodka. In England the evil is whisky.
But the question of disarmament: there is so much to hinder it. Each
country has a different condition of things to consider; England, for
instance, has never kept her army for her own insular needs; her army
has been maintained to protect and uphold the ends of her Empire--and
those needs will remain; how can she disarm altogether when India has
to be considered, and while she has interests to defend, not against the
great Powers, but against the native insurgent in so many parts of the
world, it is vital to her--and the present crisis emphasises it beyond
mistake--that the seas should be kept open, and were there no force
behind that need she as well as her food supply would be at the mercy of
any pirate. Similarly France has colonies which call for a guard by land
and sea.
But the day of the big military power will surely pass with the defeat
of Prussian militarism, and the nations should see to it that never
again shall one country deliberately arm herself so as to be a menace to
the world’s peace. Is it not possible that the great nations should have
an amalgamated navy and army powerful enough to command peace from
insurgents--to be a sort of world-wide police? Surely at some conference
of the Powers a decision should be arrived at by which the boundaries
and influence of nations could be fixed for all time, with due regard to
the scope required for the natural development of the ambitions of each.
It is certain that there is enough territory in the world for the
peoples of the earth; it is equally certain that the laws of supply and
demand would balance and leave a reasonable living for all the people of
the world if only economic conditions could be properly adjusted. I
fancy that here lie the big problems of the future--not the conquering
of one another by the force of sword and gun, but the equalisation of
the possibilities of possession. There are too many men with big
fortunes and too many homes with not sufficient income; on the face of
it there should be a way to balance these discrepancies, and there the
big thinkers and the students of political economy will step in. The
ultimate destiny of the world, when this terrible war is over and done
with, will rest upon the shoulders of those thinkers and economists, and
upon the success of their efforts will depend the peace and happiness of
our children’s children.
I know that here I am laying down the ethics of Socialism, but not the
Socialism that depends upon labour upheavals in which the worker merely
seeks to get all he can from the employer, but that larger Socialism
whose aim is the good of the community as opposed to the fortune of the
individual in the pursuit of the general well-being.
I see all over the world evidences that this spirit is alive and
prospering. In Switzerland, for instance, if a company earns more than a
certain percentage upon its capital the surplus goes to the State to be
used in the public interest--subsidise education and mitigate such
poverty as there may be. As a fact--and as a result--you see very little
poverty in Switzerland. In the Scandinavian countries, too, no man may
become absurdly wealthy, and even in rich England a levelling-up process
is in the act of formation by means of taxes upon the very wealthy. Soon
I am hopeful that this spirit will spread among our Governments; it is
the way to universal peace, for unquestionably money and the acquisition
of money lies at the back of most international unrest.
It lies, if you think of it, behind this war. What was at the back of
Germany’s dream of world-wide conquest? Was it not the expansion of her
commerce? Was it not her envy of other nations’ wealth that drove her to
seek a first place among the nations? She wanted to extend her borders,
to enlarge her trade, to increase her wealth. End this amazing of
private fortunes and you will end this constant fighting and intriguing
for power and position. America’s worship of the almighty dollar
influences her attitude to-day.
I wonder shall we ever find a substitute for money which will reduce its
value. The value of money is the curse of life; it leads to wars, it
creates half the intrigues in Court and political life, it provokes
senseless luxury. But I am talking of a Utopia, and we live in an age of
greed and personal aggrandisement, however sure to those who look
beneath the surface are the signs of coming reform.
One good thing the war will leave in its train is a recurrence of
simplicity. It cannot but be that the awful costliness of it all will
reduce the means left for wastefulness in living. I wish the larger
nations--and especially England and America--would study the life of the
Scandinavian towns and see how much preferable is their simpler life,
how much happier folk are when there is not this greed for gold, which
takes up all one’s time and makes men forget the joy and the meaning of
life while they are earning and cheating and hoarding. There should be
a law preventing great possessions. I don’t mean that the genius in his
business or profession should not be able to earn enough to give him
greater comforts than those who have not succeeded so well as
he--probably because they have not tried so hard. To give the
industrious and the indolent an equal reward, to be sure, would set a
premium on laziness, and much of the world’s work would go undone. But
there ought to be a limit to what a man can own, or what one company can
earn, especially when there are so many quite deserving poor who are
poor not because of indolence but through lack of opportunity.
This is a part of Socialism, and I know in England Socialism is a bad
word to use. Socialism is unfortunate in its champions in England;
Socialism has come to mean, in the popular, thoughtless sense of the
word, strikes and demands for improved wages and conditions. No doubt
Socialism would so revolutionise industry that the present wages and
conditions would then seem antiquated to the point of mediævalism, but I
think your wise men of England are those who carry on the work of social
reformation and leave the word Socialism alone. Mr. Lloyd George has
the right idea; I call him a Socialist, though perhaps he wouldn’t agree
with the designation.
Will the new era which follows the close of this European holocaust be
one of social advancement? If so, the war will not have been in vain.
And everything points that way.
In a second way, the war will bring improvement more complete than a
generation of peace could ever have done. On the battlefields of France
the British aristocrat and the boy from the slums will have met and
become brothers. Class distinctions will break down not a little, and
this is a good thing, for the private who came from the estates whereon
his ancestors have lived for centuries, and the soldier who came from
the foundry or the pit, have found each other of the same flesh and
blood, comrades in a common cause. Hitherto the class distinctions have
been very definite; they did not merge. After the war those barriers
will become far more shadowy.
Surely also if there are no more gigantic wars, but a vast curtailment
of armaments, millions and millions will be saved, and this money, after
settling the war bills, will be available for setting our houses in
order.
I do not think there will be any great hardships and poverty when the
war is over. On the contrary I anticipate a great trade revival, and in
this respect the understanding between the present Allies will greatly
increase the business done by them. Germany will no doubt be crippled,
her military role will end, and her business men--among the best in the
world--will find many of the old works closed. It will take Germany many
years to rebuild her fortunes, for she will have made her one gigantic
throw for world power, and lost.
France and England and Russia have between them most of the necessities
of life, and this should tend to keep down the cost of those
necessities. But I hope that a revival of trade will not mean a return
to riotous living and deadening indulgence.
To all the Allies the war has brought individual unity within their own
boundaries; there was danger of internal trouble in all three a year
before the cloud burst. Undoubtedly the fears of civil war in Great
Britain had some foundation; France was in a certain sense in a
condition of unpreparedness; and Russia was on the edge of a
revolution. In a day these questions were laid aside. To-day the French
army is as one man; France has behaved with a splendour that cannot be
over-extolled, and she will never lose that power of cohesion she gained
through the opening stages of this conflict. Indeed, in all the
countries of the Allies I fancy the old questions will never recur in
the same degree.
On the whole, then, the outlook has its bright side. We are appalled at
the loss of life, at the desolation of territory, at the complicated
wastage of war. But the Allies will come out of it stronger in many
ways, not only with recovered territory--France with her long-lost
children returned, and Russia no doubt with her southern port (which
means her emancipation)--but with ancient instincts of race reawakened
and sharpened, with broader views, particularly on the part of France
and Great Britain; for this war has killed the distance across the
English Channel, and England, losing her insularity, will become more
and more closely attached to her great Republican neighbour.
INDEX
Abdul Hamid, Sultan, 151, 152
Absinthe, sale of, prohibited in France, 248
Albert, King of the Belgians, 183
Alcazar, the palace of the, 35
description of, 36
life at, 37 _et seq._
Alcohol, the War and, 248
Alexander II., Tsar, assassination of, 176
Alexandra, Queen, 129, 131, 175, 194, 205, 209
Alexis, Grand Duke, 172
Alfonso XII., King, 2, 28
a family reunion, 27
a love match, 74
a visit to the French hospital, 60
and the Spanish aristocracy, 93
at the Escurial, 27-28
buried in the Escurial, 97
death of, 96, 97
grief at death of his wife, 90 _et seq._
his activities, 93 _et seq._
his children, 96
his education, 46
his popularity, 52
his second marriage, 95
ill-health of, 91
marries Mercedes, daughter of the Duc de Montpensier, 80
proclaimed King, 20, 48, 49, 58
the Infanta and, 5, 7, 18, 19, 20, 21, 27, 34-5, 44-6,
64, 66, 68, 81, 89, 90 _et seq._
Alfonso XIII., King, birth of, 96, 104
Amadeo of Savoy, Prince, 49
Amber, a Royal search for, 211
America, a democratic crowd in, 235-6
the author in, 222 _et seq._
the Press of, 232, 235
the railways in, 233
Antoine of Orléans, Archduke, 68 _et seq._, 74, 99
marries the Infanta Eulalia, 100
separated from his wife, 238-239
Aosta, the Dowager Duchess of, 218 _et seq._
Aosta, the Duke and Duchess of, 217, 221
Aranjuez, the palace of, 100
Arbitration, democracy and, 247
Argyll, Duchess of, 130
Armada, dispatch of the, 28
Atoche, the church of, 104
Austria before the War, 181
Belgians, Albert King of the, 183
Belgium, King Leopold of, 183
Berlin, Court life in, 134 _et seq._
“Blood Royal,” prerogatives of, 3-4, 11, 31, 32 _et seq._, 62, 63, 84
Boer War, the, 113, 136
Bologna, 215
Bonaparte, Princess Lætitia (_See_ Aosta, Dowager Duchess)
“Bossism” in America and Spain, 55-6
Bourbon, Princess Caroline of, 175
British rule in India, the, 111
Bulgaria, King Ferdinand of, 184-5
Caciques in Spain, 56 _et seq._
Calomarde, Señor, 50
Campos, General Martinez, 48
Canovas, Señor, 85
_Cara de Dios_, la, 98
Carlo, Don, and the Spanish succession, 49-51
Caroline of Bourbon, Princess, 178
Charles III., 43
Charles IV., 224
Chicago: the World’s Fair, 222
Christian, King of Denmark, 205, 207
Christiania, author at, 190 _et seq._
Cleveland, President, 237
Coburg, Duchess of, 130
Connaught, Princess Margaret of, 204
Princess Patricia of, 130
the Duchess of, 130
the Duke of, 129
Constantinople, the Kaiser’s visit to, 151
Court diplomats, 87-9
life, anomalies of, 105 _et seq._
life in England, 110-12, 129
Cuba, 222, 225 _et seq._
Spanish corruption in, 229-30
Democracy and arbitration, 247
and monarchy, 244
education and, 180
in Denmark, 205, 208
in England, 123, 132
in Norway, 190 _et seq._
in Russia, 160
Denmark, democracy in, 205, 208
the King of, 205, 207
Disarmament, the question of, 246, 248-9
Dmitri, Grand Duke, 175
Echegaray, José de, 73
Edinburgh, the Duchess of (now Duchess of Coburg), 131
Education and democracy, 180
Edward VII., King, 112
and the _entente cordinale_, 127
and the Kaiser, 114, 134, 137, 138
entertains the Author, 129
his American and Jewish friends, 132
his punctuality, 129
Elizabeth, Grand Duchess, 174
England and Germany, industrial and commercial rivalry between, 114
and Socialism, 253
and the English, 106 _et seq._
author’s visits to, 108
and the question of disarmament, 248
changing customs in, 120
country life in, 116 _et seq._
democracy in, 123, 132
her international affairs, 127
love of extravagance in, 115-16, 132, 247
strikes and internal disorders in, 113, 248
taxing the wealthy in, 251
the aristocracy of, 110, 115, 132
the charm of home and country, 117
the landlord system in, 122
the veneration of Royalty in, 131
English, author’s views of the, 114
Court, the, a canon of Court etiquette, 131
character of the, 114, 125
diplomats, 89
Royal Family, the, 111
the, their superiority in diplomacy, 126
_Entente cordiale_, the, 127
Escurial, palace of the, 26 _et seq._
Alfonso XII. buried in, 97
arrival of Royal Family at, 28
interment of Queen Mercedes in, 90
Royal tombs in, 28
Eulalia, the Infanta, a guest at Sandringham, 129
a separation from her husband, 238-9
Alfonso XII. and, 7, 18, 21, 27, 35, 44-5, 64, 66, 68, 74, 81, 90 _et seq._
and Court etiquette, 31-2
and democracy, 179, 244
and Izzet Pasha, 151
and Edward VII., 128 _et seq._
Eulalia and the death of Alfonso XII., 96 _et seq._
and the English Royal circle, 130 _et seq._
and the language of eyes, 65
asserts herself, 8, 26, 30, 40
at Rome, 182
at the convent of the Sacré Cœur, 9 _et seq._, 108
at the Norwegian Court, 193 _et seq._
at the Ordensfest in Berlin, 138, 139, 140
at the palace of the Alcazar, 36 _et seq._
at Richmond, 119-120
death of her mother, 239
her engagement, 69, 74, 99
her father, 17, 189
her First Communion, 14
her growing desire for solitude, 238
her irksome duties as a Princess, 22 _et seq._, 142 _et seq._
her love of books, 46 _et seq._
her “mortal sin” and confession thereof, 70
her mother, 2, 4, 14, 18, 19, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 35, 38, 45, 75
her sisters, 5, 6, 9, 10, 14, 15, 25, 40, 41, 44, 52, 60, 61, 68, 81
her sons, ix, 189, 238
in America, 232 _et seq._
in Russia, 160 _et seq._
marriage of, 100
Prince Napoleon a playmate of, 4
the Kaiser and, 134 _et seq._, 140-41
the King of Spain and, 240
visits Queen Victoria at Windsor, 108-9
“Face of God, the,” 98
Ferdinand, King of Bulgaria, 183-4
Ferdinand VII. of Spain, 15, 50
Ferrari, Philippo, 215
France and the Great War, 242-3
and the question of disarmament, 248
country life in, 119
Louis Philippe, King of, 72
Royalty in, 107
Francisco, Infante, father of Infanta Eulalia, 17, 189
Frederick, Empress, 130
Frederick the Great, the library of, 153
French, the, diplomacy of, 127
Galliera, the Duke of, 213, 215
Genoa, the Duke and Duchess of, 217, 219
George V., King, the simplicity of his life, 132
George, Mr. Lloyd, 253
German Emperor, the (_see_ William II.)
Royal Family, the, 136
Germany and the Great War, 246, 255
growth of Socialism in, 137
her greed for power and wealth, 251
industrial and commercial rivalry with England, 114
military party in, 155, 242
Great Britain and the Great War, 243
Great War, the, 115, 125, 132, 133, 179, 184
author’s reflections on, 242
good results of, 252 _et seq._
the Allies’ individual unity, 255
Tsar Nicholas II. and, 176
Gustav, King of Sweden, 204
Haakon, King of Norway, 180, 192, 193 _et seq._
Havana, author visits, 224
convicts as servants in, 227
the author’s curious predicament in, 228
Houlgate, an adventure at, 7
Humbert, King of Italy, 216, 217
India, British rule in, 111
Infection, immunity of Spanish to, 84 (_cf._ Viaticum)
Isabel the Infanta, 44, 53, 95, 151
marriage of, 69
Isabelle II. (mother of the Infanta Eulalia), 2, 4, 14, 17, 19,
24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 31, 35, 38, 42, 45, 239
an anecdote of, 102
attempted assassination of, 46
dethronement of, 49
intrigues against marriage of Alfonso XII., 42, 71
returns to Spain, 20, 22
succeeds to the throne, 50
Isle of Wight, 130, 162, 174
Italian Court, the, and the Vatican, a quarrel between, 95
Italy before and after the unification, 216
dialect in, 219
King Humbert of, 216, 217
King Victor Emmanuel of, 49, 182
miniature Courts in, 218
Queen Margherita of, 216, 217
the Courts of, 213 _et seq._
Izzet Pasha, 151
Kaiser, the, and his Court, 134 _et seq._ (_see also_ William II., Emperor)
La Granja, the summer palace of, 86
Las Palmas, the author at, 224
Leopold, King of Belgium, 183
London, the author in, 109
Louis XVI. and the Court of Versailles, 144
Louis Philippe, King, 72, 184
Louise, Princess (_see_ Argyll, Duchess of)
Luisa Carlota, the Infanta, 50
marriage of, 69
Madrid, a popular feast in, 98
an audience--and a kitten, 60-1
an embarrassing street decoration, 43
the Royal palace of, 43
Margaret, Princess of Connaught, 204
Margherita, Queen of Italy, 216
Maria Cristina (wife of Alfonso XII.), 95, 118, 151
Maria Cristina, Queen (wife of Ferdinand VII.), 15, 51
character of, 17
romantic marriage of, 16
Maria Padilla, the bath of, 38
Maria Pavlovna, Grand Duchess, 175
Marie, Empress, 175, 206, 209
Mary, Queen of England, 120
her simple life, 132
Maud, Queen of Norway, 180, 190, 193 _et seq._
Mercedes, Queen, 80
death of, 90
Mohammedanism, Spain and, 57
Montagnini, Monsignor, 221
Montpensier, the Duc de, 71, 214
a unique marriage, 75
and his orange crop, 93
and Isabella II., 71
and Queen Victoria, 109
appearance of, 77
death of, 238
head of the Orleans party, 72-3
his religious ideas, 76
marriage of, 72
Monza, the Castle of, 216
Moors, the, 57
Morro Castle, 224
Napoleon III. and Isabella II., 4
Netherlands, the, war in, 28
Nicholas II., Tsar, and his people, 157 _et seq._
as host, 169
courage of, 158, 176, 245
happy married life of, 166-167
his autocratic power, 164
his children, 166
his great tenderness, 177
his love of simplicity, 168, 176
his personality, 158
his strenuous days, 170
Normandy, the Spanish Court removes to, 5
Norway, democracy in, 180, 190
education in, 199
free unions in, 198
Queen Maud of, 190, 193
the King of, 180, 192, 193
Norway and Sweden, union of, repealed, 192, 200, 205
Olaf, Prince of Norway, 193, 196, 197
_Ordensfest_, the, 138, 139, 140
Orléans, Antoine d’, 68 _et seq._, 74, 99
Orleans family in France, 104
party, the, 73
the House of, 183, 184
Oscar, King of Sweden, 204-5
Palais de Castile, the Infanta’s life in, 4 _et seq._
Paris, flight from: the Infanta’s recollections of, 5
the author in, 107
Paris, Comte de, exiled from France, 105
the Comte and Comtesse de, at Tunbridge Wells, 105, 116
Patricia of Connaught, Princess, 130
Paul, Grand Duke, 175
Paz, the Infanta, 44, 53
Pedro the Cruel, 39
Peter the Great, 175
Petersburg. (_See_ Petrograd)
Petrograd, 160, 166
the Twelfth Day ceremony at, 161, 163-4
Philip II. and the Escurial, 28
Pilar, the Infanta, 44, 53
death of, 91
Poland, the tragedy of, 179
Polish question, the, 178
Quirinal, the, 216
Recruiting in England and Germany, 136
Richmond, author’s visit to, 119
Romanoff, the House of, and democracy, 171
Rome, the Infanta Eulalia at, 14, 182
the Pope of, 182
Russia and the Great War, 243
and the Orthodox Church, 164
creation of the Imperial Duma, 160, 165
Empress of, her beauty, 162
her devotion to her children, 167
her natural timidity, 246
her religious instincts, 164
the Blessing of the Waters in, 161, 164-5
the Grand Dukes and Grand Duchesses of, 171 _et seq._
the peasantry of, 178
Tsar Nicholas II., 157
Russian Court, the, a charming custom at, 169
the mazurka a favourite dance at the, 168
Sacre Cœur, convent of, 9, 108
Sagasta, Premier, 85
St. Lorenzo martyrdom, of, 28
Salic law in Spain, the, 50
San Jean de Luz, 22
Sandringham, a curious practice at, 129
Sans-Souci, the palace of, 153
Santander, 86
the Cathedral of, 25, 223
Savoy, Prince Amadeo of, 49
Scandinavia, Socialism in, 251
the simple life of, 252
Scandinavian democracies, the, 190 _et seq._
diplomats, 89
Serge, Grand Duke, assassination of, 174
Seville, 36 _et seq._
Shakespeare, the Infanta Eulalia and, 47
Social reform _versus_ Socialism, 253
Socialism in Belgium, 183
in England, 253
in Germany, 136
in Italy, 182
in Sweden, 202
the ethics of, 250 _et seq._
Spain, “anti-clerical” revolts in, 57, 58
becomes a republic, 1
caciques in, 56 _et seq._
corruption in, 55, 94
influence of the Duc de Montpensier in, 72
intricacies of Government in, 55 _et seq._
king-making in, 48 _et seq._
medical science in, 90-92
priests and their rule, 56
religion and politics in, 57
Republicanism in, 58
taxation in, 56
the aristocracy of, 93
the Catholicism of, 98
the church and courtship, 66-7
the claque in, 52-3
the Clerical party in, 73
the question of succession, 42
the Salic law in, 50
the Viaticum in, 81 _et seq._
tricks of deception in, 54
Spanish Court, the, life at, 85
the diplomats, 87 _et seq._
Strikes and Socialism, 113, 249
Sweden, King Gustav of, 204
King Oscar of, 204-5
Socialism in, 203
the aristocracy of, 201
the Court of, 204
the Crown Prince of, 203
the Crown Princess of, 130, 204
the Parliament of, 202
the Queen of, 204
Sweden and Norway, union of, repealed, 192, 200, 205
Switzerland, true Socialism in, 251
Teck, the Duchess of, 120
Tunbridge Wells, the Comte and Comtesse de Paris at, 105, 116
Turin, the Courts of, 217
United States, “bossism” in the, 55, 56
Universal peace, the ideal way of obtaining, 251
Vatican, the, and the Infanta Eulalia, 182
and the Italian Court: a quarrel, 95
Venice, 220 _et seq._
Versailles, 32
of Spain, the. (_See_ La Granja)
Viaticum, the author’s experiences of, 81 _et seq._
Victor Emmanuel, King, 49
Victoria, Queen, and a problem of Court etiquette, 131
description of, 109
jubilee of, 112, 174
Vienna, the Court of, 95
Vodka, prohibition of, in Russia, 248
Voltaire, 153
Wales, Albert Edward, Prince of, at the wedding of Alfonso XII., 129
Prince (Edward) of, his birth, 120
Princess of (now Queen Mary), birth of her first son, 120
Whisky, the evil of England, 248
Wight, Isle of, 130, 162, 174
William II., German Emperor and Edward VII., 114, 134, 137, 138
and the divinity of kingship, 135-6, 140, 154, 165, 243
and the Great War, 242-3
as host, 146-7
at the Ordensfest, 138-140
his children, 145
his flattery of the author, 141
his literary tastes, 153
his love of Berlin, 147-8
his personality, 134, 137
his punctuality, 144
his religious instincts, 135-6, 242
the household of, 134-5
the Infanta Eulalia’s visit to, 134
Windsor Castle, the author at, 109
Woman, the equality of, in Norway, 197 _et seq._
World’s Fair, the, 222
Zamoyski family, the, 178
End of Project Gutenberg's Court Life From Within, by Eulalia Infanta of Spain