There can be little doubt that the people of Complex D led a life
similar to that described by Jennings for the Desert Cultures. The
term “Desert” is a little misleading, since the Morrison Biome is not
in any sense of the word a desert. However, the vegetation is of the
Sonoran type, a type with great variation characterized by fairly low
rainfall, scrubby bushes and few trees. The proximity of the mountain
forest biome supporting deer and other large animals, probably led the
people to greater dependence on these at the expense of small game.
This hypothesis is supported by the faunal charts. The multitude of
grinding stones, and the presence of edible floral remains attest to
the continued importance of gathering. Another factor is present,
for floral remains and the pollen record indicate the presence of
maize in early times at LoDaisKa. At another site in southwestern
New Mexico, Bat Cave (Dick, n.d.) was recorded one of the earliest
occurrences of maize in North America. At Bat Cave preservation was
better than at LoDaisKa and a more complete record was found. There
is a clear resemblance between certain projectile points of Bat Cave
(e.g. Datil points) and Chiricahua and Ventana forms, and those of
LoDaisKa mentioned above. Perhaps maize was grown by the people of
Ventana Cave also. It remains to be seen, however, how much difference
the cultivation of small amounts of corn made in social and economic
life. We are inclined to agree with Willey and Phillips (1958), who
suggest that it was indeed little. In their hunting and gathering
activities these people must have lived a life very similar to that
of the Ute, outlined above. For theoretical considerations, the light
shed on prehistoric life by these primitive cultures of the historic
period cannot be overemphasized. The characters are different, but all
the evidence suggests that the play was much the same with only minor
variations.
Cists from Complex D suggest that seeds and perhaps corn were stored.
Fire areas are sometimes large and deep. Perhaps these were traditional
cooking areas. The many rocks scattered in the pits suggest that
stone boiling or baking was practiced, and flat slabs may have been
used for cooking cakes. Food was ground on basin or flat metates with
one-hand manos. Lowie (1924) cites ethnological evidence for the use
of different kinds of grinding stones for different foods in the Great
Basin cultures. Perhaps a similar custom gave rise to the peculiar
four-plane and ordinary type manos in equal proportions at LoDaisKa.
Hunting methods included the use of the atlatl, or spear-thrower, and
possibly, though no evidence is at hand, snares. Perhaps the use of
bolas is recorded by the clay ball described above. Long bone awls
suggest that basketry was important.
In technology the people had rather well formed projectile points. The
flaking technique employed was probably largely percussion supplemented
by pressure. In general, tools were smaller than those from other sites
that exhibit typological parallels. This could have been partly due
to ecologic conditions or perhaps to a scarcity of stone. Wide use
of rough quartz and metamorphic rock suggest that the latter factor
was operative. Obsidian was obtained through trade or visits to other
areas. For sources of obsidian, one must look either to the vulcanism
of northern Wyoming, Southwestern Colorado, New Mexico or Utah. Peoples
occupying other sites of this time period also appear to have engaged
in trade (see Jennings, 1957; Haury, 1950).
Bone was widely used for scraping, cutting and piercing. The exact
method of cutting bone is not known; but there are gravers and utilized
flakes that could have been used.
Ornaments suggest that interest in self adornment was not lacking.
Hematite and ochre indicate that there was some use of paints and
pigments. A piece of chlorite was found that, if ground and mixed with
grease, could have made a spectacular kind of paint. Worked mica again
may have had ornamental or ceremonial uses.
In the magico-religious field, one can probably infer some of the
religious practices of the Basin hunters and gatherers, from those of
the recent Ute. An interesting feature is the occurrence of a rather
large, well formed, smokey colored quartz crystal. Perhaps as Haury
suggested (1950), such crystals were picked up for beauty, but another
possibility is that they were a part of a shaman’s paraphernalia.
Certain California and Louisiana Archaic sites contain many of these,
and they are assumed to have had some sort of magico-religious
function. It would be surprising not to find at least a part time
shaman in such a culture, although regalia such as sucking tubes are
lacking.
Conjectures concerning social organization can be briefly set forth.
It is probable that the people had a more or less bilateral form of
kinship. As Murdock (1949) and others have noted, where economic
division of labor is nearly even, a more or less bilateral organization
tends to develop, with at most only mild matri-or patrilineality. From
ethnologic parallels for Basin peoples this seems plausible. But use
of ethnological evidence for single traits at this chronological level
is extra-hazardous. What effect the little agriculture practised had
is a moot question. As we have pointed out concerning the people of
Complex A, small plots of corn would have required at least semi-annual
gatherings, and would have temporarily placed the society on a
relatively stable footing. Possibly the proceeds of a harvest were
used for a gala feast or ceremony. However, the presence of cache pits
suggests that something at least was stored.
Two oblong pieces of bone which appear to have been gaming pieces
suggest that gambling existed as a form of recreation. Certainly,
as Steward (1940) has noted, gaming was a constant feature of Basin
cultures.