the newly created German Empire shall first of all enjoy on all sides
the most absolute confidence as a quiet, honorable, and peaceful
neighbor; and that, if in the future they shall read in history of a
German world-empire or of a Hohenzollern world-ruler, it shall not
be founded upon acquisitions won with the sword but upon the mutual
trust of the nations who are striving for the same goals. To express
it briefly, as a great poet has said: "Limited outwardly, but with no
limits upon inward development."
You have mentioned the ships which here hang memorially from the
ceiling of this beautiful old hall. The time in which I grew up was, in
spite of the great war, not a great and glorious one for the seafaring
part of our nation. I, too, have here drawn the logical conclusions
from what my ancestors have done. In a military way much had been done
within, as was necessary; now the equipment of the navy had to be
brought forward.
I thank God that I do not have to make a desperate appeal here in this
town hall as I once did in Hamburg.[41] The fleet is built and is on
the seas; we have material for crews. The eagerness and the spirit are
the same as those which filled the officers of the Prussian army at
Hohenfriedberg, at Königgrätz, and at Sedan; and every German war-ship
which leaves the slips is one more guarantee for peace on land. We are
correspondingly more powerful as allies, and our opponents will be
correspondingly less willing to offer us any aggression.
[41] The appeal referred to is the speech delivered at Hamburg on
October 18, 1899, with its famous "Bitterly do we need a powerful
fleet."
To-day, as I scanned the citizens of Bremen, I saw the old and the
young standing next each other--the old with their medals and their
crosses, comrades in battle and in deeds under both the great leaders
whose statues stand in this city, and before them stand the youth who
shall grow up to the new empire and its tasks.
What will these tasks be? To develop steadily; to shun strife, hate,
division, and jealousy; to rejoice in the German Fatherland as it is
and not to strive after the impossible; to hold fast to the conviction
that our God would never have taken such great pains with our German
Fatherland and its people if he had not been preparing us for something
still greater.
We are the salt of the earth, but we must also be worthy to be so.
Therefore must our youth learn to give up and deny themselves what
is not good for them, to put far from them the things which have
slipped in from foreign peoples, and to preserve their morals, good
conduct, reverence, and religion. Then some day may we write over
the German people the motto on the helmet of the 1st Regiment of my
guard: "_Semper talis_"--"Ever the Same." Then we shall be looked upon
from all sides with respect and in a measure with love as a safe and
trustworthy people and can stand with our hand on our sword-hilt and
with our shield grounded before us and say: "_Tamen_, come what will."
I am sure that my words will fall upon good ground here in Bremen.
Earnestly I hope that the golden peace which up to the present with
God's help we have maintained we may preserve still further and that
under this peace Bremen may grow green, may bloom, and prosper. That is
my innermost wish. Long life to Bremen--Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
VI
ON THE EVE OF MOROCCO
MARCH 31, 1905--NOVEMBER 17, 1906
THE MOROCCO QUESTION
TANGIER, MARCH 31, 1905
On the 8th of April, 1904, an _entente_ which had settled all
outstanding questions between France and Great Britain and gave
to Great Britain a free hand in Egypt and to France a free hand
in Morocco was formally signed in London. The German Government
officially declared that the settlement between France and Great
Britain concerned only these two countries; but the Pan-German
Society, the Colonial Society, and the Navy League began so
insistent an agitation that the government changed its attitude
and the Emperor here declares in no uncertain terms that what
Germany undertakes in Morocco will be done exclusively with the
"_sovereign_ Sultan." Germany was evidently picking a quarrel with
France over Morocco, with or without warrant, as the case may
be, and was trying to ascertain, it is generally believed, the
closeness of the relationship between France and Great Britain.
The large commercial interests of which the Emperor speaks were
fairly negligible; though he doubtless had the right to protect it,
Germany's yearly trade there did not amount to as much as that of
an ordinary department store or of a fairly successful merchant.
For the previous eight years it averaged less than half a million
dollars annually. Her course here has usually been regarded as
unnecessarily belligerent.
True to his policy of personal diplomacy, the Emperor suddenly
appeared at Tangier and while there made his speech to the German
colony.
The whole question was taken up at the conference of Algeciras
in 1906. Although the policy of "the open door," which protected
Germany's commercial interests was guaranteed, the very general
storm of protest in Germany, especially on the part of the war
party and Navy League, showed that she had entered the contest with
more serious intentions. World policy by aggressive interference
had already been initiated when, in the Spanish-American War,
the German Admiral Diedrichs started to hamper the operations of
the American fleet at Manila. Morocco was looked upon by some,
Doctor Liman, for instance, as a second defeat. In the Algeciras
conference Italy sided with France and England. Italy had been
continuing as a member of the Triple Alliance partly through fear
that the French would annex Tripoli, which Italy desired. England
and France had now privately agreed to give Italy a free hand. She
sided with them and it was evident that her vital interests in the
Triple Alliance had been considerably lessened. As England and
Russia were also settling all their Eastern points of difference,
Germany began to be conscious of her isolation, which had been
largely a result of her attitude and unfortunate diplomacy.
I am pleased to make the acquaintance of the pioneers of Germany in
Morocco and to be able to tell them that they have done their duty.
Germany has great commercial interests here. I shall advance and
protect our commerce, which shows a satisfying increase, and for that
reason shall insist upon equal rights with all powers, which is only
possible through the sovereignty of the Sultan and the independence of
the country. For Germany both of these must be unquestioned, and I am,
therefore, ready to intervene for them at all times.
I hope that my visit in Tangier declares this plainly and emphatically
and that it will call forth the conviction that what Germany undertakes
in Morocco will be negotiated exclusively with the sovereign Sultan.
THE GREAT ALLY
SEPTEMBER 8, 1906
On this date the Emperor and his four sons dedicated a monument
to Frederick the Great on the site of his famous bivouac at
Bunzelwitz. In the evening he addressed a banquet in Breslau, in
which he took up especially the services of the Silesians to the
crown. He particularly recalls the support they gave Frederick
William III in 1813, at the lowest ebb of that King's fortunes.
Divisions of patriotic volunteers, "free corps," were organized
in the province, who, not being Prussians, could not serve in the
Prussian line. The best known of these was that of Lützow, to which
the poet Theodor Körner belonged. It is from one of his most famous
war-songs that the quotation in the Emperor's speech is taken. The
manner in which he speaks of the coronation of his grandfather
"by the will of Heaven" and with no mention of the Constitution,
is to be found in several of his speeches, notably the address at
Königsberg (August 25, 1910). Most of these speeches were made in
his hereditary provinces, Prussia, Silesia, and Brandenburg, and
aroused considerable protest in other parts of Germany.
MY DEAR PRESIDENT:
With a heart deeply moved, I take the opportunity to-day to speak as
sovereign Duke of Silesia to my Silesians, for the impressions which
have been showered upon me during the short time that I have been among
you are of so powerful and compelling a nature that words fail me to
express them or to find the proper form for the thanks which I would
like to communicate to my people of Silesia. I do not refer only to
yesterday's demonstrations, which surpassed, if that were possible,
the jubilations on the day of my entrance. And I do not mean only those
on the part of the old soldiers in black uniforms with their military
decorations on their breasts, who can say, "We have been present at
the time when history was made," and who dare pride themselves on
having been fellows in arms of the great Emperor and his noble son, my
father, whose heart, as is known to all of you, beat high for Silesia,
but I mean to-day, on my journey through the green Silesian country to
Bunzelwitz, Schweidnitz, and Rogau and back--everywhere I have found
the same warmth, the same glowing, burning enthusiasm. It is the old
Silesian loyalty which breaks forth and which proves the appreciation
on the part of the people for what the house of Hohenzollern has done
for them. This loyalty is rooted in ground specially consecrated
by history. For who will deny that the province of Silesia, almost
more than any other, stands in closest union with the history of
our Fatherland and of our house? And, especially, how could any one
speak of the development of Silesia without first thinking of the one
powerful figure of whom the grenadiers sang from the Rhine to the
Oder: "Fredericus Rex, our King and leader"? Wherever we look over
the plains of Silesia rise the memories of him, of the incomparable
battles through which he made Prussia a world-power, and also of the
splendid work of peace in which he sought to raise and strengthen the
sorely oppressed country. And again in later times it was precisely to
Silesia that it was reserved to send a new ray of hope to that sorely
tried Hohenzollern King, Frederick William III, when he encountered the
ardent enthusiasm of the first volunteers in Breslau, when the first
raising of troops took place here, and when the "wild, dashing Lützow
hunters" started in their career against the enemy at the Zobten. And
so it has been ever since. The sons of Silesia have fought whenever it
was a question of coming forward and sacrificing their blood for the
Fatherland. And so it may be very well said that the history of our
house is indissolubly bound up with that of Silesia, one of her most
beautiful provinces. And when we glance back over this great history we
can characterize it with the phrase which my great departed grandfather
used when, after fierce conflicts, through the will of Heaven the
imperial crown was set upon his brow: "God was with us, and His be the
honor!" And when I stop to think how the flags of the veterans passed
me with proud bearing I believe that we can apply this to the present
and thank God that He has disposed everything for the good and profit
of this province and of our house; above all, for the fact that it has
been granted us to carry out our work in peace. But if God was with
us we ought earnestly to ask the question whether we were worthy of
His help. Has every one among us also done his part by offering up his
thought, his health, and strength to carry on and develop the legacy
which was bequeathed to us by the past? If every one with his hand
upon his heart asks himself this question sincerely, many a man will
find it difficult to answer. And then, gentlemen, let us draw a lesson
from the personality of the great King and decide where it was that we
have failed in the work, where we have allowed our spirits to flag,
and where dark thoughts and fears have bewildered our minds. Away with
them! And just as the great King was never left in the lurch by the
old Ally, so our Fatherland and this beautiful province will always be
near His heart. And so out of the beautiful circle of memories and of
golden loyalty which I have here encountered, let us coin a new vow:
from this time on, through offering up our strength of soul and body,
we will devote ourselves to the task of urging our country forward,
of working for our people; and every one, according to his position,
whether high or low, will do this; and the various creeds will unite
to check unbelief; and above all things, for the future, we shall keep
our vision clear and never despair of ourselves or of our people.
The world belongs to the living, and the living are right. I cannot
endure pessimists, and whoever does not take part in the work let him
depart and, if he likes, seek out a better country. But I expect from
my Silesians that they to-day will unite in the decision to be ever
mindful of their great aims and examples, that they will follow their
Duke, especially in his work of peace for his people. In this hope,
I empty my glass to the health of the province of Silesia and of all
faithful Silesians.
OPTIMISM AND LITERATURE
MÜNICH, NOVEMBER 12, 1906
One of the men of letters whom the Emperor has been particularly
delighted to honor and in whom he sees one of the glories of German
literature is Doctor Ludwig Ganghofer, who is certainly not more
than an able writer of the second rank. After a performance in the
_Hoftheater_ in Münich the Emperor expressed the desire to see him,
and the following conversation took place which was reported in a
confusing combination of direct and indirect quotation.
The Emperor said that he had recently read the "Hohen Schein" and
spoke at some length about it, going over the content and thought of
the book. From the way in which he spoke about it one could see how
intensely he was occupied with one thing in particular.
What pleased him especially in the book was the optimistic tone which
pervaded it, the preaching which stimulated belief in life, and the
manner of accepting the misfortunes of existence, as well as the
trust in the future and trust in humanity. "This," said the Emperor,
"makes such an impression upon me because I am an optimist through and
through and will allow nothing to prevent me from remaining one to the
end of my days." He spoke of himself as a man full of his work and
one who believed in his tasks. He said further: "I will go forward.
I would greatly rejoice if men would understand me and would support
me in my desires." In this connection he spoke of the difficulty
every one encountered in his work on account of distrust. He again
recalled a passage from Ganghofer's "Schweigen im Walde" which had also
especially appealed to him because it had expressed his own point of
view concerning life. The passage runs: "He who distrusts, commits a
wrong against another and harms himself. It is our duty to believe that
every man is good so long as he does not give proof to the contrary."
"On this basis," said the Emperor, "I have always accepted every man
with whom I had anything to do. One may sometimes meet with unpleasant
experiences, but on that account he dare not give up. One must always
go on again with new trust in humanity and in life."
The Emperor then directed the conversation to a tablet which he had
had made and which contained, besides the above-mentioned quotation,
certain aphorisms of a like tenor from Ganghofer's novels.
These quotations appealed to him so strongly because they expressed
entirely his attitude toward life. With a good bit of optimism and a
bright and trustful outlook a man will go much further, not only in
his own personal life but in his vocation also, than he will if he
looks upon all things with a pessimistic eye; and even in politics
the case is the same. The German people certainly have a future, and
there is one word, "_Reichsverdrossenheit_" [sullenness toward imperial
destiny], which always offends him as often as he hears it. "What have
we to do with sullenness? Rather work and look forward. I work--yes,
not unwillingly--and I believe that I progress."
In connection with this word, the Emperor described the way in which
he worked every day and told how the difficulty of the many duties
and tasks which stormed in upon him often made him very weary. It
was at such times that the need overcame him to get out of harness
and see another part of the world, to become acquainted with other
men who stimulated him again. Thus, his journeys to the north always
invigorated him both mentally and physically.
The Emperor described earnestly and vividly how such a journey
gradually rested and refreshed him. In the first days there was of
course an abundance of work. Telegrams and letters came even to the
boat, and he and those about him could not leave work for long. Then it
became gradually more restful and solitary until eventually he found
complete rest and could give himself up to the glories of nature.
He then gave lively descriptions of his journeys, of the special
beauties of the fjords, and of his impression of the midnight sun. He
spoke especially of his pleasure at the simplicity and the cordiality
of the people, who responded to him so naturally. Everything that
oppressed him was cast aside for a few weeks--and yet the pleasures
which he received were begrudged him by many people. He knew that he
had always been called the "travelling Emperor," but he had always
taken it lightly and had not allowed his pleasure to be spoiled by it.
We discover friends in travelling, even in our own home. He believed
that the feeling of interdependence was strengthened in that way and
added that there were many Germans who did not know how beautiful
their own land was and how much there was to be seen in it. He always
rejoiced when he had learned to know a new portion of Germany. The
south especially seemed to him beautiful, and he was very much drawn
to it by the manner of life there. He always remembered, he said, with
particular pleasure a journey which he had made many years before to
Berchtesgaden and the beautiful days which he had been allowed to
spend in the hills behind it with his uncle, the Duke of Coburg. If
only travelling were not accompanied by so many inconveniences! It was
always necessary to take along so many paraphernalia. Often he longed
to seat himself in an automobile and go whizzing off for a few days,
to return satisfied and ready to work again. And such refreshment was
necessary in a serious calling like his own--doubly necessary because
he had to fight so much misunderstanding; it was a thankless situation,
because no one ever gave him credit for being independent. If he
succeeded in anything, then all the world asked: "Who advised him?"
If he was unsuccessful, then they said: "He did not understand it."
"What in the cases of other princes is accepted as self-evident becomes
in mine a matter of debate. And, nevertheless, the one answer is:
'Because I wish the good of the German Empire and of the German people.'
"Many times also I meet with pleasant experiences--and most often on
these very journeys which are made such a reproach to me." So the days
in Münich would remain an untroubled joy to him which he would never
forget. The warmth and heartiness in the behavior of the population
as well as the beautiful picture, gay with color, of the city in its
artistic decorations had completely charmed him.
The conversation then turned upon several questions of literature and
politics. The Emperor also related some anecdotes concerning his own
family, and here the intimacy with which he spoke was particularly
agreeable. He said merely, "my wife" and "my _Buben_" [boys]. In a
particularly sincere manner the Emperor spoke of our regents, whose
energy and self-sacrifice in such trying days he lauded, and expressed
the wish that the Great Prince might preserve us all for a long time to
come.
TWENTY-FIVE YEARS OF LABOR LEGISLATION
NOVEMBER 17, 1906
The policy of introducing legislation in the interest of the
laboring classes may be said to have been inaugurated by Emperor
William I in 1881. If one of its aims was to alleviate the
condition of this class and to promote the welfare of Germany
generally, another and perhaps its most important aim in Bismarck's
eyes was to stem the growth of the Social Democratic party and
bring about a greater sense of solidarity within the empire. In
this latter aim of "taking the wind out of the sails" of the
Social Democratic party it had not proved successful at the time
of the accession of William II. He began his reign with the idea
of making still further concessions and on this point broke
with Bismarck. When these again failed to conciliate the Social
Democrats, he took measures to legislate against them. He declared,
as we have seen, on one occasion: "For me, every Social Democrat
is synonymous with enemy of the nation and of the Fatherland."
(May 14, 1889.) The fact that the party has continued to increase
has always been a thorn in his side, and his attitude has been
more or less contradictory with regard to the working classes; so
that occasionally, as here, he seems to attempt to threaten and
conciliate at the same time.
Twenty-five years ago to-day the late Emperor and King, William the
Great, made his memorable announcement, and I welcome the opportunity
of calling to mind with reverent gratitude this work of peace through
which my noble ancestor inaugurated new lines of legislation for
the protection of the economically weak. In obedience to his lofty
will, with the hearty approval of the allied governments and the
intelligent co-operation of the Reichstag, we succeeded in so advancing
the difficult and multifarious development of the state's labor
legislation, in the domain of sick, accident, and disability insurance,
that those deserving help in their day of need now possess a regularly
constituted legal claim. Thanks to the comprehensive acts of the
realm and of the employers as well as to their own contributions, the
laborers have hereby attained a much higher degree of security with
regard to their means of livelihood and the support of their families.
But the great and fruitful ideas in the imperial message have not
only inaugurated this condition in our own Fatherland but have served
as an epoch-making example far beyond her borders. Unfortunately,
through lasting opposition in the very quarter which believes that it
has a right to represent the interests of labor the fulfilment of the
highest aims of the imperial message is being checked and delayed.
Nevertheless, I believe that a recognition of what has been done and a
growing realization of the limits of the economically possible will in
all circles of the German people bring about its final triumph. Then
the hope of Emperor William that the laboring man's insurance would be
a lasting pledge of internal peace for the Fatherland will have been
fulfilled. With this in mind, it is my firm will that legislation in
the domain of social and political provisions should not cease, but
that it should be carried out toward the fulfilling of the highest
Christian duty with regard to the protection and the welfare of the
weak and needy. But the task proposed by the spirit of the imperial
message and its lofty framer cannot be carried out through merely legal
acts and provisions. I gladly recognize to-day that in the German
people there has never been a lack of men and women who willingly and
joyfully gave up their strength in loving service for the good of
their neighbor; and to all of those who devote themselves in unselfish
sacrifice to the great social work of our time I express my imperial
thanks.
I commission you to bring this decree to general notice.
Issued to the Imperial Chancellor, Donaueschingen, November 17, 1906.
WILLIAM, I. R.
VII
THE CRISIS OF 1907
FEBRUARY 5, 1907--OCTOBER 18, 1911
IMPERIALISM VERSUS SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
BERLIN, FEBRUARY 5, 1907