This happened, for he met them at Punta de Flechas. It was called

so because the natives believed that a great war divinity was there,

who considers it a grateful sacrifice for them to offer him arrows;

and this is the reason why they land at that point when they go out

armed and on their return, discharging many arrows in honor of the

divata or idol whom they adore there: Nicolas Gonsales and his men

fought valiantly; they killed Tagal, and captured the flagship and

three other caracoas. The other caracoas escaped by taking flight. Many

Mindanaos were killed, and only twenty were captured alive. In the

flagship was the father prior of Cuyo, who was so badly wounded

by our balls that he died two hours after the defeat. A brother of

Tagal was also mortally wounded. He very anxiously begged baptism

of the father; and, after his baptism, they both died. The other two

fathers were in the caracoas which escaped. There were one hundred and

thirty-two Christian captives liberated there, and some others were

also killed by our balls. Not one of our men was killed. A remarkable

circumstance occurred at the time of the fight--namely, that there

was a great earthquake at that time, which caused in that height

prodigiously loud roaring sounds, which terrified both our men and

the enemy. The Spaniards drew out their rosaries and reliquaries, and,

holding them in their hands, begged God for mercy; and the cliff fell

into the sea. That was an announcement of the fortunate victory which

Don Sebastian was to have afterward, who gave this point the name San

Sebastian, both for his saint, and on account of the arrows with which

that saint was martyred. Among the spoils was found a large sheet on

which was painted a figure of the Christ, and before him St. Augustine

kneeling. The Mindanaos had cut off one arm of the Christ, and had

beheaded St. Augustine, in order to be able to make a mantle of it

after their fashion--mocking, and saying that they were carrying

the God of the Christians captive. They spit in the chalices, and

committed other outrages, and uttered other great blasphemies. Before

receiving this news, Don Sebastian left Manila with twelve champans,

in which were embarked his company, as well as that of the sailors

of the port of Cavite, and another company of Pampangos. He chose

St. Francis Xavier as patron saint of his expedition. With him he took

Father Marcelo de Mastril, which was the reason for his detaining the

latter; he also took his confessor, Father Juan de Barrios. He left

on February 2, and passing by Oton, landed at the city and fort,

where he learned of the victory of Nicolas Gonsales, and saw the

mutilated Christ. His desire to take satisfaction for the insults

offered to God increased with this sight; and, pursuing his voyage,

he arrived at Sanboangan February 22. [111] There in a very brief

time, Don Sebastian arranged his voyage to La Mitan, as the chief

village of Cachil Corralat is called. Although he had, it is true,

been advised at Pintados that Captains Juan Nicolas and Juan de Leon,

who were going with eighty Spaniards and one thousand volunteer Indians

to take part in this war, had not even yet arrived, nevertheless with

his champans and other oared vessels of Sanboangan (in which went

as captain Nicolas Gonsales, who was sick), he immediately set out,

leaving orders for the volunteers to follow him when they arrived. On

account of the contrary weather, the vessels were unable to go in a

body; and hence Don Sebastian de Corcuera arrived first, with only

seventy Spaniards in a few champans. The Moro Corralat had heard of

the arrival of the governor, and talked of submission; but he was

dissuaded from it by six Javanese trading vessels that were stopping

there. Although those vessels were already laden and about to sail,

they offered to remain and aid in the defense. Thereupon they all took

position ready to receive the Spaniards and to fight with them. They

had a fort in the village with good [112] pieces of artillery and a

matter of ten versos, and many muskets and arquebuses. Don Sebastian,

thinking that the rest of the fleet was delayed, had two field pieces

disembarked; and with fifty Spaniards, the remainder being left in

the ships, he made an attack upon the enemy. It was a matter which

was regarded as a miracle, that with so few men he should conquer so

many Moros. He gained the fort and the village, and sent the people

in flight to the hill, which they had fortified. There was a great

slaughter of Mindanaos, but not one Spaniard was killed in this

fray. Father Marçelo was carrying the standard, which was placed on

a spear--the mutilated Christ on one side, and St. Francis Xavier on

the other, back to back. There they found about three hundred ships,

great and small, and a great amount of property. The governor set a

guard over it; and, the Moros having fled to the hill, the Christian

captives continued to come in, and the rest of the fleet arrived. The

governor purified the mosque, and a solemn procession was made through

the village with great pomp as a thank-offering; and mass was heard in

the mosque. This village has a sheltered hill which the Indians call

Ylihan; it is a natural fort. The Moros had in it some pieces [113]

with ladles, and sixteen or seventeen versos and other firearms. The

ascent is very narrow, so that it is difficult to mount it single

file. At its sides are steep precipices and heights. There Corralat

had taken shelter with all his men, and, confident in his arms and

the ruggedness [of the place] was proudly awaiting the Spaniards. At

his rear was a rough and very secret ascent, which did not alarm

our commander; for, six days after the surrender of the village, Don

Sebastian had despatched Nicolas Gonsales with spies and good soldiers

around by the rear, while his Lordship was resolved to attack from the

front, which was one and one-half leguas from the village. Nicolas

Gonsales set out, although very much impeded, and Don Sebastian

marched with his men, after leaving a guard in the village. The

plan was to attack at the same time from both sides. On coming to

the hill, the vanguard immediately attacked, with over-confident

spirit. But as it was so well defended, and the Moros were behind

works, while the Spaniards were in the open, and there was no path by

which to mount, the Spaniards began to fall dead and wounded; while

the Moros received no damage, until the arrival of Don Sebastian,

who made them retire. About twenty valiant Spaniards were killed. The

Moros, encouraged by this, were more careless of the other approach,

by which Nicolas Gonsales mounted the following day, and gained the

eminence before he was perceived. When they were discovered, Corralat

hastened to the defense, but he soon turned and fled, having been

wounded in one arm. The others fled with him. His wife, with a child

in her arms, threw herself over a precipice, as did many other people;

and thus the hill was won for the king our sovereign. Two Recollect

fathers [114] were found, all mangled with wounds that they had just

received; one of them was already dead, the other lived two days. Don

Sebastian was immediately advised of the result, and mounted the

hill. The booty found there was immense. The houses were burned; the

artillery and versos were taken down the hill. With those below, they

numbered twelve pieces with ladles, twenty-seven versos and falcons,

and one hundred and twenty muskets and arquebuses. Many Moros were

captured, and many Christians set free. La Mitan and three other

neighboring villages were burned, and their boats were burned, with

the exception of some that were taken to Sanboangan. This enterprise

concluded, the governor returned with all his fleet, having first sent

Sargento-mayor Palomino to Cachil Moncay--an own cousin to Corralat and

his keen antagonist, and a son of the great pirate Silongan--offering

him friendship, and asking that he would try to get Corralat into

his power. Don Sebastian met the volunteers under Juan Nicolas at

sea. He ordered them to follow Palomino in order that the treaty

might be given greater encouragement. Shortly after the arrival of

Don Sebastian at Sanboangan, they returned with a brother of Moncay

as ambassador. Moncay offered to pay tribute, and to free all the

Christian captives in his lands. Upon the conclusion of these matters,

Don Sebastian returned to Manila; of his triumphal entrance therein,

with the thank-offering to God for the victory, and the honors made to

the dead, I shall say nothing here, as I wrote a special relation of

it which I enclose herewith. [115] Don Sebastian ordered Juan Nicolas,

with the eighty Spaniards and one thousand volunteer Indians, to return

to La Mitan, and to sail round the island as far as Caragan, committing

all possible hostilities upon the people tributary to Corralat. He

did this admirably, pillaging and burning many villages, beheading

many of the people because they defended themselves, capturing others,

and burning a great number of ships. In consequence Corralat has been

greatly humbled, and all those Moros are fearful. News was received

later that Moncay is sending us a number of captives, and others of

the captives held by Corralat are also coming.

_Xolo_

What has somewhat disturbed the satisfactory course of affairs is

Xolo. It is an island which is even nearer to Sanboangan than the

[village of] La Mitan belonging to Corralat. That Moro has held as his

tributaries the people of the island of Taguima and Basilan, [116]

which is four leguas from our fort of Sanboangan. After the many

plundering raids which he has made among our islands, he was very

desirous of peace. A letter was written to him, saying that peace

would be considered; and among other conditions which were imposed

on him was one, namely, that he should evacuate [the island of]

Taguima (which was to be tributary to the king), and that ministers

of the gospel should be established there in order to baptize the

natives. In fact, Father Francisco Angel had been sent thither,

so that he might administer to them the holy sacraments. To this

he replied that he did not want peace, and with this declaration

and action the Joloans have fortified themselves. Dato Ache, who

is the greatest pirate of that island, has gone to Cachil Corralat,

in order to unite with him against the Spaniards. As a result, the

chiefs of Taguima and Basilan--who were apparently very contented,

and were on very friendly terms with us--have retired; and Father

Francisco Angel writes that he has not been able to go there. The

chiefs of the mainland of Mindanao, who were dancing attendance on

the Spaniards at Sanboangan, have become somewhat impertinent. But

Don Sebastian is preparing for the chastisement of Xolo, and intends

to go in person by the end of December to conquer it, as he did the

opposition of Corralat. May God grant him a good voyage and a happy

outcome. If this Moro is humbled, all the island of Mindanao will be

very peaceable.

_Japon_

Since ships have come neither from that kingdom nor from Macan, we

have not had any letters giving a detailed report of events. But we

have learned from Chinese ships that the Portuguese of Macan went

to the fairs in that country, and made great profits. It is also

said that the emperor has ordered the Dutch that they shall not be

permitted at any time or place to harm the ships of Macan that sail

to Japon. A renegade mestizo priest--of a Portuguese father and a

Japanese mother--gave as his opinion that, in order to extinguish

more completely the Christianity of that kingdom, they should exile

all those who had any blood of the Portuguese or Castilians. That

was done, and they were delivered to those from Macan, so that these

people might be taken to their city, and there be kept until further

orders. They ordered that renegade also to go to Macan, since he

was also concerned by this. He begged them to send him to Jacatra

with the Dutch, and his request was granted. It has also been said

that a cousin of the king, [117] who is seignior of five kingdoms,

is making war on him, and that many Japanese are following him.

_Various_

A letter was received from the father of the Society of Jesus who

is in Camboja, a short time ago. He says in it that the Dutch have

established a factory in that kingdom, which has certainly given

us much anxiety. The island of Tabuca lies midway between Mindanao

and Maluco; I have been told by the father guardian of St. Francis,

who came from Terrenate, that on arriving at it on his way hither,

to take in a supply of water, the chiefs of it told him that three

caracoas full of men tributary to Corralat had just arrived; that

they were fearful because of what had happened to their seignior,

and that they were trying to send a despatch to Terrenate in order to

establish friendship [with the Spaniards], and to request priests to

baptize them. The commander of the galleys, Antonio Carreño de Baldes,

died at this port; and that post of commander was given to Nicolas

Gonsales, and he is at the same time governing the port.

Don Francisco de Balderrama, although so young a lad, went to Mindanao

with Don Sebastian; and, while near his Lordship, it happened that a

musket-ball struck the governor's page (who was at his side) in the

flap of his helmet. The ball went in his cheek and came out through

his mouth, and struck Don Francisco in the breast, knocking him down

immediately. However, he received no hurt; for on examining him, it

was found that the ball had passed through his clothing and shirt,

and had struck in some altar-linens which he carried next his breast

through devotion, without its having left any mark on them. That is

esteemed as a miracle. This is what has occurred to me to write your

Reverence. I shall be careful to do the same, God helping, every year,

providing that your Reverence writes me of occurrences there. May

our Lord preserve your Reverence, and give you a prosperous voyage,

etc. Cavite, July 23, 1637. [118]

Juan Lopez [119]

CORCUERA'S TRIUMPHANT ENTRY INTO MANILA

_An account of the reception given in Manila to Señor Hurtado de

Corcuera, when he returned triumphant from Mindanao._ [120]

Yesterday, a little before eleven a.m., we left Cavite in a row-boat

with Don Sebastian, and reached Santiago at one p.m. A short time

before our arrival, some Japanese Christians came out to meet him,

in two champans--the sides of which were entirely surrounded with

shield-shaped forms of white linen cloth adorned with green crosses;

they bore also many white flags, with fresh flowers; and they welcomed

his arrival with blasts from the trumpet that they carried. The

governor received them very cordially; and they, falling behind,

accompanied him. We landed [121] at the house of Amaro Diaz, where

the military headquarters were located. From that place Father Juan

de Barrios and myself went to our house, where we found the father

provincial Father Juan de Bueras, Father Roa, [122] and father Marcelo

[_i.e._, Mastrilli], who had all come to the reception, (but before

I give an account of it, it is to be known that a quarter of an hour

after the arrival of Don Sebastian, there came the champan of Don

Graviel Niño, the only one who was missing.)

At the head [of the troops] marched Nicolás Gonzalez with his

famous and victorious company of the buff doublets; around his

shield-bearer walked many other pages, carrying the weapons that Don

Nicolas had taken away from the Mindanaos in the naval battle. We

gave him a thousand congratulations for his notable success. This

company was followed by that of the sailors under the command of

Alférez A. Mezquita. They marched in two files, and between these

went first the friendly Indians and Sangleys who had been delivered

from captivity to Corralat; and indeed the sight of some of these

Indians, of both sexes, moved us to compassion, as they walked

carrying their rosaries. At a little distance behind them, in the

midst of the same company, came the Mindanao captives, of both sexes;

the women and the children were not bound, but the men marched in

chains and shackles. This company was followed by a large body of men

who carried the weapons taken from the enemy: shields, breastplates,

campilans, spears, and two war-trumpets which seemed to be of Dutch

make. Then came the company of Pampangos [123] who also took part

in the expedition. Captain Carranza followed, on horseback; and as

he is the captain of artillery, he was in charge of the carts with

the firearms taken from the enemy. In three of these carts were the

muskets and arquebuses; in one were the culverin-chambers and three

small church-bells, and in another followed twelve or fourteen

small culverins; then came a large falcon which could easily be

taken for a culverin, and five or six gun-carriages, each carrying

two small pieces and some falcons. These were followed by large

artillery pieces, one by one, which the natives dragged with ropes;

and the last and largest of these was drawn by four horses. All these

weapons were accompanied by the artillerymen; and directly after

them came six boys, carrying six flags taken from Corralat. Behind

these marched the company of the governor with great splendor; Don

Sebastian himself rode before them on horseback, in plain attire,

and almost treading upon the flags of the enemy. Behind him came

his shield-bearer, carrying his helmet, on which was a large tuft

of white plumes; his chaplain and his secretary followed, also on

horseback. As the governor was seen advancing toward the city, a

salvo of artillery was fired from the forts at the Bagunbaya gate;

and as he entered the city, a merry peal of bells rang from our house,

the wind-instruments began to play, and the choir sang a festal song

[_villancico_]. All the inmates of our house [124] stood, clad in

our priestly mantles, waiting for him under a fine triumphal arch,

handsomely adorned with silk and with scrolls containing verses. There

we gave him welcome, and congratulated him on the victory won; to

which he responded very courteously. As the governor came under the

arch, Don Josepito de Salazar, [125] elegantly dressed, came out from

behind some screens which were on a platform, and recited a poem [126]

written by Brother Liorri, in which he extolled the victory, thanked

and congratulated the governor and his soldiers, and ended by saying

that according to the name Corquera--that is, _corda quærens_ ("seek

for breasts and hearts")--he had found them in all of us who were

there, since we held him in our hearts, and wished him all prosperity

and happiness. The governor listened attentively to this address,

and at the end he turned toward the fathers and thanked them. [127]

Then the procession marched to the square, where a squadron of six

companies, under arms, was awaiting it. All of us, in order to see

the affair, went to the balconies of the master-of-camp, Pedro de

Heredia, arriving there in time to see the governor alight before

the great church, where the royal Audiencia and the ecclesiastical

and secular cabildos awaited him. He entered the church and, humbly

prostrated on the floor, offered a prayer of considerable length,

attributing his entire success to God. Again he mounted his horse,

and approached the squadron; there, hat in hand, he addressed both

captains and soldiers with great display of kindness; and the army

answered him with a general salute, while the standard-bearers lowered

the flags. Then he proceeded to his palace; but when he was descried

from the fort of Santiago, its warden, General Don Fernando de Ayala,

saluted him with a volley from all the artillery of the fort. The

six companies of the camp followed the governor's company; and thus

ended this magnificent triumph, which has greatly delighted people of

all nations. The master-of-camp, Pedro de Heredia, regaled us with a

bountiful and choice repast, with several kinds of conserves; after

which we returned to our house, thanking God for having seen what

we have desired to see during so many years. The multitude of people

who filled the streets, windows, and balconies could not be numbered;

and words cannot tell the tender feelings which the joy and the sight

of so grand and new a spectacle caused in every heart. There was

scarcely a person from whose eyes the joyful tenderness of the heart

did not draw tears. At night all the walls around were illuminated,

as well as many other places both within and without the city. Many

sky-rockets were fired, and at about ten or eleven o'clock at night

the soldiers in masquerade went through the streets on horseback

with many torches, to display their joy; both men and horses were

elegantly and splendidly adorned. May God send us many days like this,

on which Christ Jesus may triumph over his enemy; and may He preserve

your Reverence, etc. Manila, May 25, 1637.

Last night, May twenty-sixth, the city masquerade came out; it was

so large and magnificent that, from whatever side it was viewed, it

made a fine appearance. All the windows and balconies were brilliantly

illuminated. Before the door of our church huge bonfires were built,

and we ourselves went down to see the procession a little nearer. This

took place about nine o'clock at night.

For those who died in the war, the governor caused solemn funerals

to be held in the new military church, on June fifth. Eight altars

were erected, and, beginning before dawn, masses were said at these

altars to which office all had been invited, both the secular clergy

and those of the orders; and this lasted throughout the morning. To

each priest who would accept it, a gratuity of a peso was given for

the mass celebrated, but many refused to take this. At the proper time

was celebrated a mass followed by a sermon, at which were present all

the city, the clergy, and the religious orders. The sermon was very

appropriate for the occasion, and was well delivered; it was preached

by Father Francisco Pinelo, of the Order of St. Dominic. His text was

very opportune, taken from Job 12, verse 6: _Abundant tabernacula

pradonum, et audacter provocant Deum cum ipse dederit omnia_ [_in

manus eorum_]--"The dwellings of pirates are full of riches; they

become haughty and bold at their strength; they scorn and provoke God;

but it is He who gives them success, in order to punish and correct the

Christians." [128] All this has happened in the present case; for the

Moros insolently ill-treated God and His saints in their holy images,

cutting off the arms of the crucified Christ, and saying that they

had taken captive the God of the Christians. The preacher added this

from verse 13, which says: _Apud ipsum est sapientia et fortitudo,

ipse habet consilium et intelligentiam_, [129] etc.--"The wretched

ones do not know that God unites in Himself a council of state and

one of war; in the former He decrees their ruin, and by the latter

He carries it out," as has been clearly seen in this expedition.

The thanksgiving fiesta was held on the seventh of June, in the

cathedral, on account of the great concourse of people to hear it;

but even that had not room for them. The procession started from the

cathedral and passed through the same streets as it does on Corpus

Christi day. These streets were all adorned with handsome arches

and green branches, and many altars laden with decorations and rich

ornaments. The final touch was given by the citizens, who adorned

the streets with hangings. It is generally affirmed that never have

there been seen in Manila so many and so rich draperies, so that, even

after seeing them, people hardly believed that the city contained so

many of them, and so elegant and valuable--besides those which hung

from the balconies, which latter were those that ordinarily have

been displayed. From the balconies upward was erected an awning of

bamboo, and that also was filled with hangings, and ribbons, and

pieces of silk.

In the procession marched a body of pikemen in two files, their pikes

held aloft. Between these files came first the captives who escaped

from Corralat's power; they were well dressed and marched thus, three

soldiers, and then six captives, and so on, observing always the same

order. Then followed the citizens, and, after them, all the religious

orders. The procession was enlivened by a great variety of dances and

similar exhibitions, accompanied by various musical instruments and two

portable organs. Toward the end of the procession came four floats,

so made as to form a sort of doubly-sloping roof. On the float were

placed [the sacred things] which the Mindanaos had plundered: on each

slope lay the chasuble, choristers' mantles, frontals, and other sacred

ornaments; on the ridge stood the chalices, monstrances and patens;

and at the edge were hung the chrismatories and small bells. This sight

moved the people to pity, and many tears were shed. The students in our

college of San José carried three of these floats on their shoulders,

and the fourth was carried by our brothers who were students, clad in

surplices. Immediately after the floats came Father Marcelo Mastril,

with the banner which he carried when the town of Cachil Corralat

was taken; he had also borne it in another procession, which was

made there in thanksgiving after the surrender. On this banner were

depicted, standing back to back, that figure of Christ which had

been stabbed and insulted by the enemy, and our father San Francisco

Javier, the patron saint of the whole expedition, whose eyes were

bent upon the blessed sacrament. Then followed the royal standard,

which was carried at first by the governor, and then in turn by the

gentlemen of the royal Audiencia and the alcaldes-in-ordinary. These

were followed by the city magistrates, who carried the poles of a

canopy under which advanced a stately car directed by robed priests,

and bearing the blessed sacrament. When this car was seen entering

the street, the blessed sacrament received a joyous salute from

the nine ladled cannon and the twenty-seven culverins and falcons

which stood in the Plaza de Armas. All these weapons, except three

large pieces that were left in the fort of Samboangan, had been

taken from Corralat. Not less solemn and magnificent was the salute

made by the corps formed of eight companies of arquebusiers in the

city square. Mass was celebrated by the ecclesiastical chapter, and

sung with great solemnity; and Father Juan de Bueras preached a very

appropriate sermon in three quarters of an hour. The text on which

the sermon was based was taken from Genesis 14, verse 14--when Abraham

with three hundred and eighteen of his servants defeated the hostile

kings who had taken captive his nephew Lot; and took from them all the

plunder and the captives, together with all the precious and valuable

things they possessed. For this victory Melchisedec, priest of the

Most High, in thanksgiving offered a sacrifice of bread and wine;

and it is to be noticed that Abraham asked nothing of the plunder

for himself, content to give God the thanks for so great a victory.

In order that there might not be lacking a pleasant interlude to so

grave a drama, I shall relate what happened in this port of Cavite on

the same day, June seventh. On Saturday afternoon, June sixth, the

children, having been dismissed early from the two schools, went to

play at the fort which has been begun at the outer edge of the town,

and there began a game, some being Moros and others Christians--one

party defending the fort, and the other rushing on to capture it. Not

satisfied with this, they made arrangements to carry on the game in

a more fitting manner the next day. In the meantime they provided

themselves with flags and with wooden and bamboo swords. He who

played Cachil Corralat hoisted his flag on the fort, incited his

men to defend it, and even insulted the Christians by calling them

"Spanish blusterers," and "hens." The latter, eager to assault, boldly

attacked them, but were so bravely repelled by the Moros that some

were wounded and roughly handled. This threw the Christians into such

rage that they furiously attacked the fort again, desisting only when

they had gained entrance to it. Cachil Corralat, who fell into their

hands, was flung down from the wall, and was badly hurt on the head,

so much so that it required five stitches in dressing the wound;

but now I see him walking the streets, but with his head bandaged.

Finally a very agreeable drama on the conquest of Mindanao, written by

Father Hieronimo Perez, was presented in the evening of July fifteenth,

in our church. [130] The play told the story of the campaign as it

occurred--not, however, without certain devices in which was displayed

the holy zeal, faith, and piety of the Society of Jesus. These

kindled in Don Sebastian's mind the purpose to take vengeance for the

insults offered to God, and to put a stop to the injuries which the

Christians of these islands, and especially our missions in Pintados,

are suffering. The play ended with a tourney-dance, for which prizes

were given. Thus everything was as well and splendidly performed as

one could desire.

The crowning touch was given to the pleasure of the audience by the

news, which was brought to the governor while the prologue was being

spoken, that the ships from Castilla had arrived.

_Laus Deo Virginis Mariae (sic)_

ROYAL AID REQUESTED BY THE JESUITS AT MANILA

Most potent Sir:

I, Father Francisco Colin, rector of the residence of the Society

of Jesus of this city, declare that his Majesty was pleased to order

the issue of the royal decree which I present directed to this royal

Audiencia--ordering that it inform him of the condition of the work

on the said my residence, what is still to be done, and whether the

said my residence has enough funds to enable it to continue the said

work without his Majesty granting the ten thousand ducados payable in

unassigned Indians, which was asked from him on the part of the said

my residence. In that work have been spent the ten thousand ducados

which his Majesty granted to the said my residence in the year one

thousand six hundred and twenty-five; and besides the said ten thousand

ducados have been spent forty thousand six hundred and eighty-one

pesos. In order to be enabled to meet the said expense, because of

the great need in which the order stood of a house and church, and

because it had no money with which to do this, it obtained a loan of

twenty thousand two hundred, pesos, for which it pays one thousand

and ten pesos interest annually. The other twenty thousand four

hundred and eighty-one pesos this residence owes to various persons,

who, because they wish us well, have lent those amounts to the said

residence. Besides that, all the legacies and alms that have fallen to

it in the course of fourteen years have been spent, as appears more in

detail in the certification which I present. As is evident and well

known, the said work is yet to be finished. There still are lacking

the construction of the porter's lodge, the principal stairway of the

house, the school, and the infirmary, with which the said work will

be preserved and extended. It is in danger of ruin from earthquakes,

for a part of the said building is now open for lack of connecting

walls, as appears more in detail from the certification of Miguel

Sanchez Marufo, architect of this city, which I present. Therefore,

I petition and beseech your Highness to be pleased to make the said

report, so that it may be despatched in this patache, paying heed

to the fact that all the aforesaid in this writing is accurate and

true. Thereby will this residence receive grace and alms.

Francisco Colin

Manila, at the meeting of August three, one thousand six hundred

and thirty-seven. Let his Majesty be informed according to the

royal decree.

[The certification presented was as follows:]

I, Father Francisco Colin, rector of the residence of the Society

of Jesus of this city of Manila, certify that it appears, from

the account-books for the work of the church and house of the said

residence, that there has been spent on the works the ten thousand

ducados which his Majesty granted it in the year one thousand six

hundred and twenty-five, and which were collected in the time of

Governor Don Juan Niño de Tavora. In addition to the said sum, it also

appears that there has been spent in the same work, forty thousand

six hundred and eighty-one pesos, which this residence now owes:

twenty thousand two hundred of borrowed money, on which it pays one

thousand and ten pesos interest; and the other twenty thousand four

hundred and eighty-one in coin, which are due to various persons,

who lent them to this residence because they favor us; besides, the

legacies and alms that have fallen to it, in the course of fourteen

years since the first stone was laid, have also been consumed in the

same work. All the above is apparent to me, both by the account-books

of this residence, and because most of them were in my time and

partly by my authority. And, inasmuch as this is true, I affixed my

signature to the same in this residence of Manila, July twenty-eight,

one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven.

Juan [_sic_; _sc._ Francisco] Colin

[The certification of the architect is as follows:]

I, Miguel Sanchez Marrufo, architect of this city, having examined at

the petition of Father Francisco Colin, rector of the residence of

the Society of Jesus of this city, the work on the said residence,

find that, although that part of the building which contains most

of the residence-quarters of the religious is now finished, there is

still another part yet to be constructed--namely, the porter's lodge,

the principal stairway of the house, the schools, and the infirmaries,

with which the quadrangle of buildings will be completed, and the

said work will be extended and continued. What is finished is in

danger of ruin from earthquakes, for, by lack of connecting walls,

one part of the building finished is still open. This will cause

greater injury if it be not remedied, making the edifice secure by

completing the quadrangle of the said house. Inasmuch as this is true,

I affixed my signature to the same. Manila, today, July twenty-eight,

one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven.

Miguel Sanchez Marrufo

[The archbishop, Hernando Guerrero, wrote the following letter in

regard to the matter:]

Sire:

By a decree of July ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five,

your Majesty orders me to inform you on the first opportunity, and

to send my opinion, in regard to an alms of ten thousand ducados in

unassigned Indians which is asked for in behalf of the residence of

the Society of Jesus in this city of Manila, for the work on the said

residence and church, in addition to another of like sum which your

Majesty was pleased to grant it in June, one thousand six hundred

and twenty-five, for the same purpose. Having made the investigations

in fulfilment of the mandate of your Majesty, I find that the first

ten thousand ducados have been consumed in the said work, as well as

another large sum which citizens of this city have given as alms and

loans. Although the principal part of the building is finished, it is

in danger because the fourth arch is wanting, which will join together

what has been built. This ten thousand additional ducados which is

now petitioned will be very necessary; and although the said residence

has some revenues, I am informed that these do not cover the expense

of their ordinary support, because it is the seminary for study,

the infirmary, and the hospitium of all the province. Consequently,

I opine that it will be a work very proper for the royal kindness of

your Majesty, and for the service of the Divine Majesty, to grant the

residence the alms of the said sum--or greater, if your Majesty be so

pleased. Its being in unassigned Indians, with which grant the soldiers

are rewarded, is not a [mere] favor to the said fathers, since they

embark with the soldiers on all the occasions demanding a fleet, and

are employed in the rearing of the youth of this community, and all

their ministers are engaged in the service of the community, gaining

much fruit, and signalizing themselves among the other orders. With

them and with me the said fathers are now in excellent harmony, and

are the instrument of the peace between the tribunals, of which I am

giving your Majesty a special account, so that you might have in your

royal Council an account of the dissensions which, as I advised you,

we had last year. May our Lord preserve the Catholic and royal person

of your Majesty as He can, and as is necessary to Christendom. Manila,

August six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven.

Fray Hernando, archbishop of Manila.

LETTERS FROM CORCUERA TO FELIPE IV

Sire:

When your Majesty, through your grace and condescension, sent me to

serve you in these Filipinas Islands, you were pleased to give me

your commands in one of your royal decrees, dated at Madrid, on the

sixteenth of February in the past year, one thousand six hundred and

thirty-five--issued on account of the information which you had from

this royal Audiencia of the losses which these islands have suffered,

during the past thirty years and more, from Cachil Corralat, king

of the great island of Mindanao, from the kings of Jolo and Burney,

and from the Camucones. They have plundered the islands, and taken

captive the poor Christian Indians, selling them as their slaves from

one country to another, seizing the religious and the ministers of the

holy gospel, burning the villages, and devastating everything. The

royal Audiencia has given your Majesty but scant information of the

great and excessive injuries which these poor islands have experienced

from these Moro enemies. For in the year when I arrived here, they did

not content themselves with taking captive more than twenty-five or

thirty thousand vassals of your Majesty; at this time which I mention

they seized and carried away captive from the island of Calamianes

Don Diego de Alabez, your Majesty's alcalde-mayor in that island and

province, together with three religious, Recollects of the Order of

St. Augustine, who in various places were furnishing instruction to

the vassals of your Majesty. At the same time when they made this

notable seizure, they sacked the churches, and afterward burned

them, carrying away the monstrances with the most holy sacrament,

the chalices, and other sacred vessels, with all the ornaments that

they could find--even taking the bells. All together, this booty was

worth more than two or three thousand pesos--which for churches so

poor, and for poor Indians, was a considerable loss.

Having made inquiries as to what measures had been taken by my

predecessors in so many years to check such lawless acts, I was

assured by this royal Audiencia, and by all the oldest and most

experienced residents of this colony, that in the past thirty-four

years there had been expended from your Majesty's royal exchequer

more than two hundred thousand pesos, in equipping fleets in Cebu,

Oton, this city, and other places, against these enemies. But these

fleets were never able to come up with the pirates because of the

swiftness of the Moro vessels, and because of the negligence of the

commanders who were sent on these expeditions; consequently, all that

was accomplished was to go to the islands where these enemies had

been, and to live on the tender chickens and other supplies which the

poor Indians had carried away to the hills. All these things, and the

commands that your Majesty was pleased to lay upon me in your royal

decree above mentioned, constrained me to summon a council of war. It

included all the old soldiers who are in this city, not only those

in active service, but those on half-pay; also the royal Audiencia,

and the royal officials of your Majesty. I told them how important

it was to put an end to these raids, as your Majesty had commanded,

and proposed to go in person to punish these Moros. All the members

of the council uttered opinions contrary to mine, deeming it to be of

greater importance that I should remain in this city. Only one thought

that I should go to render this service, and that was my nephew,

Captain and Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Hurtado de Corcuera; and some

one among them said that your Majesty's power was not sufficient to

conquer the height of Mindanao, where the king Cachil Corralat was.

Considering what your Majesty had commanded me in your royal decree,

and the blasphemies which these Moros had uttered--saying that by

carrying away the monstrances with the most holy sacrament they were

carrying the God of the Christians captive, trampling upon them,

and mocking them in other ways; spitting in the chalices; and using

the patens as receptacles for the saliva from their buyo-chewing--all

these things obliged me, Sire, [to go on this quest]. After having sent

to Terrenate two galleons well armed, two pataches, and six champans,

with two hundred infantry and two hundred mariners, to carry supplies

to those forts, together with one new galley which the governor of

those forts, Don Pedro de Mendiola, had requested from me that it might

accompany the one which he maintained there (of which enterprise and

of those islands I will give your Majesty an account in a separate

letter), I embarked with eleven champans--vessels which were indeed

frail and weak, but the other galley had not been completed. I had my

own company of infantry, of one hundred and fifty soldiers; another,

of a hundred Pampango Indians; and that of Captain Lorenco de Orella

y Ugalde, containing another hundred men, mariners. With these two

hundred and fifty Spaniards and one hundred Pampango Indians, I sailed

as far as the fort of Camboanga, which (as I wrote to your Majesty last

year) Don Juan Cereco de Salamanca had begun, or had ordered to be

built, in that very island of Mindanao; by way of this port sail the

ships which go to Terrenate for the relief of those forts. I made the

decision which I have stated to your Majesty, in order to see if that

port was of so much importance as they were all assuring me it was,

and whether the expenses which that fort has caused your Majesty were

being checked; I also went in order to visit the rest of the islands,

which lie on that route, and to repair the wrongs which certain persons

are inflicting on the poor Indians. A few months before, I had sent

to that fort a new governor and a new commander, judging that those

officers who had until then been stationed there had accomplished

nothing of importance with their flotilla. After Sargento-mayor

Bartolome Diaz Barrera arrived as governor, and Sargento-mayor

Nicolas Gomez as captain of both companies, those Moros withdrawing

[to their own country] with the rich prize of those religious and

the consecrated vessels which I have mentioned to your Majesty, and

a friendly Moro having informed us that the pirates had passed, two

leguas from there, by the island of Basilan (or Taguima, for the island

has both names), Bartolome Diaz Barrera sent Sargento-mayor [Gomez]

with five caracoas and his company of soldiers. They encountered the

Moros in the middle of their voyage, with their booty, and fought with

them. One of our own balls, strangely, struck one of the missionary

fathers, who tried to see how the Spaniards were fighting; and he

was killed. Out of seven caracoas which were conveying the enemy with

their spoils, the said sargento-mayor captured four and burned one;

and he rescued more than one hundred and twenty Christian captives,

the rest being killed by our bullets. There were also some Moros who,

as those people are so stubborn, would not stop killing our men, and

perished by drowning. As soon as our men captured two of the caracoas,

the rest took to flight, and by hard rowing reached their own lands,

with the two priests and the greater part of the sacred vessels which

they were carrying away as plunder.

In the province of Camarines there was another piece of good-fortune;

for Don Pedro Mena, alcalde-mayor of that province, burned eighteen

of the Moro caracoas; and of the rest more than ten were wrecked by a

storm, in which were drowned the Moros and the Christian captives whom

they were carrying away. In the island of Leite, two other officers,

half-pay alférezes, sailed out in different vessels after the rest

of the Moro horde; and they captured from the pirates a caracoa, and

slew many of their men. With these two successes, then, I arrived,

Sire, at Camboanga with the troops whom I have mentioned; and from

that fort I took Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gomez, with his company. With

these, I had a force of three hundred and fifty Spaniards and one

hundred and fifty Pampangos, and with them proceeded to Lamitan,

the principal village of the king, Cachil Corralat; but only four

caracoas and two champans could arrive at the same time with me, on

account of stormy weather. Confiding more in the goodness and mercy of

God than in the number of my soldiers, and having left those vessels

well guarded, I landed with about seventy Spaniards and two small

field-pieces (which they themselves fired). They engaged the enemy,

in both the village and the fort; and God was pleased to give your

Majesty a great victory, although by the means of forces so weak

and so few soldiers. The village and fort were gained in less than

half an hour; in them were two pieces of bronze artillery, for six-

and eight-libra balls respectively; thirteen bronze versos, and some

forty or fifty muskets and arquebuses; and in the mosque were found

two bells. In the river were more than three hundred barks and other

vessels; four of these, belonging to some merchants, were laden with

wax, oil, and other goods, which made rich booty for the soldiers. I

reserved for your Majesty only the wax and oil, and the arms. If I had

had more men, I would have followed the king to the top of the height;

and it might be that before he reached the height he would have fallen

into the hands of your Majesty's soldiers. I thought it best to give

thanks to God for what had been accomplished, and to content myself

with that until the rest of the men should arrive. This was Friday,

the thirteenth of the month; on the sixteenth the rest of the vessels

arrived. Having made all the soldiers confess and receive communion,

I distributed among them ammunition, and biscuit and cheese for four

days. I sent Nicolas Gomez with one hundred and fifty Spaniards by

way of the rear of the hill, two hours before daybreak, and fifty

Pampangos, and some Indians to carry the supplies. I myself set out

with about two hundred Spaniards, fifty Pampangos, and as many more

Indians, by the route in front, and arrived at the foot of the hill,

a distance of about a long legua. I found a large village built below,

and abandoned by the Moros, who had retreated up the hill. I set out

over the rugged slopes, and although the Moros uttered many shouts

and outcries, they did not interrupt my progress until we were at

a musket-shot from their fortification. I had given orders to the

captains who were leading the vanguard, Lorenzo de Ugalde and Don

Rodrigo de Guillestigui, and to my nephew the sargento-mayor, to make

observations and reconnoiter when they reached the fort, instructing

them to win the fight, with hearts all the more courageous since

they had seen that in the assault on the village not one man had been

killed, and no more than two or three wounded. They laid siege to the

hill before I could reach the scene of conflict, to which I proceeded

with your Majesty's colors. The Moros awaited us with a good supply of

muskets and versos; at the first volley they killed some of the more

daring soldiers, and wounded others. Our men reached the stockade,

shouting "Santiago!" and asking for more men from the detachment which

was still ascending the hill, by one of slopes and paths as rugged and

narrow as any which I ever saw in the Alarbes or the Pirineos, or in

any places where I have served your Majesty. On account of the haste

with which he had tried to reach me, Captain Ugalde had lost an arm;

and Captain Don Rodrigo de Guillestegui, alférez in my company, had

been several times struck by stones, so that he could hardly move. My

nephew Don Pedro had received a musket-shot in the right leg, across

the shin-bone. There were twenty-three killed, officers and men, and

more than fifty wounded. Although your Majesty's soldiers fought with

great valor, the enemy could not have received much damage, even from

our musketry, on account of the great strength of their stockades,

which were everywhere pierced with holes from our musket-balls; and,

because we were unable to carry up the hill our two small field-pieces

(which carry two-libra balls), the musketry could not accomplish

much. Seeing that we could not carry the fort, and the number of men

I had lost, so that there were hardly a hundred effective men left,

and knowing that on the hill the Moros numbered four thousand, well

armed, I took command of the rearguard, ordered that the wounded be

carried away, and went down from the hill, uniting my troops with

the guard of Pampangos whom I had left with the cannon. Although I

desired to hold that post, I had not men for this; on that account,

and in order that the Moros should not harass me by cutting off the

heads of the wounded men, I had to escort them as far as the fort of

San Francisco Xabiel, which had been gained below. I reached it at

night, with the troops discouraged, and reduced to the small number

that I have mentioned to your Majesty. On this occasion I had not the

support of Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gomez and his men--who went as the

rearguard, on account of pains in his legs--although he had not more

than three leguas to go from four o'clock in the morning to eleven,

when the battle commenced. They were reconnoitering, carrying Nicolas

Gomez in a hammock because he could not, on account of his foot,

climb paths so rugged. He did not come back until the morning of the

next day, when I had sent eighty men who survived from the vanguard, to

which Nicolas Gomez had to go, setting out as soon as the men had heard

mass. They went at that time because the enemy had not fortified the

rear of the hill. Captain Gastelu, who led Nicolas Gomez's vanguard,

gained a good position, and killed some Moros who were defending a

passage across which they had only felled a tree. Captain Gastelu

passed this obstruction, and gained the top of the hill and the

rear of the king's main stronghold, where he had his house, and four

pieces of artillery. Of these, one was bronze, with your Majesty's

arms on it, carrying an eight-libra ball; the three others were of

cast iron, for six- and eight-libra balls. They were loaded up to

the mouth with balls, chains, and spikes, in order [to destroy us]

if we had gone up the hill by that route, on which the guide whom I

took with me had already started us. But God influenced my choice,

in order that we should go by the other road; for although I did not

get off very cheaply, yet by this road it would have cost me far more

dear. At the time when we were fighting above on the seventeenth of

March, the eve of St. Joseph's day, the eighty men whom I sent with

Captain Rodrigo de Guillestigui, my alférez, arrived at the foot of

the hill on this other side; and, as a result of the pious haste

which Father Marcelo Mastrilo used in saying mass in order that

we might pursue our march, the news was soon brought to me that

the Moros had flung themselves down from their heights in flight,

and that your Majesty's banners were flying over their three forts

and our chaplains singing the _Te Deum laudamus_. Other arms were

secured there--twelve or thirteen versos, and more than a hundred

arquebuses and muskets; everything else was given to the soldiers

as booty, as a reward for their labors. Thus your Majesty gained

a victory, as others will write you. As the king, Cachil Corralat,

is very influential in those regions, I have made public an offer to

give three thousand pesos for his head. The captives and his wife's

servants tell me that the king was wounded in an arm by a musket-ball;

with that, I understand, he will not be able to keep up his people's

courage; and, if he does not go away into those rugged mountains,

he will not escape me. His wife threw herself from the walls, with

a little child in her arms; and many other women belonging to the

leading families were sold here on your Majesty's account--fifty of

them, besides as many more men; while more than two hundred Christian

captives were set free. Of the two Augustinian fathers, one had been

slain in revenge because we had killed, in the assault from below,

the commander of that fort, who was a nephew of the king, and two

others of their chiefs. On the day when the height was carried by our

men, the Moros, when they took to flight, inflicted so many wounds

on the other father that, although they brought him to me alive, he

had seventeen mortal wounds, so that within thirteen hours he died,

in my quarters. His death left us all as envious as compassionate

of his fate. Thus all the three fathers, Sire, have died, at various

times. I brought away the ornaments and sacred vessels, and returned

them to their owners, after having displayed them in a procession

which was made as a thank-offering to the most holy sacrament--from

which, as I firmly believe, your Majesty received this favor [of the

victory], on account of the fiestas which had been celebrated a few

months before, in accordance with your royal decree. I send an official

statement of this, in order that your Majesty may know in what manner

your commands were obeyed. I had intended to make this relation more

concise, but I have not been able to do so. Others will give a more

detailed account of the campaign; but I am telling your Majesty only

the substance of the service that has been rendered to you.

I returned to Çamboanga, after I had sent Sargento-mayor Pedro Palomino

with five caracoas to the king of Buayen, to reduce him to a vassal

of your Majesty, and to make him pay tribute, or else wage war against

him as we had done to Corralat. He yielded what was demanded from him,

and became tributary to your Majesty. He and all his vassals pay the

annual tribute: every married man, three eight-real pesos; and each

single man, a peso and a half. To some persons it has seemed that I

have imposed a heavy tax on them; but they do not consider the great

expenses which these Moros have caused to your Majesty's treasury,

nor my granting them the favor, in your Majesty's royal name, of

remitting half the tribute to those who shall become Christians. I

doubt much whether they will do so; for they are a fierce and

obstinate people. The king of Buayen will allow the fathers of the

Society to supply instruction, under the condition that they baptize

only children, and do not annoy or urge the adults; I granted this,

as being so in accord with the holy gospel, since God does not bring

any one by force to His holy law; and gradually both the children and

their grandparents will become Christians. I have therefore brought to

settle and live in the fort of Camboanga nearly four hundred Moros;

and I hope that within a year all that island (which is larger than

the whole of España) will pay tribute to your Majesty.

I sent Captain Juan Nicolas with eighty Spaniards and twenty Pampangos,

with a thousand fighting Indians from among your Majesty's Christian

vassals; and he harried all the coast of more than half of the

island--burning villages and grain-fields, and destroying the trees,

and cutting off more than seventy heads--until he reached the fort

of Caraga in the same island. That fort (which I have now finished)

is built of stone, without any expense from the royal treasury of your

Majesty; and that at Çamboanga will cost very little. Thus, between

Juan Nicolas and myself, we made the entire circuit of the island.

This coming year I will go, or I will send some one, to explore the

country inland to the lake of Manala [_i.e._, Malanao], around which

there are more than seventy houses, I mean villages, containing many

people. They are not supplied with firearms, although the Moros are

well provided with long arrows and other missile weapons. I hope in God

to carry on that enterprise as promptly and easily as this other one;

and even to bring down from his lofty stronghold the king of Jolo,

and reduce him to obedience to your Majesty. And I will try to send an

expedition--if not next year, then the year after--against the king of

Burney, who shelters and favors the Camucones, who by themselves and

alone are of no account. When that is done, in all this archipelago

there will remain no enemy except the Dutch. God knows that if I had

a thousand more Spaniards, I would give them enough in which to earn

reward; but I have so much territory to guard, and in so many posts,

that, with the small forces that there are in these islands, one

thousand five hundred men, I cannot attempt to render your Majesty

this service.

Although your Majesty has not authorized me to grant extra pay, when

I saw how your soldiers fought in my presence, and how at the cost

of their blood and their lives they won credit for your Majesty's

arms, I granted in your royal name an increase of pay to the wounded,

to each one a peso more than his usual wages; and to some I gave two

pesos. This will be, in all, ninety-seven pesos of extra pay. In order

to compensate for this new expenditure from your Majesty's revenues,

I placed in the royal treasury two hundred and fifty pesos which

will be vacant at this time in every year, in order that from this

sum may be paid the twenty-one and thirty pesos which an adjutant

had who died in the campaign; these amounts also will remain on the

half-pay list. Accordingly, the only extra expense thus incurred from

your Majesty's revenues is the other forty-six pesos; and from that

I have cut out more than twenty pesos, by means of offices which I

have given to those soldiers--while within a year, or sooner, I will

have given offices to the rest of them, and thus will have canceled

all the extra pay which I granted them.

The royal official judges made objections to doing this, alleging

their obligations. I replied that nevertheless they must confirm

these grants, and that I would give account of them to your Majesty;

and that, in case you were not pleased to approve them, I would pay

them from my own salary. For I consider it a grievous thing to see

before me your soldiers fighting, and being crippled in your Majesty's

service, and I not able to encourage them with the reward of a peso

of extra pay, which is very little gain for them. I entreat your

Majesty to be pleased to command that this be examined and approved;

and, in case objection is made, to be pleased to let me know of it, so

that--although in like cases I may grant other favors to the soldiers

in your royal name--I may not give them extra pay; and so that the

royal official judges may pay this amount from my salary, deducting

from it what shall have been thus spent. May our Lord protect the

Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila,

August 20, 1637. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty's feet.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

Sire:

Master-of-camp Pedro de Heredia has by your Majesty's grace governed

the forts of Terrenate for twelve years, and you have commanded

that his residencia be taken; but he has ingenuity and shrewdness,

and always has been able to make gifts to my predecessors. It is

reported that he is accustomed to say among the soldiers that he has

30,000 pesos to close one eye of any governor who shall send to take

his residencia, and, if it should be necessary, as many more pesos

to close the other eye; but he has found the door to this shut. He is

availing himself of his ingenuity, as he has done before, to make the

residencia which I have taken of his government suit his wishes. After

I came here (or before), a Portuguese resident in Malaca demanded from

him 60,000 pesos, which Don Pedro had seized from his property. I

appointed Auditor Don Antonio Alvarez de Castro as judge in this

suit. The sentence having been pronounced, on sufficient evidence,

that he must repay 12,000 pesos to this Portuguese, Simon Texeira,

Don Pedro appealed to your Majesty's royal Council of the Indias;

but as you have here your royal Audiencia, the affair was placed in

its hands. He challenged Auditor Marcos Çapata and all the lawyers

of this city; his plea was that in Terrenate he had brought to

trial Sargento-mayor Don Marcos Çapata, son of the auditor, because

he had punished with the cudgel a subordinate of his for a certain

shameless act, and because officially, without having complained to

any one, he upbraided him for holding illicit relations with a married

woman, without having corrected or punished him. This might be true,

because, in order to cover up his own evil proceedings, there was not

a captain, nor a commander of the relief ships, nor a private soldier,

with whom he did not pick a quarrel, in order to keep that man under

guard during his term there, defending himself by saying that they

were his enemies, on account of his quarrel with them. Besides this,

Sire, is the money which has come into his hands and those of the

accountant during these twelve years, together with the military

supplies of all kinds which are carried to him every year. The

provisions he distributed among the soldiers, without charging these

against their pay; and he has, according to assertions made to me,

charged large quantities of supplies to many men who had fled to

the enemy on account of the bad treatment that they experienced, and

to others who had died of sickness; it cannot be known, therefore,

whether these men actually received them. All these things are made

public by the soldiers whom I have had exchanged from those forts,

which have held these men as slaves for twenty or twenty-four years,

without their being allowed to come to this city. On account of all

these things, I have ordered that all the papers of the accountancy

for those forts shall be brought here, so that it may be seen how

so great an amount of your Majesty's properly has been spent. Since

the old soldiers have come back, there is no end to the petitions

against him--for having taken away from some of them honor, from

others their possessions.

As I found last year your Majesty's royal treasury in a needy

condition, and the citizens not only had no money to lend it, but

instead had asked me for more than 60,000 pesos from the Sangley

licenses in order to relieve their own needs, I managed through an

intermediary person to inform Don Pedro that he could make a donation

to your Majesty of 100,000 pesos, which would adjust his residencia and

his affairs, rendering satisfaction to the parties concerned, so that

his reputation might be saved and that he might have opportunity to

receive grace from your Majesty; for the universal opinion is that he

possesses wealth amounting to 400,000 pesos. Not only did he refuse to

do this, but he even undertook to offer only 15,000 pesos; so I ordered

that nothing more be said in this matter. This man is so subtle that

if your Majesty does not send an official to take his residencia,

he will come out from it with everything just as he desires, as

every one says. I assert that it is necessary for your Majesty to

send some one, because with all the officials here Don Pedro is so

shrewd and crafty and suave that he sways every one at his will, and

will attain all his desires. I have fulfilled my duty in placing this

before your Majesty; now you will be pleased to command what is most

expedient to your royal service. May our Lord protect the Catholic

person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, August 20,

in the year 637. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty's feet.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

[_Endorsed_: "Manila; to his Majesty; 1637. Don Sebastian Hurtado de

Corcuera, August 20; contains particulars regarding the master-of-camp

Pedro de Heredia." "February 5, 1639; hand to the fiscal." "The fiscal

says that this letter comes alone, and without any accompanying proofs

of the allegations. This residencia could be awaited, if an account of

it comes in the fleet; and if it is delayed in the Audiencia it can be

entrusted to the auditor whom the Council shall be pleased to appoint,

so that the residencia may be taken in a thoroughly satisfactory manner

and referred to the Council for its decision. Let the governor be

informed that he must endeavor most carefully to administer justice in

such cases, without giving any opportunity for composition of offences,

which is so injurious to justice, which should be administered with

the utmost equity and uprightness to all persons. Madrid, February

22, 1639." "February 28; wait for the coming of the fleet, to see

what information about this matter shall arrive; and if any comes,

let it be brought with this letter."]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general

de Indias, Sevilla:

1. _Letter by Corcuera, June 30, 1636._--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia

de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador vistos en el Consejo;

años de 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."

2. _Royal decrees._--The first of these is in "Audiencia de Filipinas;

registros de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y

particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1605 á 1645; est. 105,

caj. 2, leg. 12."

3. _Auditorship of accounts._--"Simancas--Secular; cartas y expedientes

de los oficiales reales de Manila vistos en el Consejo; años 1623 á

1641; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 30."

4. _Letters by Corcuer_, 1637.--The same as No. 1.

The following documents are obtained from the Academia Real de

la Historia, Madrid (the first being a printed book, the others

original MSS.):

5. _Informatory memorial to king._--This is collated with the MS. copy

in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid--pressmark, "MSS. 8990, Aa 47,

fol. 273-350."

6. _Defeat of Moro pirates._--In "Papeles de los Jesuitas; tomo 84,

nº. 31."

7. _Conquest of Mindanao._--The same as No. 6, save "nº. 24."

8. _Events in Filipinas._--The same as No. 6, save "nº. 26."

The following documents are taken from the "Cedulario Indico," in

the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

9. _Letter to Corcuera._--In "tomo 39, fol. 219b, nº. 210."

2. _Royal Decrees._--The second and third decrees, "tomo 39, fol. 226b,

and 225," respectively.

The following document is taken from Barrantes's _Guerras piraticas_:

10. _Corcuera's entry._--pp. 303-310.

The following document is taken from Pastells's edition of Colin's

_Labor evangélica_:

11. _Aid requested by Jesuits._--Vol. iii, pp. 757, 758.

NOTES

[1] "Costa" in Barrantes; but Sommervogel gives the name of no Jesuit,

under either form, who could have gone from Manila in 1636.

[2] The mass of contemporary material in Spanish archives on the

contest between Corcuera (the civil arm of the government) and the

Jesuits on one side, and the bishop and friars on the other, shows

how important the matter was considered, and the virulence with which

the fight was waged on both sides. The various documents relate the

affair pro and con, and it is narrated in official, semi-official,

and religious documents. The facts of the case are stated, somewhat

succinctly, in a printed document, undated (although probably 1636 or

1637), signed by Licentiate Ruiz de la Vega, and addressed to the king,

in which many of the letters between the various parties concerned (all

given in this series) are given in full or extract, but nothing new is

told. This document is in Archivo general de Indias, at Sevilla, in the

patronato "Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador

de Filipinas, vistos en el Consejo; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."

[3] See Cerezo's letter of that date, in Vol. XXIV, p. 308.

[4] In the present translation we follow the printed original--using

the copy belonging to the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid--as

per the above title-page. Our transcript was collated with the

manuscript copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, which may

possibly be a contemporaneous copy of the original manuscript of

the Memorial; but this manuscript (which bears pressmark MSS. 8990,

Aa-47, of which it occupies folios 273-350), which appears to have

been done hastily, bears the mark of inaccuracies that make the

printed Memorial preferable. Where the difference is considerable,

the reading of the manuscript is inserted in brackets after the

other reading, and signed "_MS._" These variations are here noted

mainly as a guide to those who may use that manuscript. In almost

every case the number of the paragraph is omitted in the manuscript,

as are also sometimes the marginal headings of the paragraphs, and

most of the other marginal notes. Reference has also been made in

the translation to the published edition of the manuscript Memorial

in _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_, vi (Madrid, 1866), pp. 364-484,

which has been edited somewhat; and to an evident reprint from the

printed edition of 1637, in _Extracto historial_ (Madrid, 1736),

folios 215-264. Matter taken from the latter is signed "_Ex. his._"

[5] _Avería_ was the tax or duty levied on goods shipped from Spain to

America, or from America to Spain, to meet the expenses of the naval

convoy to protect the fleet from pirates. See tit. ix of lib. ix,

_Recopilación de leyes de Indias_ which treats of the _avería_,

entitled, "Of the tax, administration, and collection of the duty of

_avería_."--Edward G. Bourne.

[6] Note in margin of _Extracto historial_: "_Note_: The numbers

cited in these margins refer to this same memorial."

[7] At this point the manuscript and printed original both contain

a partial reduplication, as follows: _los vexinos y cargadores de

Filipinas, que sin reconocer--es digo por solo no verse sujetos á

denunciationes._ It may possibly be regarded as a parenthetical

expression added for the sake of force, and is translated: "the

citizens and exporters of Filipinas, who without recognizing--it

is, I say, for the sole purpose of not becoming liable to

denunciations." This clause is dropped in the _Extracto historial_

reprint.

[8] See Vol. xvi of this series, pp. 225-227.

[9] The manuscript at this point contains a duplicate or confusion of

words, as follows: _Reyes tienen vnos Estados, porque los han menester,

y otros digo el embiarles ministros della aunque los._ This proves

the manuscript only a clerical copy, as does also the fact that it is

copied in the same hand as other manuscripts of this same collection;

and it shows the carelessness with which this copy was made.

[10] The progress made by the Mahometans in the eastern part of Asia

was very slow. The inhabitants of Malacca were converted in 1276,

those of the Moluccas in 1465, and those of Java in 1478, and those

of the Celebes one year before Vasco da Gama rounded the cape of

Good Hope. Nevertheless, after 1521, many of the inhabitants of these

islands began to be converted to Catholicism.--See _Doc. inéd. Amér. y

Oceanía_, vi, p. 375, note.

[11] _Empeño_: This transfer, as may be seen from the treaty of

Zaragoza (vol. 1, pp. 221-239), was part of the sale by Spain to

Portugal of the spice-trade, right of navigation, and islands then in

dispute between the two crowns; but various stipulations were made

regarding it, so that the Maluco Islands were, in a sense, held as

a pledge for the observance thereof.

[12] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[13] At this point occurs a doublet of nine words in the

manuscript--simply an error of the transcriber.

[14] See this decree in vol. III, pp. 250, 251.

[15] See this decree, with illustrations, in vol. IX, pp. 211-215.

[16] See Vol. iv, p. 108.

[17] This is the date in the original printed edition, but both the

manuscript and the reprint in the _Extracto historial_ give 1626.

[18] At this point there is another _lapsus calami_ by the transcriber

of the manuscript, resulting in another reduplication.

[19] Both the manuscript and the _Extracto historial_ reprint say

May 16.

[20] See Vol. XX, p. 257.

[21] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[22] Singapore signifies, in Malay, "place of lions"--although it

would be more apropos to call it "the place of tigers," which are so

plentiful there (_Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania_, vi, p. 383, note).

[23] This sentence is very blindly worded, but perhaps indicates,

by anticipation, the point made in section 40, _post_--where India

and the Philippines are mentioned as the "extremes" of the Spanish

empire in the Orient. Or it may refer to the alternative presented

near the end of section 2.

[24] Grau y Monfalcón evidently made use of Leonardo de Argensola's

_Conqvistas de las Islas Malvcas_ in this review of Oriental commerce.

[25] Referring to Ptolemy Neus Dionysus, surnamed Auletes ("the

Flute-player"), who ruled over Egypt from b. c. 80 to 51. One of his

daughters was the famous Cleopatra VI, who so infatuated the Roman

Cæsar and Antony.

[26] This date in the manuscript is 1457, which is misprinted 1417

in the reprint of 1866 (_Doc. inéd._).

[27] See Sir Henry Middleton's _Voyage to Bantam_ (Hakluyt Society's

publications, London, 1855); that voyage took place in 1604-06.

[28] This word is missing in the manuscript.

[29] The cate is equivalent to 1.8 English pounds; 87 pounds

equal one quintal, 100 catés one pico, and 40 picos one koyan

(_Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_, vi, p. 390, note).

[30] See the description and prices of precious stones found in

the appendix to Duarte Barbosa's _East Africa and Malabar_ (Hakluyt

Society's publications, London, 1866), pp. 208-218.

[31] Apparently referring to some plant of the genus _Strychnos_,

several species of it having the reputation of curing the bites of

serpents. Blanco says (_Flora_, p. 61) that he himself has witnessed

several cures by this means.

[32] A dried fruit, resembling a prune, which contains tannin;

formerly used in medicine, now mainly in tanning and dyeing. It is

the product of various species of _Terminalia_.

[33] The manuscript is mutilated at this point, and contains only

the first part of this name, "Vera."

[34] The manuscript reads "29."

[35] Apparently an error for "November;" see vol. xvii, p. 252.

[36] Cf. Heredia's list (1618?) of Dutch factories and posts,

vol. xviii, pp. 107-110; and Los Rios's mention of them, vol. xix,

pp. 288-290.

[37] Tacomma, where the Dutch erected Fort Willemstadt.

[38] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[39] The capital of the island of Gilolo bears the same name. Batochina

is properly a part of the island (_Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_, vi,

p. 400, note 1).

[40] The island of Amboina was discovered about 1515 by the Portuguese,

and taken by the Dutch February 23, 1603. See _Doc. inéd. Amér. y

Oceanía_, vi, p. 400, note 2.

[41] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[42] See, in Vols. V and VI of this series, the ordinance of May 5,

1583, giving form to the Audiencia, the establishment of which was

decreed by royal order of the above date (March 5).

[43] An imaginary money used in the Indias, which serves as a

standard for valuing the ingots of silver; it is differentiated from

the value of the real-of-eight, or coined peso, in order to allow for

the amount of seigniorage and other expenses at the mint. (Dominguez's

_Dict. nac. lingua española_.)

In Morga's time the governor received eight thousand pesos de minas

annually (see Vol. XVI, p. 188; also II, p. 97, note 43).

[44] Spanish, _santas_; one would expect _sanativas_, "healing."

[45] Spanish, _seis mil aremilas_. _Mil_ is an obvious error, probably

typographical; and _aremilas_ is apparently a misprint for _acémilas_,

"mules."

[46] _Comitre_: an officer in the galleys of that epoch, who had

charge of the working of the ship, and the punishment of the rowers

and convicts. See _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania_, vi, p. 421, note 1.

[47] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[48] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[49] Cf. financial statements of the Philippine colonial government

found in Vols. VI, pp. 47-49: XIV, pp. 243-269; XVI, pp. 188-193;

XIX, pp. 248-250, 292-297.

[50] The manuscript is much confused at this point, reading _y assi el

Real_ instead of _y assi al Perù_--the idea of the copyist evidently

being "Accordingly the royal [Council] concedes one ship annually to

Nueva España," etc., which does not make sense with what follows.

[51] Annuity assigned upon the revenue of the crown.

[52] Grau y Monfalcón leaves out of account the expeditions of Loaisa

and Villalobos.

[53] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[54] Spanish, _angeos_; _i.e._, Anjou linen, because it was obtained

from that duchy; a coarse, heavy cloth of the poorer quality of

flax. The linen of Rouen was fine.

[55] These words, _lo mas_, are omitted in the manuscript.

[56] See Cíeza de Leon's account of the mines of Potosi, in his

_Chronicle of Peru_ (Markham's translation, Hakluyt Society's

publications, London, 1864), pp. 386-392. He says that he himself

saw (1549) the amount of the royal fifths, 25,000 to 40,000 pesos

each week; and that these for the years 1548-51 amounted to more

than 3,000,000 ducados. Cf. Acosta's description, in his _History

of the Indies_ (Hakluyt Society's publications, London, 1880), i,

pp. 197-209; he reckons the fifths as 1,500,000 pesos (of 13 1/4

reals each) yearly. Both writers state that much of the silver was

never reported to the royal officials.

Humboldt makes the statement (_New Spain_, Black's translation, iii,

p. 372) regarding the yield of Potosi from 1624 to 1634, that it was

5,232,425 piastres (or pesos; of eight reals each)--as translated,

"average years," which presumably is intended for "yearly average."

[57] See Vol. XV, p. 293.

[58] Here occurs, in the manuscript, a later sentence copied in the

wrong place.

[59] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[60] _Trama_: a kind of weaving silk.

[61] _Sinabafa_: material of the natural color, _i.e._, unbleached.

[62] Evidently meaning the silk produced in Misteca (Miztecapan),

a province of Nueva España, now part of the state of Oajaca. This

industry appears to have been introduced there in consequence of a

suggestion by the viceroy Montesclaros in 1612 (see Vol. XVII, p. 219).

[63] Apparently meaning that as linen must then be imported into

Spain, to make good this deficiency, an extension of their market

for this commodity would thus be secured by the French and Dutch,

its chief manufacturers.

[64] _Aviador_: a term used in Nueva España to denote the person who

supplied others with articles to work the silver mines.

[65] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[66] Montero y Vidal says (_Hist. piratería_, i, p. 162) that Tagal

was a brother of Corralat.

[67] These religious were Fray Francisco de Jesús María, missionary in

Cuyo; and Fray Juan de San Nicolás, and Fray Alonso de San Agustín,

of Linacapán in Calamianes. See sketches of their lives, captivity,

and deaths in Luis de Jesús's _Hist. relig. descalzos_ (Madrid, 1663),

pp. 284-293. Cf. "The martyrs of Calamianes," in _Prov. S. Nicolás de

Tolentino agust. descalzos_ (Manila, 1879), pp. 184-190. The corregidor

(alcalde) captured at that time was Diego de Alabes.

[68] Gregorio Belin (or Belon) was born at Madrid, March 15, 1608

(probably; misprinted 1628 in Pastells's and Retana's _Combés_,

col. 699); entered the Jesuit order in 1625, and was ordained a priest

January 6, 1633. In 1640, while in Cebú, he left the Society.

[69] Punta de Flechas is the headland marking division between the

great bays of Illana and Dumanquilas on the southern coast of Mindanao,

and is at the south end of boundary line between the provinces of

Cotabato and Zamboanga. This cape was anciently known as Panaon.

[70] See Combés's account of this battle (_Hist. Mindanao_,

cols. 234-238), and that of La Concepción (_Hist. Philipinas_, v,

pp. 304-310). The latter states that the priest who died in the battle

was Fray Francisco de Jesús María, the Recollect captured in Cuyo;

he was on Tagal's ship, and was fatally wounded by the Spanish guns.

[71] This letter was probably written by Pedro Gutierrez, from

Dapitan--of the Jesuit residence at which place he was rector in

the preceding year--which was at that time the chief of the Jesuit

missions in Mindanao. It is located almost at the northwest point of

that island.

[72] Arts. 67 and 69, here cited, are respectively 60 and 62 in the

original document (May 5, 1583) founding the Audiencia at Manila--for

which see vol. v of this series, pp. 294, 295; cf. duties of fiscal,

p. 302. These differences of numbering, and some additional matter

in No. 67, show that considerable additions to the old decree were

required at the reëstablishment of the Audiencia.

[73] This ordinance is contained in the first part of ley x, titulo

xxix, libro viii, of the _Recopilación de leyes_. See Vol. XVI of

this series, p. 193, note 251.

[74] See the letter by Fajardo, here referred to, in Vol. XVIII,

pp. 247-279.

[75] See this letter in Vol. XXIV, p. 301.

[76] Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli was born at Naples September

14 (Crétineau-Joly says September 4), 1603, and entered upon his

novitiate March 25, 1618. In obedience to the command of an apparition

of St. Francis Xavier which he believed he had seen (that saint

also miraculously curing him of a dangerous wound), he asked for

the missions of Japan. He left for his field in 1635, arriving at

Manila on July 3 of the following year. At the request of Corcuera,

Mastrilli accompanied him in the expedition against Mindanao; soon

after the governor's triumphant return therefrom, Mastrilli went to

Japan, where he was almost immediately imprisoned and tortured--finally

(October 17, 1637) being beheaded at Nagasaki. See Murillo Velarde's

_Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 81, and Crétineau-Joly's _Hist. Comp. de

Jésus_, iii, pp. 161-163; the latter says that Mastrilli went to

Japan to attempt the reclamation of the apostate Christoval Ferreira

(Vol. XXIV, p. 230 and note 91), and that martyrdom there seemed to

him and other Jesuits a sort of expiation for Ferreira's sin.

[77] Juan de Salazar was born at Baeza, Spain, December 26, 1582, and,

while a student there, entered (October 26, 1598) the Jesuit order. His

studies were pursued at Montilla and Granada, and completed at Manila,

where he arrived in 1605. He ministered to various Indian churches in

Luzón, and held important offices in his order, becoming provincial

in 1637. He died in 1645. See Murillo Velarde's _Hist. de Philipinas_,

fol. 142-147.

[78] The southwest point of the island of Panay, now called Siroan.

[79] Spanish, _arpa de la vela_ (literally, "harp of the sail");

apparently designating the arrangement of the ropes attached to the

sail, suggesting the strings of a harp; see engraving of champan in

Vol. XIV, p. 223.

[80] _Falúa_ (also _faluca_, English, felucca); a small open boat,

or a long boat with oars.

[81] Francisco Angel was born at San Clemente, Spain, April 14, 1603;

and at the age of fifteen he became a Jesuit novice. He reached the

Philippines in 1626, and spent a long and arduous life in the service

of the missions there; a large part of his work was in Mindanao and

the adjacent islands. He died at Catbalogan, February 24, 1676. See

Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 353 verso.

[82] This image had been taken by the Moros from the Recollect

church on the island of Cuyo. "It was a titular [_i.e._, an ¡mage

of the titular (or patron saint) of that church] of our father

St. Augustine, and on a linen cloth represented the holy doctor,

with Jesus Christ on one side, refreshing him with the blood from

His side; and on the other the Virgin, offering him the ["virginal,"

as La Concepción words it] nectar from her royal breasts." Thus Luis

de Jesús, in his _Historia religiosos descalzos_ (Madrid, 1663). The

figure of St. Francis Xavier was conjoined with this one, later,

by the Jesuits, to incite the soldiers.

[83] Retana says, in the preface to his edition of Combés (col. lvi)

that the ancient divisions of the island of Mindanao were four: Butúan,

Zamboanga, Mindanao (or district of the Moros), and Caraga. Colin

states (_Labor evangélica_, p. 42) that "the district of the Moros

begins at the river of Sibuguey, and extends along the discovered

coast, always to the south, for more than sixty leguas, until it

encounters the beginning of the jurisdiction of Caraga.... Its furthest

part is the bay of Tagalooc" (_i.e._, Davao, according to Pastells, in

his edition of Colin, i, p. 43). The river above mentioned "discharges

its waters into the bay of Dumanquilas" (Retana and Pastells, _Combés_,

col. 761).

[84] The Ventura del Arco transcript is here somewhat differently

worded; and according to it the sentence would continue thus: "(and by

another caracoa, which carried a white flag, a letter to the Recollect

fathers whom the Moros held captive there, that they should inform them

[_i.e._, our men?] of what was going on) should cast anchor," etc.

[85] This place was Lamitan, Corralat's seat of government

and court. The height to which that chief retreated after the

capture of Lamitan was named Ilihan, according to Montero y Vidal

(_Hist. piratería_, i, p. 168).

[86] Probably referring to Liguasan, a large lake southeast of

Cotabato, which forms a reservoir for the waters of the Rio Grande

of Mindanao--which river seems to have been the headquarters of the

piratical Moros of that island. The fort captured at this time was

located at the mouth of that river.

[87] _Sarvatanas_ (or _zarbatanas_): a word of Arabic origin, here

applied to reeds or canes through which are blown poisoned darts--the

_sompites_ (or _sumpitans_) of the text. (See Retana and Pastells's

note in _Combés_, col. 783.)

[88] _Sabanilla_, diminutive form of _sabana_ (English, "Savannah");

a name given by Corcuera's Spanish soldiers to the fortress which was

constructed, under the direction of Father Melchor de Vera, at that

point in Mindanao, south from Lake Lanao. Puerto de la Sabanilla was

anciently called Tuboc, on account of the springs that flow there

... which form the river now named Malabang. The etymology of this

last name indicates the formation of land by the deposits made by

the river, which may also be seen in the delta of the Rio Grande of

Mindanao. (Retana and Pastells, in _Combés_, col. 760.)

Tuboc is the name of a modern pueblo on the eastern shore of Illana

Bay.

[89] Spanish, _empuyado_, from _empuyar_, meaning "to fasten with

sharp spikes." There seems to be no satisfactory English equivalent as

a name for the defensive contrivance that has always been employed by

the Malays in the use of sharpened stakes (usually of bamboo) driven

into the ground, point upward, and planted thickly in the spot to be

defended; sometimes these are placed at the bottom of a trench and

hidden by leaves, forming a dangerous pitfall. The use of _empuyado_

in the text suggests the possibility that the Spaniards adopted this

device to guard some exposed approach to the building, fearing Malay

treachery--a conjecture strengthened by the presence of the Pampango

auxiliaries, who probably were accustomed to the use of this sort of

defense. See Vol. XX, p. 273.

[90] _i.e._, "who attains His ends with power even to the end, but

disposes all affairs with gentleness."

[91] Combés says (Retana's ed., p. 251) that Monte was slain in

the conflict.

[92] Luis de Jesús says (_Hist. relig. descalzos_, p. 290) that other

women followed the queen's example, in order not to become captives

of the Spaniards. Combés, however, states (_Hist. Mindanao_, col. 252)

that the queen and her children escaped as did Corralat; and that the

earlier accounts were incorrect, based on hasty or mistaken reports.

[93] This was Fray Francisco de Jesús Maria. The one slain by the

Moros was Fray Juan de San Nicolas; Luis de Jesús says (p. 289)

that this was caused by his rebuking Corralat for his profanation

of the sacred articles which he had pillaged from the churches,

whereupon the priest was slain by the enraged heathen. The third,

Fray Alonso de San Agustin, was attacked at the same time, according

to the above historian, and left for dead, but managed to make his

way to the Spanish camp.

[94] The name then applied to the region situated some twelve leguas

up the Rio Grande from its mouth, lying around the south-west part

of Lake Liguasan. Retana and Pastells say (_Combés_, col. 750) that

Buhayen signifies "the place where crocodiles live." Combés says

(col. 271) that Moncay was generally supposed to be a mestizo, the

son of a native "queen" and a Spaniard.

[95] See accounts of this campaign in Combés's _Hist. Mindanao_,

cols. 238-257; Murillo Velarde's _Hist. de Philipinas_, fol. 82-86;

La Concepción's _Hist. Philipinas_, v, pp. 310-328; Montero y Vidal's

_Hist. piratería_, i, pp. 165-173.

[96] Pedro Gutierrez was a Mexican; he was born at Colima on April

24, 1593. He was sent to the Jesuit college at Valladolid, Spain,

for his education, which resulted in his entering that order, in May,

1611. In 1622 he arrived in the Philippines, and labored long in the

Visayas. In 1629 he was assigned to the residence at Dapitan, Mindanao,

from which he soon undertook the conversion of the savage Subanos,

and later of the Lutaos of Mindanao, with whom he achieved notable

success. He visited the captive Vilancio in Jolo, and tried in vain

to ransom him; but he gained the goodwill of the Joloans. He aided in

the establishment of the Spanish fort at Zamboanga, and accompanied

the Visayan fleet sent to Mindanao to reënforce Corcuera. In 1638 he

went with Corcuera's expedition to Jolo, and afterward with others

to various parts of Mindanao. He filled important posts in Bohol,

Zebu, and Mindanao; and died at Iligan, July 25, 1651. See Murillo

Velarde's account of this missionary's life, in _Hist. de Philipinas_,

fol. 198 verso-207.

[97] "Colin and Combés say that he crossed from Ternate to Mindanao,

about the year 1546; although Garcia says that he went there later,

on his way from Japan to India. The former statement is more

credible." (Murillo Velarde, _Hist. de Philipinas_, fol. 74 verso.)

[98] In Pastells's edition of Colin (iii, p. 796) is published the

following letter from Corcuera to the king, obtained from the Sevilla

archives:

"I gave your Majesty an account last year of the need that the Order

of the Society has for priests to act as ministers in the missions,

now that I have gained two islands for your Majesty, that of Mindanao

and that of Bassilan. I have petitioned them to place ministers there,

in the parts where they are so necessary, and they have commenced to

do so. As they are few, they cannot give me as many as I want, although

they are doing all that they can to coöperate with me, taking religious

from other parts in order not to let so great a work cease, and one in

which they will so well serve our Lord and your Majesty. This order

renders much aid, Sire, and with great affection and love. I entreat

your Majesty, with all humility and earnestness, to be pleased to

command that at least thirty or forty priests be furnished to them;

with that aid they will be able to give me the ministers whom I ask,

and chaplains for the galleons of Terrenate and other parts--as they

are doing, serving your Majesty without self-interest, and checking,

by their teaching and good example, the loose conduct of the seamen

and soldiers. It seems as if God has been pleased, ever since we

undertook to fear God in these islands, as your Majesty had ordered,

to give us so many successes and victories, from which the arms of

your Majesty gain the luster and credit that is proper."

[99] Referring to Japan, the field to which Mastrilli was assigned.

[100] In Pastells's edition of Colin (iii, p. 768) is printed the

following letter from Mastrilli to the king, dated July 8, 1637:

"I have (clad already in Japanese garb) written a long letter to your

Majesty this same day, bidding farewell to your Majesty, and declaring

that, whether alive or dead, I shall ever be your Majesty's vassal,

and most desirous of the increase of your empire and monarchy;

and among the executioners and tortures of Japon, and much more,

if I die I shall be, in the heavens, an eternal intercessor. I left

two things to request from your Majesty by special letters: one for

forty priests of the Society of Jesus to come to these Philipinas

Islands, about which I have already written a letter; and the other,

which I beg from your Majesty in this letter--namely, that you favor

with your royal munificence the schools of our Society in this city

of Manila, and in especial the college of San Joseph, by erecting in

it twenty fellowships, as your Majesty has done in the colleges of

Peru and Mexico. This is the last thing that I petition, with all

possible earnestness, from your Majesty, in whose royal hands this

letter will be placed when this matter is discussed in the Council,

so that your Majesty may order it to be accomplished. May our Lord

preserve your royal person, and give you the years and happiness that

we all desire and need."

[101] Francisco Colin was born at Ripoll, of a prominent Catalonian

family, in July, 1592. At the age of thirteen he was sent to Barcelona

for his education; he there entered the Jesuit order, February 14,

1607. After his ordination he spent several years in preaching, in

Gerona, Cardona, and other places; and afterward was an instructor

in the college at Zaragoza. Desiring to labor among the heathen,

he entered the Philippine missions, arriving at Manila June 28,

1626. About that time, the Jesuits attempted to found missions in

Formosa and Jolo, to which task Colin was assigned; but, these proving

abortive, he remained at Manila, occupying a chair in the Jesuit

college, and acting as confessor to Governor Niño de Tavora. After

the latter's death, Colin became rector of the college, and soon

afterward was sent (1634) to the new mission of Mindoro, where he

spent three years. Recalled to Manila, he was rector of the college

until he was chosen (1639) provincial of the islands--an office

which he held a second time, according to Pastelle. The latter years

of his life were spent in literary work, preaching to the Indians,

and religious exercises; he died on May 6, 1660. Among his writings

the most important is his _Labor evangélica_ (Madrid, 1663), part of

which will be presented in subsequent volumes of this series. See

sketches of Colin's life in Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_,

fol. 259-267; and Pastells's edition of _Labor evangélica_ (Barcelona,

1904), pp. 225-230.

[102] Antonio Figueredo was born at Ourem, Portugal, in 1586, and

was admitted into the Society in 1603. He was sent to the Indias,

and ministered at Salsette; he was rector of Chaul and of Tana, and

of the residence of San Paolo Vecchio at Goa, where he died May 8,

1650. See Sommervogel's _Bibliothèque_.

[103] Evidently referring to the vision and miraculous cure which

are referred to _ante_, in sketch of Mastrilli's life, note 76.

[104] Probably meaning the stream that falls into the sea nearest to

Punta de Cañas, a point on the southwest coast of Bataán, which is

the small province of western Luzon that encloses the western side

of Manila Bay.

[105] An evident reference to Fray Antonio Caballero (or Santa María,

his name in religion), a noted laborer in the Chinese missions. He was

born in April, 1602, at Baltanás, south of Valladolid, and entered

the Franciscan order March 24, 1618. He spent four years (1629-33)

in Manila, and then went to China. (His first convert in that country

afterward became a Dominican friar, and was finally (1674) consecrated

a bishop, the first of his nation to attain that dignity--and,

according to Dominican authority, the only Chinaman ever consecrated,

up to 1890, as a bishop. This man's Chinese name was Lô, and he was

baptized as Gregorio López; he was sent to pursue his studies in the

college of Santo Tomás at Manila, where he received holy orders. He

died at Nanking in February, 1690, at the age of eighty; see account

of his life in _Reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 433-436.) After regaining

his liberty, on the occasion mentioned in our text, he spent some

two years in Manila; and went in 1639 to Macao, to act as vicar of

the convent of St. Clare there. In 1644 all the Spaniards residing in

Macao were exiled by the Portuguese, and Fray Antonio, with those nuns,

sailed (October 10) for Manila. They were driven by a storm to a port

in Cochinchina, and obliged to remain six months in that country,

where they were hospitably treated; in May, 1645, they arrived

safely at Manila. Four years later, Fray Antonio returned to China,

where he labored until his death--which occurred at Canton, May 13,

1669--having suffered imprisonment, exile, and many privations. He

left many writings (some in Chinese), mainly referring to the missions

in China. See Huerta's sketch of his life and labors, in _Estado_,

pp. 406-413.

[106] In the original manuscript the word "new" has been crossed out

and "old" written above the line.

[107] In the margin is written: "Others say with 7."

[108] In the original manuscript the word "outside" has been crossed

out, and "inside" written above the line.

[109] In the margin occurs the note: "Or with 7."

[110] Marginal note: "One of the 6 left [the fleet] because it

was heavy."

[111] In the original manuscript the date "March 1" has been crossed

out, and the above date inserted above the line.

[112] In the original manuscript the word "five" is crossed out and

"good" inserted above the line.

[113] In the original manuscript, the figure "7" is crossed out, and

"some" added above the line.

[114] Marginal note: "One was said to have been killed in Mican the

day of the assault."

[115] It will be found directly following the present document.

[116] Both these names are applied to the same island, Basilan being

the modern appellation. It is the largest island of a group of the

same name; numbering fifty-seven, nearly all of them very small.

[117] Meaning the shogun Iyémitsu, who reigned until 1649. He was an

able and far-sighted ruler, who adopted many political and economic

measures of great importance. See Griffis's account of his reign,

in _Mikado's Empire_, pp. 285-287.

[118] This letter is published by Barrantes in his _Guerras piráticas,_

pp. 289-303; he states that it was written to Fathers Diego de

Bobadilla and Simon Costa, while they were traveling to Rome, but he

incorrectly gives the writer's name as Francisco Lopez, while Retana

(_Bibliog. Mindanao_, p. 21) as incorrectly ascribes it to Alejandro

Lopez. In Barrantes's version, a postscript dated September 15 is

appended to the letter, describing the gift of money offered to the

governor by the Chinese on this occasion. This same statement will

be found in "Events in the Filipinas, 1637-38," _post_.

[119] Juan Lopez was born at Moratalla, Spain, December 27, 1584, and

when fifteen years old entered the Jesuit order. In 1606 he departed

for the Philippines, where he held numerous positions of trust in his

order, and was for a time a commissary of the Inquisition; he was

also sent to Rome as procurator of the Filipinas province. He also

labored in the missions of Pintados and in Mindanao. Lopez died at

Manila, September 3, 1659. See Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_,

fol. 269 verso, 270.

[120] It is the copy of a letter written by Father Juan Lopez at

Cavite.--Barrantes.

[121] Bobadilla's version of this letter (see his "Glorious victories

against the Moros," _post_) says that they landed "at the beach

of Santiago de Bagumbaya, a settlement in front of Manila, an

arquebus-shot distant." Some additional details given by Bobadilla

will be used, like this, as annotations to Lopez's own letter.

[122] Francisco de Roa was born in 1592, in the City of Mexico. At

the age of fourteen, he went to Manila, and became a student at

the Jesuit college of San José. On May 18, 1609, he became a Jesuit

novice there, and after his ordination as a priest he was sent to the

missions of Pintados. Afterward summoned to Manila, he was a teacher

in San José for five years; he was twice rector of the Manila house,

and three times (1644, 1648, and 1659) was chosen provincial. Going

on an official visit to Mindanao, the ship which carried him was

lost, with all on board (January, 1660). See Murillo Velarde's

_Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 267, 268.

[123] Bobadilla says of these natives: "They are a brave people, very

faithful, and excellent Christians, and handle their weapons very

skilfully. They drill in companies in the camp at Manila, among the

Spanish companies. In all the garrisons and expeditions they perform

military duty well."

[124] "Our college is very near the gate, in the second square"

(Bobadilla).

[125] "A young and very handsome gentleman, a son of his Majesty's

accountant, Martin Ruyz de Salaçar" (Bobadilla).

[126] Barrantes adds (pp. 310-317) copies of these verses, and of

others which were evidently used on the arch above mentioned; and

states that Father Lopez, at the end, informs his correspondent that

these stanzas were composed, the scrolls lettered, and the address

committed to memory, between seven o'clock at night and seven the next

morning, on account of the short time available before the entry of

the governor.

[127] An abridgment of Lopez's letter to this point is found in

the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library). The following additional

remarks are presumably added by the compiler of that collection:

"The relation nevertheless neglects to mention the reception by the

city or municipal council, which apparently must have been very cold;

for neither the Audiencia nor the regidors awaited the governor at the

gates of the city, although they should have gone out to the Puerta

Real ["royal gate"]. Neither does the relation state whether the city

council paid the bills for any function in honor of Corcuera and of

the Spanish arms. The only ones who celebrated these were the Jesuits,

the soldiers, the Indians, and some private persons--a matter which

demands attention."

[128] A paraphrase, rather than a translation of the Latin. The Douay

version reads: "The tabernacles of robbers abound, and they provoke

God boldly, whereas it is he that hath given all into their hands."

[129] In the Douay version: "With him is wisdom, and strength, he

hath counsel and understanding."

[130] "Among the spectators, and greatly enjoying the play, were

the governor, the royal Audiencia, the archbishop, and the principal

persons of the city of Manila" (Bobadilla).

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 27 of 55 1636-37 Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century · 第 11 / 11 章