CHAP. IX.

These things, indeed, you have articulated,

Proclaim'd at market-tables, read at churches,

To face the garment of rebellion

With some fine colour that may please the eye

Of fickle changelings and poor discontents,

Which gape and rub the elbows at the news

Of hurly burly innovation;

And never yet did Insurrection want

Such water-colours to impaint his cause.

Shakspeare.

The summer of 1643 opened with favourable omens to the royal cause.

Evellin sent intelligence to Ribblesdale of the successes of the Marquis

of Newcastle against Fairfax, the safe arrival of the Queen with

military stores, and his own expectation of being joined to her escort,

which would enable him to have an interview with the King at Oxford.

This intelligence, added to that of the advantages gained over Sir

William Waller in the west, revived the drooping hopes of the loyalists,

and terrified the enthusiastic Eustace with apprehensions lest the

contest should be decided before he could measure swords with one

round-head.

Dr. Beaumont took a more comprehensive view; he saw how little had been

done, and how much loyal blood had been shed. The King's cause was

supported by the death or ruin of his best friends, but his victories,

instead of intimidating, hardened his opponents. They were bound

together by a dread of danger, and a belief that they had sinned beyond

all hopes of pardon, and therefore must depend for safety entirely on

the success of the rebellion they had fomented.

To insure that success, the Parliament had long since employed the most

potent stimulant of human action, religion; and, by embodying their

favourite teachers under the title of the Assembly of Divines, contrived

to give that species of state-establishment to their own theological

scheme which they had objected to, as one of the crying sins of

episcopacy. This memorable body of auxiliaries was created at the time

of their beginning to levy war upon the King, by seizing his military

resources, and refusing him admission into his own garrison. A fact

which may serve to convince the reflecting mind of the close union which

subsists between monarchical and episcopal principles is, that their

next step to that of employing the forces and revenues of the crown

against the person of the Sovereign, was a declaration "that they

intended a necessary and due reformation of the Liturgy and government

of the church, and that they would consult godly and learned divines,

and use their utmost endeavours to establish learned and preaching

ministers, with a good and sufficient maintenance throughout the whole

kingdom, where many dark corners were miserably destitute of the means

of salvation, and many poor ministers wanted necessary provision."

Though wise men saw the design of this carefully-worded declaration, yet

indolent, or quiet men, who were willing to hope, caught at its

designing moderation, believed that Parliament only meant to reform

abuses, and that its designs were not so very bad. This very

declaration, which a year before would have terrified the people, in

whom there was then a general submission to the church-government, and a

singular reverence of the Liturgy, now when there was a general

expectation of a total subversion of the one, and abolition of the

other, they thought only removing what was offensive, unnecessary, or

burthensome, an easy composition. Thus the well-meaning were, by

degrees, prevailed on, towards ends they extremely abhorred, and what,

at first, seemed prophane and impious to them, in a little time appeared

only inconvenient.

But infinite is the danger of tampering with national feeling in its

most important point. The mildly-worded decree above cited, cherished

those principles of mutability, which overthrew the church of England,

while new forms of doctrine sprang from every portion of her ruins, all

contending for mastery, and each insisting on the individual right of

choosing, and the uncontrolable liberty of exercising what they pleased

to term religion. The first of these tenets is as inadmissible in

argument, as it is desperate in practice, for if every man has a right

to choose, it must follow that he has an equal right to abstain from

choosing, and thus universal atheism is sanctioned by the over-strained

indulgence of civil liberty, confounding what our perverse natures will

do with what they properly may. And if we found this opinion on the

ground of human free-will, it may be asserted that a man has a right to

choose whether he will be veracious, temperate, chaste, and

conscientious; whether he will be a good father, husband, citizen, or

the reverse; and thus every moral offence of which human laws do not

take cognizance, may be justified by the same plea, that in this land of

liberty people have a right to act as they think proper. By these means

that finer system of morals, which extends virtue and goodness to points

which the mere letter of the law cannot reach, is at once annihilated;

and the peculiar excellence, of the Gospel, as a religion of motives, is

superseded by the licence allowed to rebellious wills, and the darkness

of perverse understandings.

The proposition of the Parliament to consult "godly and learned divines"

was exemplified, by their ordering the individuals of which the House of

Commons was now composed, to name such men as they thought fit for their

purpose. Every known friend to the King had been already banished,

either by the clamour of the London mobs, or their own votes. "Of one

hundred and twenty, who composed the assembly of Divines, though by the

recommendation of some members of the Commons, whom they were not

willing to displease, and by the authority of the Lords, some very

reverend and worthy names were inserted, there were not above twenty,

who were not declared and avowed enemies of the church, some of them

very infamous in their lives and conversations, most of them of very

mean parts in learning, if not of scandalous ignorance, and of no other

reputation than malice to the church of England."

Of this ignorance and incapacity for every thing but the work of

destruction, their own party made the most angry complaints. Yet were

those men the fittest to act as Spiritual prompters to an aspiring

faction, bent on overturning existing institutions, and establishing

their own power. The general ground of quarrel of all the sects with the

establishment, was its retaining ceremonies, prayers, and a mode of

discipline, which, though bearing close affinity to the apostolical age,

were rejected by violent reformers, because our church received them

through that of Rome. The answer of Bishop Ridley to the Papists, "That

he would be willing to admit any trifling ceremony or thing indifferent

for the sake of peace," suited not the taste of those who saw

Anti-christ in a square cap or a surplice, and in a written creed or

doxology (though agreeing in substance with their own opinions) an

infringement of the liberty of a true Protestant. Such as these cared

not what confusion or infidelity prevailed, nor how Popery itself

triumphed, while they were busy in overthrowing the strongest bulwark

that human wisdom had erected against it. The people were inflamed

against the court and the church by the charge of jesuitical designs,

the palaces of the deposed bishops were converted into prisons, crowded

with the champions of the protestant cause; the truly "pious, godly, and

learned ministry" were driven from the flocks to which they had been

appointed by their spiritual superiors, and supplanted by these

champions of the rights of private judgment and unbounded liberty, who

made their respective congregations not only judges of theological

points, but teachers of every opinion, except those which derived

support from sound learning, constitutional authority, beneficial

experience, general acceptation among Christians, or a clear consistent

view of the word of God. Men sought celebrity by inventing modes of

faith; and sacred truths were not established by an appeal to antiquity,

but by the singular ordeal of novelty, as if, after a lapse of seventeen

ages, it was reserved for ignorance and fanaticism to make fresh

discoveries in the sacred writings.

The ordinance of sequestration, which annihilated all

church-dignitaries, and exposed every parochial minister to the malice

of any informer who should report him for his loyalty, passed in the

year 1643, and was justified by complaints of the supposed scandalous

lives of the episcopal clergy. Doubtless, in a numerous body, some might

be found guilty of gross vices, secular in their pursuits, negligent of

their high duties, and looking more to the "scramble at the shearers'

feast," than to feeding and guiding the flock through the wilderness. No

true lover of the church will defend clerical debauchees or canonical

worldlings, especially when she appears beleaguered round with enemies,

and when her surest earthly supports are the zeal, the learning, and the

pious simplicity of her officials. Persuaded that our national

establishment grows from that root which can never decay, we may always,

when a very general corruption of the clergy is apparent, expect a

fearful tempest to arise, which will clear the tree of its unsound

branches, and enable it to put forth vigorous and healthy shoots. But

while that rottenness is not total but partial, while some green boughs

are still seen to extend a lovely and refreshing shade, what impious

hand shall dare to assail the venerable queen of the forest, whose

magnitude defends the saplings, which, ambitiously springing under its

protection, require the room it occupies? At the time of the great

rebellion, the Church of England boasted an unusual number of, not

merely learned, but apostolical men, especially among the bishops and

the royal chaplains, whose pious labours have excited the gratitude and

admiration of posterity, as much as their lives and sufferings did the

wonder and commiseration of their own times. Beside those who have been

thus immortalized, there were vast numbers who "took their silent way

along the humble vale of life," unknown to fame either for their virtues

or their hardships, yet still living in the memory of their descendants.

These submitted in silence to poverty, reproach, and injustice; and,

like Bishop Sanderson, "blessed God that he had not withdrawn food or

raiment from them and their poor families, nor suffered them, in time of

trial, to violate their conscience." The long-continued persecution of

the ruling powers proves that such men formed the majority of the

episcopal clergy. Their place was occupied by those who were willing to

receive wages from the hand of usurpation, and to see the lawful owner

in extremest need, while they enjoyed ill-acquired affluence. These men

soon won over the populace by the most false and dangerous views of

religion, stating, "that men might be religious first, and then just and

merciful; that they might sell their conscience, and yet have something

worth keeping; and that they might be sure they were elected, though

their lives were visibly scandalous; that to be cunning was to be wise;

that to be rich was to be happy; and that to speak evil of governments

was no sin[1]." Plain, instructive, practical discourses, sound and

temperate explanations of the great mysteries of Christianity, connected

views of the whole body of gospel doctrines and precepts, were cast

aside as legal formalities. Extemporary harangues, immethodical and

tautological at best, sometimes profane, often absurd and perplexing,

never instructive, became universal. One of the worst features of these

sermons was their tendency to torture scripture to the purposes of

faction, and represent the Almighty as personally concerned in the

success of rebels. "The Lord was invited to take a chair and sit among

the House of Peers," whenever that House opposed the furious proceedings

of the Commons; and if the King gained a victory, the preacher

expostulated in these irreverent terms: "Lord, thou hast said he is

worse than an infidel that provides not for his own family. Give us not

reason to say this of thee, for we are thine own family, and have lately

been scurvily provided for."

In a work intended to familiarize the conduct and principles of

loyalists to the general reader, this vindication of the episcopal

clergy, and appeal to their literary remains, and to the doctrines

delivered by their opponents on public occasions, cannot be deemed

irrelative. I now proceed with my narrative.

Dr. Beaumont was not long permitted to repose at Ribblesdale after his

enemies were armed with power for his expulsion. A visit from Morgan was

the signal of bad tidings. He required a private interview. The Doctor

silently besought Heaven to give him fortitude, and admitted him.

He began with enumerating his own kind offices, and anxiety to preserve

him in his cure, believing him to be very well-meaning, though mistaken

in his politics. He reminded him that he had ever recommended temperate

counsels, and lamented that, in the present disturbed state of things,

he or his family should, by any indiscreet act, give occasion to his

enemies to precipitate his ruin. He then pulled out a long string of

charges against the Doctor, the first of which was his affording shelter

to, and corresponding with, one Allan Evellin, calling himself Colonel

Evellin, by virtue of a pretended commission from the King, a most

dangerous delinquent and malignant, now in arms against Parliament, and

seen, in the late attack on Sir Thomas Fairfax's army, to make a

desperate charge, and murder many valiant troopers who were asserting

the good old cause. Dr. Beaumont acknowledged that he had afforded his

brother-in-law the rights of hospitality; and he put Morgan upon proof

that the King's commission was not a sufficient justification of the

alleged murders, which, he presumed, were not committed basely, or in

cold blood, but in the heat and contention of battle, and might

therefore be justified by the rule of self-defence, as well as by the

King's authority.

Morgan said the ordinance of Parliament made it treason to fight for the

King; but this assertion sounded so oddly, that he hurried to the next

count, which was, his dissuading Ralph Jobson from taking the Covenant.

The Doctor acknowledged this fact, alledging also, that as he considered

the Covenant to be sinful, he was bound in duty, as the spiritual guide

of Jobson, to advise him not to bind his soul by any ill-understood,

ensnaring obligation, being already bound, by his baptismal and

eucharistical oaths, to all that was required of Christians in an humble

station.

To Dr. Beaumont's vindication of himself from these and similar crimes,

Morgan could only answer that the ordinances of Parliament made them

offences. In these unhappy times those decrees were not supplemental to,

but abrogatory of, law and gospel. But there was another charge founded

on the violation of the grand outlines of morality, which could be

brought home to one of the Doctor's household. Morgan drew up

triumphantly, as he read the accusation, namely, "That Eustace Evellin,

son of the above malignant cavalier, did, on the 17th day of March last

past, assault and wound Hold-thy-Faith Priggins, and by force take from

his possession a box containing his property, and that he did carry off

the same, leaving the said Priggins bleeding on the high road." The

Doctor was startled; he knew this was the time of his nephew's

mountain-expedition, but was entirely ignorant of its being signalized

by any act of Quixotic chivalry. He disclaimed all knowledge of the

business, and begged to know who Hold-thy-Faith Priggins was. "I know,"

said he, "a John Priggins, a fellow of most infamous and depraved

conduct, but this other is quite a new name in this neighbourhood."

Morgan denied all personal acquaintance with the man, previous to the

day when he came to lodge his complaint against Eustace, and at the same

time announced his design of exercising the gift of preaching, to which

he just discovered he had a call. He however admitted that he believed

this same Priggins was the Doctor's old acquaintance, he having

acknowledged that previous to his conversion he had been guilty of every

sin except murder.

Dr. Beaumont imagined such a confession would justify a magistrate in

refusing to permit even the meanest part of the sacerdotal functions to

be assumed by one who mistook glorying in his iniquities for

regeneration; but Morgan replied, that it would be contrary to those

principles of civil liberty which his conscience and office required him

to support, to make any investigation into the past, or to require any

pledge for the future conduct of the convert.

Dr. Beaumont could not help observing that, in kindness to his friend

Davies, Morgan should have been careful of opening the mouth of one who

might perhaps introduce schism into the new-founded congregation.

Morgan smiled. "I perceive, my good Doctor," said he, "you are quite in

the dark in these matters; you must know, the Parliament's ordinance has

been acted upon in many parishes, and the sequestrators have taken such

note of your life and conversation as to resolve to eject you from your

living, and institute Master Davies in your place; though my influence

has hitherto suspended the actual execution of this design. Now, as I

hate all monopolies, and think every person's talents should have fair

play, during your ministry I countenanced Davies against you, and if

Davies is put in your place I shall sit under Priggins rather than

Davies, for that is the best way of keeping him sharp to his duty, and

one gets at truth best by hearing from all preachers what they have to

say for themselves."

Dr. Beaumont answered, that though assured the exercise of his

sacerdotal functions depended on his pleasure, he could not, while he

was permitted to perform it, so far desert his duty as to allow one of

his parishioners to utter wrong opinions without respectfully shewing

their fallacy. He was proceeding to the undoubtedly-fruitless labour of

trying to correct determined error, when Morgan stopped his argument by

shewing him the order he had received to eject him from his rectory.

Dr. Beaumont answered, that being humbly persuaded his ministry had been

beneficial, he wished to be allowed to continue in the quiet exercise of

his spiritual functions. His office was not bestowed upon him either by

Parliament or by the assembly of Divines, neither could the votes of the

one, nor the opinion of the other, lawfully degrade him from it.

Morgan replied, that whatever fancies he might entertain respecting the

durability of his right to the rectory, and the unalienable nature of

ordination, he must know, from numerous instances, that they had a way

now of cutting this sort of disputes very short, by expelling those who

would not walk out of doors quietly. Some indeed suffered their prudence

to get the better of their obstinacy, and were comfortably re-settled in

their benefices. One method of reconciliation which he would advise Dr.

Beaumont to attend to, was, to volunteer his subscription to the

engagement which had just been taken by Parliament and the City of

London, on the discovery of a most horrid plot formed by papists and

malignants, to put the King in possession of the Tower; to admit the

popish army into the city; to seize the godly Parliament, and put an end

to all those hopes of reformation which the nation now entertained. He

shewed the Doctor a copy of the oath, and remarked, that as nothing was

said in it about ecclesiastical changes, he could not object to swearing

to preserve the true Protestant religion against the influence of a

popish party, headed by the Queen, whom the House in its wisdom had

impeached of high-treason.

Dr. Beaumont said, the crime laid to Her Majesty's charge, which had

induced the Parliament to take that extraordinary step, was the bringing

arms and ammunition into the kingdom to assist her Sovereign and

husband, and not her being a Catholic, nor any plot or contrivance to

murder and imprison true Protestants. In the vow tendered to him, he saw

himself required to attest various matters which he disbelieved. He knew

of no Popish army raised and countenanced by the King; he knew of no

treacherous and horrid design to surprise the Parliament and the city of

London. He could not give God thanks for the discovery of what he really

believed was one of those fabrications intended to strengthen the ruling

party, which always follow a detected conspiracy. He denied that the

armies raised by the two Houses were for their just defence, or for the

liberty of the subject; and he would never promise to oppose those who

assisted the King, nor bind himself in a league with his enemies.

"My sacred function," continued the Doctor, "is that of a minister of

peace. I will never have recourse to arms except to guard my own family

from assassins; nor will I ever engage not to assist my King with my

purse or my counsels, or shut my gates on any loyal refugee who seeks

the shelter of my roof. I have few personal reasons for being attached

to Ribblesdale, but I hold myself bound to it by a spiritual contract,

and will abide here till I am forced from it, diligently,

conscientiously, and meekly doing my duty among ye, without partiality

or respect of persons. My counsel, my assistance, my purse, my prayers,

are at the service of all my parishioners; if, therefore, the residence

of a quiet man, who, though he will not sacrifice his own conscience,

imposes no restraints on others, be not inconsistent with the duty you

say you owe to these new authorities, suffer me to die in my parish. I

am ready to promise that I will never engage in plots or conspiracies

for your destruction; and since the scale of war is still suspended, and

we know not who will be the ascending party, I will also promise, that

in case the royal cause ultimately triumphs, I will use my influence

with the King in favour of my neighbours."

"You speak like a man of sense and moderation," answered Morgan. "Why

should hatred and animosity prevail between us? Why should we not

imitate the liberality of Sir William Waverly? General Waverly has just

been to see him. The worthy Baronet at first rated him a little, telling

him he had made a most unhappy choice; but they were friends in a few

minutes, and he asked Master Davies and me to dine with them; wished the

King better advisers; drank prosperity to the Parliament; and paid his

weekly assessment cheerfully. I think it is the best plan for all

parties to hold neighbourly intercourse with each other, and even to

form alliances which may some time turn to account; and this leads me to

my other proposition. I believe I may persuade the honourable

sequestrators that you are not a dangerous delinquent, nor wholly

unprofitable in the ministry; but this must be on condition that you

suffer justice to take its course with your nephew, and ally yourself to

some person of staunch principles by marriage."

Dr. Beaumont answered, he was very willing that the charge against

Eustace should be investigated, but as to intermarriage with any family,

he had long since devoted the remainder of his life to widowhood.

"But you have ladies in your house," said Morgan, drawing his chair

closer to the Doctor, and pursing his features into an enamoured grin.

The idea of a quondam scrivener making love to Mrs. Mellicent (for on

this occasion he thought only of her), and the contrast between her

dignity and Morgan's square figure and vulgar coarseness, provoked a

smile, notwithstanding the seriousness of his own situation: Morgan

thought this a good omen, and went on.

"You see me here, Master Doctor, a hale man, under fifty, pretty warm

and comfortable in circumstances; I once said I never would encumber

myself with a wife and family, but things are now going on so well, that

all will be settled before my children are grown up; and I do not see

why I should not try to make my old age comfortable, now I have done so

much for the public.--That's a very pretty, modest, well-behaved

daughter of yours, and I think would make me a good wife; a little too

young, perhaps, but she will mend of that fault every day."

Dr. Beaumont was struck dumb with surprise. Morgan continued--"And if

the young maid is willing, I shall not mind shewing favour to that

hot-headed cousin of hers, for her sake. He wants to be a soldier I

find; I could get him a commission under Lord Essex, who is a fine

spirited commander, and will give him fighting enough. You know it will

be doing just as the Waverly family do. Come, I see you

hesitate--suppose we call in the young people, and hear what they say?"

"Eustace shall immediately answer to the charge laid against him," said

the Doctor, rising to summon him. "And let Mrs. Constantia come too; I

wish that business decided first," continued Morgan.

"That business is already determined," answered the Doctor. "Eustace, I

have called you to answer to a charge laid against you, of assaulting a

peaceable passenger whom you met in your return from the mountains, and

taking from him a box which was his property. Did you or did you not

commit this outrage?"

"Aye!--answer without fear or evasion, young man," said Morgan.

"I know neither fear nor evasion," replied Eustace, darting on the

Justice a look which could not have been more contemptuous had he heard

of his offer to Constantia;--"I certainly did beat a saucy knave who

insulted me."

"And stole his goods!" said Morgan.

"I took from him something;--let him name what."

"A box or case, his property, are the words of his affidavit."

"Again," said Eustace, "I require him to state what was in that box?"

Morgan coloured--"The forms of law," said he, "must be adhered to. He

only swears to a box or case, as his property. Did you or did you not

take it from him?"

"I did."

Dr. Beaumont turned on his nephew a look of angry expostulation, which

stung him to the soul. He threw himself on the ground, and clasped his

knees in anguish. "My dearest uncle," said he, "I can bear any thing but

your displeasure. I took a box containing stolen goods from a thief, who

was carrying it to an accomplice."

Morgan was thunder-struck; for, in describing the assault, Priggins had

omitted mentioning that he had been cuffed into a full discovery of his

theft, and had owned that Morgan had agreed to accept a part of Dr.

Beaumont's spoil as a reward for giving indemnity to the rioters. He

tried to recollect himself, and told Eustace, better language to a

magistrate would become his situation.

"Who touches the hem of your magisterial robe?" said the fiery boy.

"Have I said that the villain who stole my cousin's lute, was carrying

it to you when I took it from him, and restored it to the right owner.

My dear and worthy protector, the only fault I have committed, was in

saying I found it, when you asked me how it was recovered. Let him who

accuses me of the theft be brought face to face, and I will soon make

him own who are the knaves in this business."

Morgan's confusion at being drawn into an implied self-accusation

prevented him from pressing the business further. He endeavoured to be

civil, said that Priggins must have mistaken the person of Eustace, or

have given him a false account. He believed him to be a worthless liar,

and holding out his hand to Eustace, hoped it would cause no ill blood

between them.

"No," said the latter, holding up his arm in a posture of defiance;

"there may be a concert between thieves and the receivers of stolen

goods; but we know too much of each other to shake hands, and so

remember Master Morgan I hate dissimulation, and now think of you just

as I used to do."

When they were alone the Doctor reproved Eustace for his peremptory

behaviour, and required an impartial statement of the whole affair. The

interview ended with full pardon for his past precipitation, and an

earnest admonition, as he tendered the preservation of them all, to be

guarded in future. Eustace could not but perceive that he had increased

his uncle's difficulties, and promised great prudence, with a full

intention of keeping his word.

Dr. Beaumont then proceeded to consult the faithful partner of all his

former trials on his present situation. It was to Mrs. Mellicent only

that he disclosed all that had passed in his interview with Morgan, who,

making the same misapplication of Morgan's amorous tender, drew up her

stiff figure into full stateliness. "Leave the knave to me, brother,"

said she; "I desire no better jest than to hear him make me a proposal;

I that have had a serjeant at law in his coif, and the sheriff of the

county in his coach and six, come to make love to me, to be at last

thought of by the son of a shoe-maker!"

Her brother here interposing, relieved her mind from the terrifying idea

of having the laurels of her early days blasted by this degrading

conquest, but he only changed indignation into distress. "What! our

lovely, dutiful, modest, ingenuous Constantia, to marry that lump of

sedition; that bag of cozening vulgarity; that rolling tumbril, laden

with all the off-scourings of his own detestable party!--Brother, take

my advice, and send the dear creature instantly to the King's quarters;

there is no safety for her within Morgan's reach.--These republicans

stop at nothing; I question whether my years and prudence will protect

me, but I will run all risks, and remain with you at Ribblesdale. But

let the young people be immediately removed, under the care of

Williams.--Morgan will never pardon the affront he received from

Eustace. The hint he gave about Essex, makes me apprehend that a project

will be laid to entrap the boy. I know he would sooner die than accept

any terms from traitors; let me therefore intreat you to send them all

to York, and place them under the Earl of Bellingham's protection."

Dr. Beaumont approved the plan, but cautioned her how she spoke of the

Earl of Bellingham. Mrs. Mellicent assured him she was very wary. "But,"

said she, "as we are forced to hear and say so much that is painful, let

us in our privacies indulge ourselves with anticipating brighter scenes.

I am fully persuaded that the children will outlive these sorrows. I had

a most consoling dream last night.--I saw Eustace in Castle-Bellingham,

just as I have heard Williams describe it in the old Earl's days,

attended by a train of gallant gentlemen, knights, esquires, chaplains,

pages, and all the proper retinue of nobility. I saw Constance too, our

own sweet Constance, dressed in black-velvet covered with jewels; and

she was smiling upon Eustace, and giving orders just as a countess ought

to do in the open gallery, as the servants were going about from the

hall to the buttery; I see it all now before my eyes, and I tell you,

brother, whatever you learned men may say about it, dreams often are

true prognostics, and warnings too. In one point, I believe we are both

agreed, Constance shall marry none but Eustace."

"It is more necessary," replied Dr. Beaumont, "to preserve the children

from present violence, than to lay plans for their future

aggrandisement. Prepare then with all possible speed for their removal,

and I will advise them of its absolute necessity."

This precaution was indeed truly prudent. The rancorous heart of Morgan

could not forgive the insinuated accusation of Eustace, nor the cold

hauteur with which the Doctor hurried over his offer of an alliance,

which, in the proposer's estimation, promised safety, wealth, and

honour. He immediately sent information to an officer, who was

recruiting for the Parliament, of a young desperate malignant, whom he

wished to have pressed into the service, as a mild punishment for

contumacy and outrage, and he did not doubt that the appearance of the

sequestrators, armed with full powers for immediate dispossession, would

terrify Constantia into acquiescence with his wishes, on condition that

he would protect her father.

The young party left Ribblesdale at midnight, under the escort of

Williams. The separation was marked with many tears and many anxious

wishes, that they might soon be followed by their faithful guardians.

The young ladies felt all the alarm and anxiety of leaving their quiet

homes, which is incident to their sex and years; they were terrified at

the thought of sleeping at an inn, and seeing none but strangers; "if

they should discover who we are," said Constantia, "and deliver us into

the power of Morgan!"--Eustace begged her not to be frightened, for he

would die sooner than see her exposed to any insult. "You are always so

ready to die!" observed Isabel; "what good would it do us to have you

killed? But indeed I have no fear of being discovered, for we are so

muffled up in our camlet riding-hoods, that we shall pass for

country-girls going to market. Courage! dear Constance. Come, whip your

horse on with spirit, and talk to me about eggs and poultry."

"Your brown face and red arms will pass well enough," said Eustace; "but

they must be blind idiots, who mistake our pretty Constance for a market

girl." "I will bind up my face as if I had the tooth-ache," said she;

"and talk broad Lancashire, till I come to the Marquis's quarters."

Williams observed that their danger would then begin.

The girls started, saying, they hoped they should then be in safety.

"You know not, my dear mistresses," said Williams, "the habits of camps,

nor the licence of gay, dissipated cavaliers, conscious of conferring

obligations on their King, and claiming from their occasional hardships

a right to indulgence. It is a bad situation for handsome young women,

but I have it in charge, in case I cannot deliver you into the care of

my old master, to take you on to Oxford, and place you with an old

college-friend of Dr. Beaumont's."

Eustace, whose heart had exulted at the idea of being fixed in the scene

of action, and of being permitted to endeavour to remove the prohibition

of his taking arms, strenuously opposed the plan of an Oxford residence,

as still more improper for young ladies, protesting that the flatteries

of a court and a university were more dangerous than the free licence of

military manners. He then began to caution Constantia, assuring her she

must not believe all that would be told her about the power of her eyes

to make men miserable, and about Venus and Hebe, and a great many more

nonsensical comparisons. "If I do," returned she, "it will do me no

harm. A woman is not more beloved for being handsome. There is our dear

aunt Mellicent; her face, you know, is the colour of a cowslip, and all

seamed and puckered, yet we could not love her better than we do, if she

were ever so beautiful."

Eustace allowed that she was a very good woman, though he could well

spare her putting him to rights, as she called it, quite so often. He

fancied, too, he knew some people more agreeable.--Isabel thought when

women were young, they always liked to be called handsome, and

recollected she often heard her aunt say, that before she had the

small-pox, she was thought very comely, and had many lovers. Eustace

burst into a loud laugh, and said so many provoking things on the

misfortune of old maids being reduced to record their own victories,

that his companions protested they would be very angry, and not speak to

him till he sung them a song of his own composition, by way of penance.

He submitted cheerfully to the punishment, and caroled the following

canzonet, as they proceeded in safety to the borders of Yorkshire:--

Once Beauty bade the God of Wit

Appease her anger with his songs;

Love thought the sacrifice unfit,

And cried, "The task to me belongs."

Light flow'd the strain of wayward smiles.

Of blushes and of tears he sung,

Of mournful swains arrang'd in files,

And hearts on eye-shot arrows hung.

But Beauty frown'd; "This lay from thee!

Proud rebel, dost thou break thy chain?

Wit may devise a sportive glee,

But Love should languish and complain."

To whom the God: "When you disguise

Your charms with spleen's fantastic shade,

Insulted Love to Wit applies,

And goes like you in masquerade."

[1] Life of Bishop Sanderson.

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