CHAP. V.

Scripture was not writ to beget pride and disputation, and

opposition to government, but moderation, humility, and

obedience, and peace, and piety, in mankind, of which no good

man ever did or will repent himself on his death-bed.

Hooker.

The subject of my story embraces a long period of eventful years; I must

therefore imitate the chroniclers of old, and, leaving the Evellins

among their mountain-fastnesses, return to Ribblesdale, and describe the

situation of Dr. Beaumont.

This worthy divine continued to exercise his pastoral functions in

respectable tranquillity, adorning his station by a happy union of

literary accomplishments with Christian graces. In these duties he was

assisted by his amiable and beloved wife, who, though endowed with an

unusual share of personal beauty, and descended from a noble stock,

thought it no degradation to practise the duties which the inspired

Apostle requires from the wives of Christian pastors, whom he rightly

considers as called to be associates and partners in the ministry. She

was indeed "grave, no slanderer, sober, faithful in all things, adorned

with a meek and quiet spirit, abounding in good works, and a teacher of

good things." Preserving the decorous and just superiority of polished

manners and an enlightened mind, blended with the courtesy, humility,

and meekness which result from true religious feeling, this amiable

woman lived beloved and died lamented. A victim to the pestilence which

ravaged England about the year 1630, she fell in the prime of life; a

proof that length of days and exemption from sorrow are no sure marks of

Divine favour. Her assiduity in ministering to the afflicted, exposed

her to the infection which deprived Dr. Beaumont of all his numerous

family except one daughter; while the household of Sir William Waverly,

closely barricadoed by every contrivance which caution could suggest,

enjoyed uninterrupted health. The only share he had in the general

distress arose from his fears that some of the convalescent might pass

the barrier he had placed round his park, or that infection might be

communicated through the medium of the bailiff, who was allowed to sell

corn from his granaries to the starving populace, at an exorbitant rate.

The Baronet gave himself great credit for this act of generosity and

patriotism, often observing that it would be very hard if it should

expose him to the danger of falling a victim to his philanthropy, which

sentiment was re-echoed by those who had the honour of sitting at his

table, now more splendidly furnished by these extra profits, to the

great satisfaction of all his humble retainers.

Dr. Beaumont resigned his wife and children to Him who had bestowed

them, as intrusted blessings, which he had dearly valued, and now as

tenderly regretted. Resolved to pass the rest of his days in widowhood,

he made Mrs. Mellicent superintendant of his household and director of

his daughter's feminine accomplishments. She also undertook to supply

the place of Mrs. Beaumont in the parish, but in the task of managing

the humours and improving the inclinations of the lower orders,

something beside zeal and activity is necessary, even granting (as was

the case in this instance) that they are guided by right principles.

There was an unfortunate degree of rigidity and austerity about Mrs.

Mellicent that was less connected with her heart than her manner, unless

we ascribe it to a latent conviction of her own wisdom and an

inclination to govern by its acknowledged superiority rather than by

acquired influence. The villagers allowed that the ladies were equally

good; but Madam Beaumont smiled them into a persuasion that she was an

angel, and they adored her because they thought she loved them; while

Madam Mellicent chided them for their faults, traced their misfortunes

to their imprudence, and instead of trying to persuade them out of their

prejudices, informed them that their capacities and education best

fitted them for the duty of obedience. She was a woman of natural

shrewdness, but not sufficiently conversant with the world to know the

advantage of prudently temporizing, or the usefulness of forbearance.

She had not allowed herself to study the temper of the times; she saw

not that the bands of subordination were relaxing, and that the

populace, leaving the practice of duties, were now busy in ascertaining

rights. A change so important and so similar to that to which of late

years public opinion has again leaned, will justify a few remarks on its

causes, before I describe its effects.

The coercive system of government, which, during the arbitrary reigns of

the Tudor family, wore the dignified aspect of prescriptive authority,

was submitted to by a people grateful to that popular house, whose

accession healed the wounds of a long protracted civil war; but when

continued by what England esteemed a race of foreign Kings, it was

stigmatized by the name of tyranny. The favours and privileges which

Henry the Seventh bestowed on the commons, and the stratagems he

employed to reduce the power of those barons who had been the makers and

unmakers of Kings, had, during the course of five reigns, created a new

order of men, whose power and influence in the commonwealth were yet

unknown to the advisers of the crown. The long internal peace of a

century and a half, added to the stimulus which commerce had received

during the reign of Elizabeth, introduced a vast influx of wealth. The

religious disputes, which were the only contests that disturbed this

repose, engrafted a sour spirit of theological controversy on the warm

devotional feelings that distinguished the age immediately succeeding

the reformation. This temper was fomented by the clerical disputants

among their respective flocks; the pulpit became a stage for spiritual

attack and defence, and the most illiterate congregations were crazed

with discussions of metaphysical divinity, or inflamed with rancorous

hatred against the opponents of their peculiar preacher, who might be

truly said to preach his own doctrine and defend his own cause, and not

the doctrine or cause of his master. Thus the great mass of the

community had their attention diverted from that important part of the

Christian covenant which consists in practice, and were taught to rest

their hopes of salvation on speculative points, to the disbelief of

which were annexed those dreadful anathemas that entirely destroyed the

spirit of Christian charity, and made the professors of the same

religion enemies from principle, instead of brothers in love, united "by

one faith, one hope, one baptism."

This religious intoxication was increased by those confused, undefined

discussions about civil privileges, which, considering the altered

circumstances of the community, it would have been wise for the Crown

not to have provoked. There would, on the contrary, have been more

policy in permitting some claims, not authorized by precedent, to have

stolen in by connivance, and a few obnoxious institutions to have

silently died away. The parsimonious frugality of Elizabeth was a

powerful support to her prerogative, while the prodigal grants of King

James to his favourites paved the way to his son's ruin. The disputes

between King Charles and his three first parliaments induced him to have

recourse to measures for raising supplies which were unconstitutional,

and though the sums thus procured did not amount to a moiety of what

would have been granted in the shape of taxes, the people murmured at

forced loans, ship-money, and other unhappy expedients, when they would

cheerfully have paid much larger sums if granted as subsidies. The house

of Commons during the reign of Henry the Eighth were frowned and menaced

into the most abject subjection; and Elizabeth, with no less authority,

but superior address, awed them into non-resistance; but ever since the

accession of the house of Stewart they felt their importance, as bearers

of the public purse. Their decrees as well as their debates breathed a

spirit at once alarming and displeasing to Princes educated in the

opinion of their own Divine right, and succeeding a Queen who, though

wisely intent on the public good, was as despotic a Sovereign as ever

filled the English throne. A want of attention to the change which had

rendered his situation different from that of his predecessors, and a

too sanguine confidence in the affections of his people, which his

virtues and abilities richly deserved, hurled the unhappy Charles from

his throne. He wanted those pre-monitory lessons which his own

subsequent misfortunes afforded. The eventful scenes which Europe has

exhibited these last twenty years have awefully multiplied such

warnings: May they act on the minds of Englishmen, and on those of their

rulers, till the last great day of general audit which shall terminate

the existence of this island with that of the earth!

The same good intentions and mistaken methods that distinguished the

administration of the Sovereign, marked Mrs. Mellicent's superintendance

of Ribblesdale. She was a politician of the school of Elizabeth, very

willing to do good to her inferiors, but positively requiring that they

should obey her. Prescription and authority, docility and respect, old

principles and old manners, were her favourite topics; and in preaching

submission to all superiors from the King to the village constable,

precedence and decorum were her constant texts. Her notions were perhaps

urged too far, but this was an age of extremes; the minds of the people

were kept in a continual ferment, every object was distorted, and the

calamities which ensued, in many instances, proceeded more from

ill-directed zeal than positive malice; from fanaticism rather than

hypocrisy. At least a bewildered imagination seems at first to have

actuated the majority of the most eminent commonwealth's men to support

what they deemed a righteous cause, though in their subsequent actions

party-spirit urged them to do what they knew to be sinful, and to

attempt to gloss it with those false colourings which make us now justly

combine the names of hypocrite and fanatic, and hold them up as a

reproach to the age in which they passed for saint and patriot.

The new lights, as they were termed, had begun to set England in a

blaze, and two of their burning torches were greeted in Ribblesdale in

the persons of Morgan and Davies, the latter the village-schoolmaster,

the former a low-minded money-scrivener, who had amassed a large fortune

in "the godly city of Gloucester"; and retired to spend it in his native

town, where he purchased an estate, acted as justice of the peace, and

styled himself gentleman. Both were illuminated apostles of the new

doctrines, but each had a peculiar department in the work of

reformation; one wishing to batter down the spiritual abominations of

the church, while the other confined his zeal to destroying the bands of

tyrannical rulers, and "calling Israel to their tents." Davies laboured

under the pressure of poverty. He had displeased Dr. Beaumont by his

seditious and impertinent behaviour, and the inhabitants withdrew their

children from his school; but as his means of living decreased, his

opinion of his own deserts enlarged; he mistook the cravings of want for

spiritual illumination, and so perplexed his mind by reading the

scurrilous libels of the day, as to be firmly persuaded that the King

was the Devil's bairn, and Archbishop Laud the personal antichrist. A

description of church ceremonies thrilled him with horror, and in every

prosecution of a contumacious minister his ardent fancy saw a revival of

the flames of Smithfield, while his confused notions of right and

justice convinced him, that if the arm of the spirit failed, that of the

flesh must be exerted, to throw down these strong holds. He had long

believed himself equal to Dr. Beaumont in learning, and fancied that the

unction of gifts and graces, with which he was favoured, gave him a

decided preference over man's ordination. He continued to attend the

church, but not in the capacity of an humble learner. By coming late, he

avoided the zeal-quenching liturgy, which, as it avowedly retained

ancient prayers, he considered as Babylonish and idolatrous, and he

exercised his Christian liberty of choosing his religion by listening to

the sermon, with a design of cavilling at the preacher, whom he soon

found to be a mere legal teacher, descanting on the doctrine of works

exploded by the new covenant.

Morgan had less zeal than Davies, and more foresight. Though equally

anxious to pull down and destroy, he was not so certain that the

fragments would re-edify themselves into a habitable fabric; and as he

liked the comforts he enjoyed in the present state of things, he was not

inclined to lay the foundation of a republic, till he was certain of

getting a good apartment in it himself. He saw that the aspect of the

times forboded extraordinary changes; but as he could not divine which

of the numerous sects that opposed the church would acquire the

ascendancy, he left his religion to future contingences. He found Davies

an able assistant, and therefore determined to keep him hungry and

discontented, in order to make him the more active in recommending the

sovereign panacea, that was to cure all the national disorders. This

recipe was no other than the covenant promulgated in Scotland, and which

was called "a golden girdle to tie themselves to Heaven, a joining and

glueing themselves to the Lord, a binding themselves apprentice to

God[1]." These terms were applied to an agreement which made those that

entered into it, if in a public station, break their oath of allegiance,

(for the covenanters were bound to overturn the ecclesiastical branch of

the constitution,) and which though it affected loyalty by professing

deference for the person of the King, yet maintained the independence

and paramount power of the parliament, and denounced the King's friends

as malignant incendiaries and evil instruments, who prevented his

reconciliation with his people. The pretext of separating the royal

person from the free exercise of his functions, was too gross to deceive

the most short-sighted. Equally palpable was the falsehood of pretending

to promote peace and unity by an instrument, which, in the form of a

religious sacrament, forbade concession, and solemnly denounced eternal

enmity to all who held different opinions. Such mockery could be

equalled only by that of the popish inquisitors, who intreat the secular

power to be merciful, even in the warrant by which they virtually

consign their victims to the flames.

These were the pestiferous principles of the intermeddlers, who

disturbed the tranquillity of Ribblesdale, and alienated the minds of

the people from their good pastor. The doctrine of Davies was most

popular, for Morgan cut only the fifth commandment and its dependant

duties out of the decalogue, while Davies, by always insisting on the

freedom of grace, led his hearers, who were unskilled in theological

subtilties, to think he meant to limit duty to the simple act of belief.

From the period of their opposition to Dr. Beaumont, a marked change was

visible in the manners of the villagers; their time was devoted to

contentious disputation, which is in truth the most dangerous sort of

idleness, and as they became in their own ideas more enlightened, they

became more miserable; a sullen morose gloom usurped the frank hilarity

of satisfied rusticity, which formerly animated their countenances.

Athletic exercises and cheerful sports were renounced as sinful, and the

green became the resort of conceited politicians, who, with

misapplications of Scripture in their mouths and newspapers and libels

in their hands, boasted their renunciation of the sensual vices, yet

cherished as graces the baneful passions of pride, malice, and

stubbornness, which the Scriptures assure us are most odious in the

sight of God.

Dr. Beaumont was not an inactive spectator, while he beheld his

parishioners thus exchanging the infirmities of the flesh for spiritual

contumacy; but the evil had spread beyond the reach of lenient remedies.

It is possible to instruct the ignorant, and reform a conscious culprit,

but who shall teach those who are wise in their own eyes, or convince an

offender, who, while he condemns righteousness as filthy rags, boasts of

his freedom from the power of sin. The church was deserted, or

frequented only by the Doctor's most inveterate opponents, who came not

to reform their lives, but to impugn the doctrine of one, whom they had

previously denounced, as not preaching the gospel, and what with

omissions, transpositions, inuendoes, and insertions, they took care so

to disguise his discourses in their reports, as to make him appear to

maintain what he had uniformly controverted.

As his ministerial credentials were thus discredited, even while he

stood by the mercy-seat, as priest of the Most High, so when he

performed the social part of his pastoral functions, his visits to his

flock exposed him to derision and insult. The smile of respectful

affection, and the salute of humility and gratitude, no longer greeted

His Reverence; his charity was received as a right, and the legal

maintenance which the law allowed him was grudgingly paid, or

vexatiously withheld from him, being deemed a pledge of servitude to a

preacher whom the people had not chosen, and who fed them with garbage

instead of wholesome food. Even his own tithe-holder, farmer Humphreys,

was led away by the delusion. He was a man of rough manners and gloomy

unsocial disposition, but he had hitherto never ventured to rebel,

farther than occasionally to absent himself from church, on the Sunday

after every admonition which Dr. Beaumont from time to time privately

gave him to abstain from too free indulgence at market. He would have

thought it sacrilegious as well as impudent to question the lawful

endowment of the church, and he reproved his wife for being piqued at

Mrs. Mellicent's blaming her passion for high-crowned hats, ruffs, and

farthingales, which the sage spinster thought indecorous for yeomen's

wives, though very suitable to Lady Waverly. He silenced the good dame's

remarks on Mrs. Mellicent's interfering disposition, by reminding her of

the value of that lady's green ointment, adding that though she was apt

to be domineering and outrageous, she was ever a true friend, and more

useful in sickness than the great Doctor at Lancaster. But Humphreys's

opinions were totally changed, since he had the honour of joining the

club at Squire Morgan's, and heard the evening lectures which Davies

gave in the schoolroom. He now found that man was born equal and free,

that he had a right to choose by whom and how he would be governed or

taught, that tithes were a Jewish ordinance, and therefore carnal; and

that as he was nearly as rich as his pastor, it was lording it over the

Lord's heritage for Dr. Beaumont to be called Your Reverence, while

himself was only Goodman Humphreys. As to the Doctor's superior share of

virtue and wisdom, he had reason to doubt whether he really possessed

them, because he never heard him say he did, but he knew Squire Morgan

was wiser, and Master Davies more godly than other people, for they told

him so every day. And they made such fine speeches, and uttered such

long prayers, that he knew they wished him well. Some things indeed,

that they said about free grace, and agrarian laws he did not quite

understand, but he believed these dark sayings meant, that when he came

to be one of the elect, he should get to Heaven without any trouble; and

that if church and King were overthrown, he should occupy the glebe

without paying any rent. Be this as it would, the right of choosing his

own pastor, which Davies peremptorily insisted on as the

foundation-stone of the reformation, secured him from the mortification

of continually hearing Dr. Beaumont insist on duties he had no

inclination to practice, and condemn faults he did not like to renounce.

It is no wonder, therefore, that Humphreys wrought himself into a most

patriotic resolution, no longer to submit to tyranny and priestcraft,

and to vow that the next time the Doctor admonished him, he would retort

with "Ye take too much upon you, ye sons of Levi."

People who resolve to speak their minds, seldom wait long for an

opportunity. Farmer Humphreys's zeal for the holy covenant, which he was

assured confirmed these privileges, not only induced him to take it

himself, but to insist on his carter, Jobson's, subscribing to it also.

Not that he intended the blessed panacea should work a similar change in

the situation of Jobson, who, he discovered, was predestined to hard

work and hard fare; but, as the good cause might want an arm of flesh in

its defence, the muscular strength of the ploughman, like that of the

ox, would help to drag the new ark into the sanctuary. For this purpose,

he carefully concealed from Jobson the latent privileges and immunities

that were vested in these cabalistical words, nor did he think it any

infringement of his principles to inforce by his own behaviour the

abominable doctrine of passive obedience, and to insist that Jobson

should either become a covenanter, or quit his service, and forfeit his

wages. Jobson had once heard the _rigmarole_, as he called it, read

over, and by a strange perverseness of understanding, fancied these

indentures of faith and unity, to be no other than binding himself to

the Devil, to pull down the church and curse the King, and he preferred

persecution and poverty to such servitude. As he resisted all Davies's

attempts to enlighten him, and met his master's threats with a

stedfastness which these friends to liberty called contumacy, the

alternative was dismissal from his present service, without any

remuneration for his past.

He applied to Justice Morgan for redress, who, anxious to disprove the

suspicions that were circulated of his disposition to favour

disorganizing principles, enjoined Jobson to obey his master, and

reproved him for thinking that his soul could be endangered by following

the example of so many great men, who had taken the covenant. It

inopportunely happened, that at this moment Jobson recollected a sermon

of Dr. Beaumont's, against the sin of following a multitude to do evil,

in which every man's responsibility for his own offences, and the

attention of Omniscience to individual transgressions, were illustrated

by proofs drawn from the minute watchfulness of Providence, which

superintends the heedless flight of the sparrow, and adorns the lilies

of the field with more than regal magnificence. In reply to Morgan's

enumeration of the Dukes, Marquisses, Lords and Squires, Godly Ministers

and staunch Common-wealth men, who had taken the covenant, Jobson shook

his head, and said, none of them would answer for his soul. "I heard,"

said he, "last Sunday in church, that all the Princes of a great nation

worshipped a golden image, and three men would not, so every body went

against these men, and threw them into a burning furnace. But the men

were right after all in the end of the story; and so, please Your

Worship, I'll not sign the Devil's bond for any body."

Davies, who was present at the examination, now remarked that Jobson had

not only forfeited his wages as an hireling, by his disobedience to a

believing master, but deserved to be committed for slandering the holy

covenant; and Morgan, though he knew this had not yet been made an

offence by statute, yet relying on the temper of the parish, the

ignorance of the culprit, and the protection he would be sure to meet

from a faction, whose violence had driven the King from his capital, and

usurped the government, made out a Mittimus. Some remaining sense of

justice, and a dislike of oppression when exercised against one of their

own rank, induced the peasants to shew their disapprobation. A crowd

collected around Morgan's door, determined to exercise their rights and

to rescue the prisoner. The tears and cries of his wife and children had

just roused them to the assumption of that summary mode of vengeance, so

gratifying to an English mob, when the appearance of Dr. Beaumont

suspended their fury. The long-formed associations of habitual reverence

were not so intirely abrogated as to allow them to continue their

riotous conduct under the influence of that mild eye, which had often

silently reproved their faults, or that benevolent countenance, which

had pitied their wants, and confirmed their virtues; they stood in

suspence, involuntarily waiting for his opinion.

Dr. Beaumont severely condemned their misconduct in taking justice into

their own hands, and assured them he would use all proper means for the

liberation of Jobson. A confused murmur arose, as he entered the house.

Some wondered if he knew that Morgan was his enemy, supposing that, if

he did, he never would have objected to their breaking his windows;

others said that the Doctor and Davies would now have it out. Davies had

often said the Doctor was a Babylonish trafficker in works, an Alexander

the copper-smith; and they wondered what names the other would invent.

All were amazed how he dared venture among them, as they wanted

something on which to accuse him to the new government.

Personal safety, and a regard to his own peculiar contests, were the

last things that suggested themselves to the mind of Doctor Beaumont.

Forgetful of the injuries and insults he had received, he addressed his

opponents with graceful manners, and in conciliatory language. He

requested to know what was Jobson's offence, expressing a hope that it

was of such a nature as to admit of his urging the extenuating plea of

his former good conduct.

Many voices spoke at once. Humphreys exclaimed, that he had disobeyed

his orders, and was an eye-servant. Davies said, that he had dared to

speak slanderously of the holy covenant. Dr. Beaumont declared himself

an enemy to slander and disobedience, but in order to afford a pretext

for the commitment of Jobson, Humphreys must shew his commands were

strictly lawful, and Davies that the covenant was holy.

Both answered at the same time. The powerful lungs of Humphreys enabled

him to thunder out, that the time was now past when he cared for the

Doctor, that he knew he was as good as he, would do as he liked, and ere

long meant to shew him he had the best right to the glebe, where he

would no longer moil and toil for a caterpillar, that fattened on his

labours. The shrill pipe of Davies issuing from his meagre form in a

still higher key, insisted that the covenant was our only defence

against malignant men, and evil counsellors, Arminians and Jesuits, and

that if this godly bond was trampled on, the nation would be overrun

with popery and formality.

When his antagonists, in striving to drown each other's voices, had

mutually exhausted their powers of utterance, Dr. Beaumont answered,

that since temporal endowment was no essential mark of a true church,

but rather an adjunct springing out of a right feeling in the public for

their spiritual advisers, the depriving him of his emoluments by the

strong arm of power, would not degrade him from the office to which he

had been divinely appointed. "It will, therefore," said he, "friend

Humphreys, be always my duty to advise and assist you, and if you

violently deprive me of what the most ancient of our laws has made mine,

the necessity of my interference to convince you of your fault will

become more evident. As for the wonderful efficacy which our neighbour

Davies attributes to what I consider as a mere party-engagement, I must

observe that popery received a blow from the labours of our first

reformers, which would ere now have proved mortal, had not the divisions

and subdivisions, the schisms and sects, that have originated in the

importunate spirit of puritanical objectors, afforded leisure and

security for the Hydra to heal her deadly wounds. In the early part of

the reign of our late Queen of glorious memory, the Papists generally

attended their several parish-churches, listened to our Liturgy and

services with devotion, and seemed in a fair way to be won over by the

moderation and decency of our worship. But the intemperance of those

who, for the merest trifles, quarrelled with the establishment, who

rejected even apostolical usages, because they had been practised by the

catholics, who, instead of allowing Rome to be a church in error, denied

that its followers could be saved, and thus raised the dark cloud of

schism against the sun of the reformation; their rashness,

uncharitableness, and fastidious scruples, in purifying what they owned

to be non-essentials, have, I say, imped the dragon's wings, and placed

the scarlet abomination, as ye call it, in a tower of strength, which

the artillery of your covenant, lighted as it is by the flame of treason

and civil commotion, can never overthrow.--The champions of these sects

in the reign of Elizabeth, countenanced by that most flagitious courtier

and tyrannical governor, the Earl of Leicester, accused Hooker, the

great bulwark of the Protestant cause, of leaning towards popery,

because he refused to consign the souls of our ancestors to perdition;

and a most uncharitable outcry was raised against a Bishop for the same

bias, because he trusted that the grandmother of our good King would

experience the mercies of our Saviour, on whose merits, in her last

moments, she declared she relied.--Thus did these ill-advised persons,

by a breach of that charity and unity, which Scripture every where

enjoins, prevent the Protestant church from exhibiting the surest marks

of Christian verity. Instead of alluring people to come out of the

mystical Babylon, these most lamentable divisions and controversies

about trifles have driven thousands into the perilous labyrinths of a

persuasion, which admits no difference of opinion, or into the yet more

dreary dungeons of Atheism, whose most formidable objection to our

faith, is the ill blood which it foments. Never have these enemies to

God and man made such progress, as since the time when spiritual pride,

turbulence and ambition, united under the name of perfect reformation,

to pluck down an edifice constructed in moderation, defended by the

doctrines, beautified by the labours, and cemented by the blood of its

founders."

The fiery zeal of Davies would not permit Dr. Beaumont to finish his

harangue. "And ye planted in your edifice," said he, "a poisonous scion,

an abominable branch of the tree of evil; but our friend Humphreys

speaks not unadvisedly, or at peradventure. Your Anti-christian bishops

are all sent to prison; they are caged vultures, jackdaws stripped of

their Babylonish trappings, their robes and square caps, their lawn

formalities, their hoods and scarfs, and mitres, and crosiers, and

thrones, by which these Diotrepheses lorded it over the faithful, and

made the land stink with idolatries which Scripture forbids. But the

blood of that Popish inquistior, Laud, will soon flow on the scaffold,

and be a cleansing stream over a foul garment; and with him episcopacy

shall be coffined up and buried without expectation of a resurrection."

"It is strange," observed Dr. Beaumont, "that the Papacy should rejoice

at his degradation, and consider his present sufferings as a judgment

upon him for composing a treatise which exposed their fopperies with a

strength of reasoning to which their most able divines know not how to

reply."

Morgan here interposed, and, with a smile of condescension, advised Dr.

Beaumont to reflect on his own situation, and consider his temporal

advantages and personal security. He spoke in praise of his learning,

benevolence, and inoffensive conduct, and desired him, by a timely

conformity to the prevailing doctrines, to avoid being implicated in the

ruin of a falling church.

"A true branch of the Catholic church," replied the Doctor, "may be

shaken, but cannot fall, because it has the promise of resisting the

attacks of the powers of darkness to the end of the world. But you

mistake me, Sir, if you suppose that policy was the schoolmaster who

taught me my creed, or that I will desert that Church in adversity who

fed me with her bread, and graced me with her ministerial appointments.

The pastoral office she intrusted to me may be wrested from my grasp by

force; my body may be imprisoned, my goods confiscated; you may drag me

to the flames, like Ridley, or to the scaffold, like Laud, but you

cannot change truth into falsehood, or make that right, which, though

successful, is intrinsically wrong. Whether the doctrines of the Church

of England be branded as those of a declining sect, or set by the throne

as a light to guide our hereditary Princes, they must be tried by other

criterions than popularity, I mean, by reason, Scripture, and

apostolical usage. I trust she will ever have sons equal to the task of

defending her, men uncorrupted by sensuality when she basks in sunshine,

undaunted by danger when tempests threaten her destruction. And with all

your boasts of making this land a Zoar and a Zion, I will tell you that

you will never make it the Jerusalem which is at unity with itself and

therefore meet for the residence of the Holy One, until it shall please

'God to bless the common people with sense to see that there is such a

sin as schism, and that they are not judges what schism is.' Peace is

not promoted by yielding to captious objections, but by subduing the

spirit, which is more prone to dispute than to obey. Those who dissent

from us say they only crave liberty, but when the church is overthrown

they will find that it is the spirit of domination which they mistook

for zeal in the cause of freedom. This will make every sect strive for

pre-eminence, and the hatred they now shew us will, if we are subdued,

be diverted from a superior whom they cease to fear, to equals whom they

wish to depress; the anarchy and discord they will then experience will

lead the moderate and well-informed to remember with regret the mild

government of the deposed church."

"How, Sir?" said Morgan; "do you defend a church that has ever been a

determined enemy to liberty, an ally to tyrants; a church that has

vindicated forced loans and ship-money, and asserted those popish

doctrines, passive obedience in the subject, and infallibility in the

sovereign, dividing mankind into despots and slaves? All men are born

free and equal; and he, who taxes my fortune, restrains my conscience,

or confines my person without my leave, or, which is the same thing,

against those laws to which I or my representative have consented; is my

enemy and a tyrant, whom I may treat as Jael did Sisera. But you

Episcopalians say, 'Oh no, the persons of Kings are sacred, and they can

do no wrong;' so it follows that subjects are slaves whom they may

crush, and trample, and grind as they please."

"Part of these doctrines," replied the Doctor, "are not held merely by

the Church, but form a branch of that ancient constitution of the

kingdom which no subsequent acts of the whole legislature can change,

without, at the same time, endangering the safety and property of every

individual. Much less can they be legally infringed by a packed junto of

men, calling themselves the House of Commons, but in which, according to

your own system, not a tenth of the nation is nominally represented. As

to the inference you draw from what I call the fundamental principles of

our government, prove that the Anglican church holds them, and I will

allow her to be an ally of despotism; but you shall bring your proofs

from her canons, articles, and liturgy, not from the servants of

court-chaplains, or the flatteries of those who forget the priest in the

sycophant. Wolves and worldlings creep into every church. The apostolic

age had its Demas, and ours has its Williams. Remember it has its

Andrews too. But since your principles of freedom will be best

exemplified by your practice, I trust you will recollect the case of

Jobson. He has neither by himself, nor by his representatives, consented

to the Covenant; and his equal and free rights allow him to reject it.

No ordinance has yet made it law; and the liberty of conscience you

require for yourself will not allow you to force it upon him as gospel,

seeing he cannot think it so."

Davies, whose extravagance had been checked by the admonitory frown of

Morgan, took advantage of the dilemma to which Dr. Beaumont's

application of his own principles had reduced him, and renewed his

deafening declamations, to which (as neither argument nor fact were

regarded, and the length of the harangue depended on his bodily

strength,) the attention of his hearers might be dispensed with.

Humphreys endeavoured to impress his neighbours with an idea of the

advantages that would result from supporting the Covenant. "It was

better than the law," he said, "because if any one came upon them for

taxes they had only to go to a brother-covenanter, and be he a peer or

parliament-man, he was bound to support them." Davies, in the mean time,

turning up the whites of his eyes, raved against so carnalizing a

spiritual bond as to apply it to the protection of temporal goods.

"This," he said, "was making the gospel a post-horse to ride their own

errands; stopping the entrance of an oven with a King's robe royal; and

making a covenant with Heaven a chariot and stirrup to mount up to the

height of carnal and clay projects. By the Covenant," added he, "I am

enabled to preach the true gospel in spite of my persecutor in a

surplice, who would starve the lambs with formality, and forbid me to

feed them. He that opposeth me hath in his dwelling idols of wood and

stone, and painted symbols of men and women whom Antichrist made saints,

and Pagan books treating of false gods, and moral treatises without one

word of saving faith in them, and musical instruments, and Jewish

contrivances; and he goes into his study, not to wrestle with the

Spirit, but to consult the evil one; and then he goes into the

steeple-house, and, instead of the milk of the word, pours ladles-full

of leaden legality among ye, till ye all look like his own dumb idols,

instead of faithful souls overflowing with illumination."

This specimen of Davies's oratory is sufficient. The tumult he excited

allowed Morgan to put in practice a safer plan than that of committing

Jobson to prison, namely, to remove him privately to Hull, where Sir

John Hotham was raising men for the service of Parliament, and he

thought the threat of sending him to the plantations would prevail on

him to enlist. Affecting, therefore, to be convinced that the liberty of

a brother-man should be respected, he tore the warrant for Jobson's

commitment, and ordered that he should be set at liberty. Jobson,

however, could not be found. It was suggested that he had probably run

away during the confusion; and Dr. Beaumont returned home, hoping his

interference had been of some use.

[1] Several passages in this and the next chapters are extracted

from fanatical sermons on public occasions.

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