CHAPTER XIX

THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN

It is my purpose, in the concluding chapters of this volume, to review

as fully and dispassionately as I can the series of military operations

known collectively as "the Santiago campaign," including, first, the

organization and equipment of the expedition of General Shafter at

Tampa; second, the disembarkation of troops and the landing of supplies

at Daiquiri and Siboney; third, the strategic plan of the campaign and

its execution; and, fourth, the wrecking of the army by disease after

the decisive battle of July 1-2. The point of view from which I shall

regard this campaign is not that of a trained military expert or critic,

but merely that of an attentive and fair-minded civilian observer. I do

not pretend to speak _ex cathedra_, nor do I claim for my judgments any

other value than that given to them by such inherent reasonableness and

fairness as they may seem to have. I went to Cuba without any prejudice

for or against any particular plan of operations; I had very little

acquaintance with or knowledge of the officers of the Fifth Army-Corps;

and the opinions and conclusions that I shall here set forth are based

on personal observations made in the field without conscious bias or

prepossession of any kind.

In reviewing a military campaign, an arctic expedition, a voyage of

discovery, or any other enterprise involving the employment of a

certain force for the accomplishment of a certain purpose, the first

question to be considered is the question of responsibility. Who is to

be held accountable for the management and the results of this

enterprise--the leader who directed and had charge of it, or the

superior power which gave him his orders, furnished him with his

equipment, and sent him into the field? When General Shafter was ordered

to "go and capture the garrison at Santiago and assist in capturing the

harbor and the fleet," did he become personally responsible for the

management and the results of the campaign, or did he share that

responsibility with the War Department? Unless there is some evidence to

the contrary, the presumption in such a case is that the general in

command of the army is told in due time where he is to go and what he is

expected to do, and is then allowed to make his own plan of campaign,

and to call upon the War Department for such supplies and means of

transportation as, in the exercise of his individual judgment, he may

think necessary for the successful execution of that plan. If he is

given time enough to acquaint himself thoroughly with the field in which

he is to operate, if his plan of campaign, in its general outlines, is

approved, and if all his requisitions for vessels, horses, mules,

wagons, ambulances, tents, guns, ammunition, and miscellaneous supplies

are duly honored, there is no reason that I can see why he should not be

held to a strict personal accountability for results, both generally and

in detail. He has made his own plan; he has had everything that he asked

for; and if the campaign does not go as it should, he, and not the War

Department, is to blame. If, however, the department, after selecting

him and approving his plan, does _not_ furnish him with the

transportation and the stores that he needs and has called for, he ought

to protect himself and his own reputation by referring respectfully to

that fact in his report of the campaign, so that, if any of his bricks

are imperfect for lack of straw, the people may know that he was not

supplied with straw and had no means whatever of getting it in the field

to which he was sent. The importance of this point will become apparent

when an attempt is made to ascertain the causes and fix the

responsibility for the wrecking of the Fifth Army-Corps by disease in

the short space of one calendar month.

There is nothing in the official documents thus far published to

indicate that General Shafter was unreasonably hurried, or that he

failed to get from the War Department anything for which he made timely

requisition. The invasion of eastern Cuba was planned as early as the

first week in May--possibly much earlier than that, and, at any rate,

long before Admiral Cervera's fleet took refuge in Santiago harbor.

Colonel Babcock, Shafter's adjutant-general, told me on May 7 that the

government had decided to send the army of invasion to the eastern end

of the island, and to leave Havana and the western provinces unmolested

until later in the season. Before General Shafter sailed from Tampa,

therefore, he had nearly or quite six weeks in which to acquaint himself

with the Santiago field and mature a plan of operations. The question

whether or not he was furnished with all the means of transportation and

all the supplies for which he made requisition is in more doubt; but,

inasmuch as he seems to have made no complaint or protest, and does not

refer in his official reports to deficiencies of any kind, it may be

assumed, for the purposes of this review, that he had been furnished by

the War Department with everything for which he asked. Upon this

assumption he was unquestionably responsible for the whole Santiago

campaign, and must not only be given credit for the success that crowned

it, but be held accountable for the blunders and oversights by which it

was marred. He can relieve himself from such accountability only by

showing that his equipment was inadequate and that the inadequacy was

the result of causes beyond his control.

We are now prepared to consider:

I. The organization and equipment of the Santiago expedition.

When a general is appointed to lead and direct an expedition in a

foreign country, the first questions, I think, that he must ask himself

are: (1) What is the nature of the field in which I am to operate, and

what are the difficulties--especially the unusual and unfamiliar

difficulties--with which I shall have to contend? (2) Can I disembark my

army in a harbor, or shall I have to land it on an open, unprotected

coast, and perhaps through surf? (3) Are there any roads leading back

into the interior, and, if so, what is their nature, and what is likely

to be their condition at this season of the year? (4) Is the climate of

the country to which I am going an unhealthful one, and, if so, how can

I best protect my men from the diseases likely to attack them?

It is not always practicable to obtain satisfactory answers to such

questions as these; but that answers should be had, if possible, and

that the equipment of the force and the plan of campaign should be made

to accord with the information obtained by means of them, is

unquestionable. In the particular case now under consideration there was

no difficulty whatever in getting full and satisfactory replies, not

only to all of the above questions, but to scores of others of a similar

nature that might have been and ought to have been asked. For nearly a

month before General Shafter sailed from Tampa the vessels of Admiral

Sampson's fleet had been patrolling the southeastern coast of Cuba from

Santiago harbor to Guantanamo Bay, and their officers were in a position

to furnish all the information that might be desired with regard to the

nature of the coast, the facilities for landing an army, the strength

and direction of the prevailing winds, the danger to be apprehended from

heavy surf, and a dozen other matters of vital importance to an invading

army. At Daiquiri, Siboney, and Santiago there were stations of an

American iron-mining company, and its officers and employees, who might

easily have been found, were in a position to furnish any amount of

accurate and trustworthy information with regard to climate, topography,

roads, rains, surf, and local conditions generally, in the very field

that General Shafter's army was to occupy.

The sources of information above indicated were not the only sources

accessible at the time when the Santiago campaign was decided upon; but

they were the most important ones, and it is fair to presume that

General Shafter made use of them to the fullest possible extent. If so,

he was able to answer the questions above suggested in some such way as

this:

1. The field to which I am going is a tropical field, and the unusual

and unfamiliar difficulties with which I shall have to contend are

probably those dependent upon climatic conditions.

2. There are no sheltered harbors on the southeastern coast of Cuba

between Cape Cruz and Cape Maysi except the harbor of Santiago and the

Bay of Guantanamo. The former is in possession of the enemy, and cannot,

therefore, be used, while the latter is too far away from the city of

Santiago, which I am ordered to capture. It is probable, therefore, that

I shall have to land my army on an unsheltered part of the coast. The

prevailing winds in the summer are from the east and southeast, and the

swell that rolls in from the Caribbean Sea often breaks on the exposed

coast-line in heavy and dangerous surf.

3. The roads leading back into the interior in the direction of Santiago

are generally narrow and bad; they traverse almost impenetrable

jungles; and they are liable, at this season of the year, to be rendered

impassable for wheeled vehicles by heavy and frequent rains.

4. The climate is unhealthful, and unless men from the North are well

fed, suitably clothed, securely sheltered, and furnished with boiled

water for drinking purposes, they are almost certain to suffer from

calenture, the characteristic fever of the region, as well as from

yellow fever and dysentery.

This, in the briefest possible summary, is the information that General

Shafter had, or might have had, before he sailed from Tampa. What

preparation did he make to meet the difficulties suggested by this

knowledge, and how far is the influence of it to be traced in the

organization and equipment of his command?

Take, first, the problem of disembarking an army of sixteen thousand

men, with the supplies necessary for its maintenance, on an unsheltered

coast.

In 1847, when General Scott had in contemplation the landing of an army

of twelve thousand men on the open beach at Vera Cruz, he caused

sixty-seven surf-boats to be built for that particular service, each of

them capable of holding from seventy to eighty men. Every detail of the

disembarkation had been carefully considered and planned; every

contingency that could be foreseen had been provided for; and the

landing was successfully made in the course of two or three hours,

without a single error or accident.

When General Shafter sailed from Tampa, on June 14, with an army

considerably larger than that of General Scott, his equipment for

disembarkation on an exposed, surf-beaten coast consisted, according to

his own report, of only two scows! One of these went adrift at sea, and

the loss of it, the general says, "proved to be very serious and was

greatly felt." I don't wonder! Two scows, for an army of sixteen

thousand men and ten or fifteen ship-loads of supplies, was a

sufficiently economical allowance; and when that number was reduced by

half, and a whole army-corps became dependent upon one scow, I am not

surprised to learn that "the disembarkation was delayed and

embarrassed." There is a reference in the report to certain "lighters

sent by the quartermaster's department," and intended, apparently, for

use on the Cuban coast; but when and by what route they were "sent" does

not appear, and inasmuch as they were lost at sea before they came into

General Shafter's control, they can hardly be regarded as a part of his

equipment. All that he had with him was this flotilla of two scows. I

heard vague reports of a pontoon-train stowed away under hundreds of

tons of other stuff in the hold of one of the transports; but whether it

was intended to supplement the flotilla of scows, or to be employed in

the bridging of rivers, I am unable to say. I do not think it was ever

unloaded in Cuba, and I am quite sure that it never was used.

The almost complete absence of landing equipment, in the shape of

surf-boats, lighters, and launches, eventually proved, as I shall

hereafter show, to be disastrous in the extreme; and if the navy had not

come to the rescue, at Daiquiri and Siboney, it is not at all certain

that General Shafter could have landed his army. In a telegram to the

War Department dated "Playa del Este, June 25," he frankly admits this,

and says: "Without them [the navy] I could not have landed in ten days,

and perhaps not at all."

Now, it seems to me that the responsibility for this lack of boats,

which came near ruining the expedition at the outset and which hampered

and embarrassed it for three weeks afterward, can be definitely fixed.

The difficulty to be overcome was one that might have been foreseen and

provided for. If General Shafter did not foresee and provide for it, as

General Scott did at Vera Cruz, he, manifestly, is the person to blame;

while, on the other hand, if he did foresee it, but failed to get from

the War Department the necessary boats, the department is to blame. The

committee of investigation which is holding its sessions at the time

this book goes to press ought to have no trouble in putting the

responsibility for this deficiency where it belongs.

Boats, however, were not the only things that were lacking in the

equipment of General Shafter's army. Next in importance to landing

facilities come facilities for moving supplies of all kinds from the

sea-coast to the front, or, in other words, means of land

transportation. In his official report of the campaign General Shafter

says: "There was no lack of transportation, for at no time, up to the

surrender, could all the wagons I had be used." If I were disposed to be

captious, I should say that the reason why the general could not use the

wagons he had was that a large number of them lay untouched in the holds

of the transports. He might have said, with equal cogency, that there

was no lack of food, because at no time could all the hard bread and

bacon in his ships be eaten. The usefulness of food and wagons is

dependent to some extent upon their location. A superfluity of wagons on

board a steamer, five miles at sea, is not necessarily a proof that

there are more than enough wagons on shore.

When the army began its march in the direction of Santiago, without

suitable tents, without hospital supplies, without camp-kettles, without

hammocks, without extra clothing or spare blankets, and with only a

limited supply of food and ammunition, there were one hundred and

eighteen army wagons still on board the transport _Cherokee_. When they

were unloaded, if ever, I do not know, but they were not available in

the first week of the campaign, when the army began its advance and when

the roads were comparatively dry and in fairly good condition. It must

be observed, moreover, that transportation is not wholly a matter of

wagons. Vehicles of any kind are useless without animals to draw them;

and General Shafter does not anywhere say that he had a superfluity of

mules, or that he could not use all the horses he had. It was in

draft-animals that the weakness of the quartermaster's department became

most apparent as the campaign progressed. There were never half enough

mules to equip an adequate supply-train for an army of sixteen thousand

men, even if that army never went more than ten or twelve miles from its

base. If it had been forced to go fifty miles from its base, the

campaign would have collapsed at the outset.

General Shafter seems disposed to attribute the difficulty that he

experienced in supplying his army with food to the condition of the

roads rather than to the lack of mules, packers, teamsters, and wagons.

In an interview with a correspondent of the Boston "Herald" at Santiago

on August 25 he is reported as saying: "There has been some question

concerning the transportation facilities of the army. The facilities

were all there, and the transportation equipment provided was all that

it should have been; but our difficulties were enormous. There was only

one road; to build another would have taken two years. The nature of the

country, the weather, all these things helped to disorganize this

department. The use of wagons was almost impossible. The pack-train, as

a matter of fact, did the real service. I had not, at first, thought the

pack-train would be of service; but if it had not been there, I do not

know what the army would have done for food. The roads were practically

impassable. With the bridges down, the wagons could not be worked. I had

a great deal of concern when we were only able to get up one day's

rations at a time, but as soon as we were able to get a few days'

rations ahead, we knew we were prepared for anything."

It is hardly accurate to say, without qualification and without

limitation as to time, that the "roads were practically impassable."

They were unquestionably very bad, and perhaps impassable, at the last;

but before they became so there was ample time to take over them, with a

suitable supply-train, all the tents, cooking-utensils, clothing,

medical supplies, and provisions that the army so urgently needed but

did not have. The road from Daiquiri and Siboney to the front did not

become impassable for loaded wagons until the end of the second week in

July. For ten days after the army landed it was comparatively dry and

good; and for ten days or two weeks more it was at least passable, and

was constantly traversed, not only by pack-trains, but by wagons with

loads.

Captain Henry L. Marcotte, a retired officer of the Seventeenth

Infantry, who went with General Shafter's army as correspondent for the

"Army and Navy Journal," describes the condition of the road as follows:

"The road from Daiquiri to Siboney, about seven miles, leads over the

foot-hill slopes of the mountain-ranges and crosses a winding stream

several times during that distance. The road-bed, being mostly of rock,

and well shaded by tropical growths, with good water every few hundred

yards, made the journey for the Catling battery a picnic without

obstacles. From Siboney to [a point] near El Pozo the road was as good

as [from Daiquiri] to Siboney, with the exception of one part. This,

with five minutes' work, was made passable for the battery and for the

three army wagons which the quartermaster's department had ventured to

send out. In fact, the road, all the way to Santiago, proved equal to

most country roads, and there was not the slightest excuse for not using

the hundred or more wagons stowed in the hold of the Cherokee to

transport tentage, medical and other supplies close upon the heels of

the slow-moving Fifth Corps.... There is a mystery about the 'condition

of the road' that may remain so unless it is fixed upon as the

scape-goat for the lack of transportation.... The condition of the road

at no time would have prevented a farmer from taking a load of hay to

market.... There was no point from Daiquiri to the trenches which could

not have been as easily reached by wagons as by pack-mules between June

22 and July 18."

Captain Marcotte, as a retired officer of the regular army, is better

qualified than I am to express an opinion with regard to the

availability of a road for military purposes, and he does not hesitate

to say that the road from Daiquiri and Siboney to the front was

practicable for loaded wagons up to July 18, or for a period of nearly a

month subsequent to the landing of the army. During a part of that time,

he says, its condition was not such as to prevent a farmer from taking a

load of hay over it.

I myself went over this road from Siboney to the front four times

between June 26 and July 9,--twice on foot, once in an ambulance, and

once in an army wagon,--and my own judgment is that for ten days after

the disembarkation of the army the road was comparatively dry and good.

After that it became muddy and bad, but was by no means impassable, even

for heavily loaded wagons, when I traversed it for the last time, five

days before the surrender of Santiago. With the fall of that city the

army's base of supplies was transferred from Siboney to Santiago harbor,

and the condition of the Siboney road ceased to be a factor in the

transportation problem. When a dozen steamers, loaded with supplies of

all kinds, anchored off the Santiago piers, on July 15, the bulk of the

army was within two miles of them, and there ought to have been no

difficulty in getting to the troops everything that they needed.

If the road from Siboney to the front was practicable for both

pack-mules and wagons from the time when the army landed to the time

when its base of supplies was transferred to Santiago, and if, as

General Shafter asserts, "the facilities were all there, and the

transportation equipment provided was all that it should have been," why

was the army left for almost a month without suitable tents, without

adequate hospital supplies, without camp-kettles, without

cooking-utensils other than tin plates, coffee-cups, and old

tomato-cans, without hammocks, without extra clothing or spare blankets,

and with only a limited supply of food? That this was the state of the

army is beyond question.

Lieutenant John H. Parker of the Gatling-gun battery reported to

Adjutant-General Corbin, under date of July 23, that he and his men had

been entirely without tents for a period of twenty-eight days.

John Henry of the Twenty-first Infantry wrote to his cousin in Lowell,

Massachusetts, that his regiment had been on the firing line seventeen

days. For two days they had nothing at all to eat, and no shelter, and

lay on the ground in puddles of water.

Ex-Representative F. H. Krebs of the Second Massachusetts Regiment says

that for twenty-six consecutive days he had only hard bread, bacon, and

coffee, and that for three days he lived on one hardtack a day. The

soldiers of his regiment did all their cooking in tin plates and

coffee-cups, and slept for two months on the wet ground, under what are

called "shelter"-tents, for the reason, I suppose,--_lucus a non

lucendo_,--that they do not shelter.

Dr. James S. Kennedy, first assistant surgeon of the Second Division

hospital, wrote from the hospital camp near Santiago: "There is an utter

lack of suitable medicines with which to combat disease. There has been

so much diarrhea, dysentery, and fever, and no medicine at all to combat

them, that men have actually died for want of it. Four days after my

reporting here there was not a single medicine in the entire hospital

for the first two diseases, and nothing but quinine for the fever."

Dr. Edward L. Munson reported to Surgeon-General Sternberg, under date

of July 29, that "at the time of the battle of Las Guasimas there were

absolutely no dressings, hospital tentage, or supplies of any kind on

shore, within reach of the surgeons already landed. The medical

department was compelled to rely upon its own energies and improvise its

own transportation. I feel justified in saying that at the time of my

departure [from Siboney] large quantities of medical supplies, urgently

needed on shore, still remained on the transports, a number of which

were under orders to return to the United States. Had the medical

department carried along double the amount of supplies, it is difficult

to see how, with the totally inadequate land and water transportation

provided by the quartermaster's department, the lamentable conditions on

shore could have been in any way improved. The regimental medical

officers had no means of transportation even for their field-chests."

Lieutenant-Colonel Senn, chief of the surgical operating staff, in a

letter to the "Medical Record," dated "Siboney, August 3," disclaimed

responsibility for the want of medical and surgical supplies in the

field-hospitals, and said: "The lack of proper transportation from the

landing to the front cannot be charged to the medical department."

Finally, General Shafter himself, in a telegram to President McKinley,

dated "Santiago, August 8," reported as follows: "At least seventy-five

per cent. of the command have been down with malarial fever, from which

they recover very slowly.... What put my command in its present

condition was the twenty days of the campaign when they had nothing but

meat, bread, and coffee, without change of clothes, and without any

shelter whatever."

In view of the above statements, made, not by irresponsible "newspaper

correspondents and camp-followers," but by the officers and men of the

Fifth Army-Corps, and in view of the confirmation given to them by the

commanding general himself in a telegram to the President, it is proper,

I think, to press once more the question, Why was the army left for

almost a month without suitable tents, without adequate hospital

supplies, without camp-kettles, without cooking-utensils, without

hammocks, without extra clothing or spare blankets, and with only a

limited supply of food? The answer to the question, it seems to me, is

obvious. The army had not half transportation enough to supply its

wants. General Miles discovered this fact when he reached Siboney on

July 11, and he immediately cabled the War Department for more

draft-animals; but it was then too late to make good the deficiency. The

troops were already breaking down, as General Shafter admitted in his

telegram to the President, from "twenty days of meat, bread, and coffee,

without change of clothes, and without any shelter whatever." I do not

know how many draft-animals General Shafter had; but in four journeys

over the road between Siboney and the front I happened to see only two

pack-trains, one of them going forward with ammunition, and the other

returning without load. But whatever may have been the strength of the

pack-train equipment, it was certainly inadequate, and the common

practice of detailing soldiers to march into Siboney after food and

bring it back to the front on their shoulders or on improvised

hand-litters showed the urgency of the need. Many such details or

deputations came on board the _State of Texas_, obtained small

quantities of hospital supplies or delicacies for the sick, and carried

them back to the camps in their hands.

This inadequacy of transportation facilities was apparent to every one

who had any knowledge of the condition of the army, and it was a

subject of common talk in Siboney, in Daiquiri, on board the fleet, and

in every one of our hospitals and camps. I shall try, in another

chapter, to show how it affected the health and fighting efficiency of

the troops, and how near it came to wrecking not only the Fifth

Army-Corps, but the whole Cuban expedition. Suffice it to say, for the

present, that General Shafter sailed from Tampa without a sufficient

number of mules, teamsters, and packers to supply, equip, and maintain

his army in the field. The responsibility for this deficiency, as well

as the responsibility for the lack of boats, must rest either upon the

War Department or upon the general in command. If the latter did not ask

for adequate means of land and water transportation before he left

Tampa, he is the person to be held accountable. If he asked and failed

to obtain, the War Department must stand in the gap.

Campaigning in Cuba · 第 19 / 21 章