CHAPTER XIII

SIBONEY DURING THE ARMISTICE

On the morning of July 3, General Shafter, who had recovered confidence,

demanded the immediate surrender of Santiago, threatening, in case of

refusal, to bombard the city; and negotiations under a flag of truce

continued thereafter for a period of ten days. Meanwhile, on the evening

of Friday, July 8, Miss Barton, Dr. Egan, Dr. Hubbell, and I returned to

the _State of Texas_ to meet Mrs. J. Addison Porter, wife of the

President's secretary, who had just arrived on the hospital steamer

_Relief_, and to get some ice and other hospital supplies of which we

were in need. We left the field-hospital in an army wagon about seven

o'clock and reached Siboney soon after ten. The surf raised by a strong

south-easterly wind was rolling so high on the strip of beach behind

which the village stood that we could not get off on board the _State of

Texas_, nor even communicate with her. It was extremely tantalizing to

us, tired, hungry, and camp-soiled as we were, to see the lights of our

steamer only a quarter of a mile away, to know that almost within reach

were a cool bath, a good supper, a clean bed, and all the comforts, if

not the luxuries, of life, and yet to feel that, so far as we were

concerned, they were as unattainable as if the ship were in the Bay of

San Francisco.

Siboney at that time was a wretched little hamlet containing only ten or

fifteen abandoned and incredibly dirty Spanish houses, most of which

were in use either as hospitals or for government offices. None of them

contained sleeping accommodations, even of the most primitive kind; all

of them were crowded; and if one arrived in the village, as we did, at a

late hour of the night, there was nothing to be done but bivouac

somewhere on the dirty, flea-infested floor of an open piazza, or lie

out on the ground. One of the largest and most commodious buildings in

the village, a one-story house with a high front stoop or porch, had

been used, apparently, during the Spanish occupation of the place, as a

store or shop. At the time of our return from the front it sheltered the

"United States Post-Office, Military Station No. 1," which had been

transferred from Daiquiri to Siboney two or three days before. In front

of this building our army wagon stopped, and we men went in to inquire

for mail and to see if we could find a decently clean place for Miss

Barton to sleep. She was quite ready to bivouac in the army wagon; but

we hoped to get something better for her. Mr. Brewer, the postmaster,

whom I had met in one of my lecture trips through the West and more

recently in the field, received us cordially, and at once offered Miss

Barton his own cot, in a room that had not yet been cleaned or swept,

back of the general delivery department. By the light of a single candle

it seemed to be a gloomy, dirty, and barn-like apartment; but the cot

was the only thing in the shape of a bed that I had seen in Siboney,

outside of the hospitals, and we accepted it for Miss Barton with

grateful hearts. The employees of the post-office were all sleeping in

camp-chairs or on the counters and floors. Where Mr. Brewer went when he

had given his own bed to Miss Barton, I do not know. I left her writing

orders and telegrams by the light of a flaring, guttering candle at

about eleven o'clock, and went out on the piazza to take a more careful

survey of the premises and make up my mind where I would sleep.

Lying across the high stoop was a long white object, which appeared, in

the darkness, to be a woman in her nightgown, with her head raised a

little on the sill of a disused door. I stepped over her once in going

down-stairs to the street, and wondered what calamity of war had reduced

a woman to the necessity of sleeping in such a place and in

circumstances of such hardship and privation. I was just discussing with

Dr. Hubbell the possibility of getting the United States Signal Corps

man in the telegraph office to signal our steamer for a boat, regardless

of the high surf, when the long white figure on the floor rose, with an

unmistakably masculine grunt, and remarked, with a slight English

accent, that he did not think there was any possibility of getting off

to a ship in a small boat, inasmuch as he had been trying for

twenty-four hours to get on board of his own vessel and had not

succeeded yet. The figure proved to be that of Lord Alfred Paget, naval

observer for the British government, and what I had taken in the

darkness for the white gown of a woman was his white-duck uniform. After

discussing the situation for a few moments, and declaring discontentedly

that our engineer corps had had time enough to build six piers and yet

had not finished one, he lay down on the floor again, without blanket,

pillow, or overcoat, rested his head on the sill of the disused door,

and apparently went to sleep, while I debated in my mind the question

whether I had better sleep with him on the floor of the piazza, and take

the chance of getting yellow fever from a possibly infected building, or

lie out on the ground, where I might be stepped on by prowling Cuban

refugees, or run over by a mule-team coming in from the front. I finally

decided that sleeping accommodations which were good enough for Lord

Alfred were good enough for me, and, just as the moon was rising over

the high, rocky rampart east of the village, I rolled myself up in my

blanket and lay down on the floor against the piazza rail. Dr. Hubbell

slept on the counter of the money-order division of the post-office,

while Dr. Egan, without blanket or pillow, stretched himself out on the

dirty planks below.

We were all up at daybreak, and making my toilet by tightening my belt

and putting on my mud-spattered pith helmet, I went down to the water's

edge to try to find some means of communicating with the ship. During my

absence at the front there had evidently been strong winds and heavy

seas, for the strip of beach was covered with the wrecks of lighters

which had been smashed while trying to land supplies in the surf, and a

large steam lighter-launch, loaded with twenty tons or more of hard

bread, beans, etc., was lying on the bottom, half submerged, about fifty

yards from shore, with the sea breaking over her. The small temporary

pier at which I landed when I went to the front had been completely

demolished and swept away, but another stronger one was in process of

construction.

The most serious embarrassments with which the army of invasion had to

contend after it reached the coast and began its march on Santiago were:

first, the extreme difficulty of landing supplies in a place like

Siboney, where there was neither pier nor shelter, and where the beach

was lashed a large part of the time by a high and dangerous surf; and,

second, the difficulty of getting such supplies to the front over a

single line of very bad road, with an insufficient number of mules and

army wagons. If these two difficulties had been foreseen and provided

for there would not have been so many smashed lighters and launches on

the beach, and the soldiers at the front would not have lived so much of

the time on short rations, nor have been compelled to boil water and

cook their rations in coffee-cups and tomato-cans, as they had to do

throughout the campaign. The difficulty of landing supplies on that

exposed and surf-beaten coast might have been anticipated, it seems to

me, and provided for. The warships of Sampson's and Schley's fleets were

there long before General Shafter's army left Tampa, and their

commanders must have seen, I think, that to get supplies ashore through

the surf at any point between Santiago and Guantanamo Bay would be

extremely difficult and hazardous, and would probably require the use of

special engineering devices and appliances. The prevailing winds there

are from the east and southeast, and from such winds the little

indentations of the coast at Siboney and Daiquiri afforded no protection

whatever. A strong breeze raised a sea which might amount to nothing

outside, but which was very troublesome, if not dangerous, to loaded

boats and lighters as soon as they reached the line where it began to

break in surf. The water was very deep close to shore; it was difficult,

therefore, to construct a pier of any great length; and even if there

had been a long and solid pier, small boats and lighters could not have

discharged cargo upon it with any safety while they were being tossed up

and down and dashed against it by a heavy sea.

I do not pretend to be an expert in such matters, but in watching the

landing of supplies here, both from our own steamer and from the army

transports, it seemed to me that what is known, I believe, as a "cable

hoist" might have been used to advantage if it had been provided in

time. It is a contrivance resembling the cable and car employed by

life-saving crews on our coasts to bring shipwrecked sailors ashore

under similar conditions; or, to use a comparison that is more familiar,

it is a reproduction on a large scale of the traveling cash-boxes on

wires used in large department stores. If a suitable transport had been

anchored outside the line of surf, fifty or seventy-five yards from the

beach, and a steel cable stretched from it to a strong mast on shore, I

do not see any reason why cargo might not have been carried over the

cable in a suspended car or cars with much greater rapidity and safety

than it was carried in lighters. Such devices are used, I think, at

several points on the western coast of South America for putting guano

and phosphates on board of vessels where communication with the shore is

hazardous and uncertain on account of swell or surf.

The second difficulty, namely, that of transportation to the front,

might have been avoided by taking to Cuba a larger number of wagons and

mules. Our army before Santiago suffered for want of a great many things

that the soldiers had with them on the transports, but that were not

landed and carried promptly forward. Among such things were large tents,

rubber blankets, camp-kettles, and large cooking-utensils generally.

"What's the use of telling us to drink only boiled water," said an

officer of the Seventh Infantry to me, "when we haven't anything bigger

than a coffee-cup or an old tomato-can to boil it in, or to keep it in

after it has been boiled? They tell us also that we must sleep in

hammocks, not get wet if we can help it, and change our underclothes

whenever we do get wet. That's all very well, but there isn't a hammock

in my company. I haven't any rubber blanket or spare underclothes

myself, and I don't believe any of my soldiers have. They made us leave

at Tampa everything that we could possibly dispense with, and then, when

we got here, they didn't land and send with us even the indispensable

things that we had on the transports."

The complaint of the officer was a perfectly just one, and I heard many

more like it. The insufficient and inadequate provision for the care and

feeding of the wounded at the field-hospital of the Fifth Army-Corps,

which I have tried to describe in the preceding chapter, was due largely

to the inability of General Shafter's commissaries and quartermasters

to cope successfully with the two great difficulties above indicated,

namely, landing from the steamers and transportation to the front. The

hospital corps had supplies on the vessels at Siboney, but as everything

could not possibly be landed and carried forward at once, preference was

given to ammunition and rations for able-bodied soldiers rather than to

tents, blankets, and invalid food for the wounded. I do not mean to be

understood as saying that the hospital-corps men had even on the

transports everything that they needed in order to enable them to take

proper care of the eight hundred or one thousand wounded who were thrown

on their hands in the course of forty-eight hours. I do not know whether

they had or not. Neither do I mean to say that the commissaries and

quartermasters did not do all that they possibly could to land and

forward supplies of all kinds. I mean only that, as a result of our

inability to surmount difficulties promptly, our army at the front was

not properly equipped and our wounded were not adequately cared for.

The hospital corps and quartermaster's and commissary departments of the

army, however, were not alone in their failure to anticipate and fully

provide for these difficulties. The Red Cross itself was in no better

case. There was perhaps more excuse for us, because when we fitted out

we did not know where the army was going nor what it proposed to do, and

we had been assured by the surgeon-general and by General Shafter that,

so far as the care of sick and wounded soldiers was concerned, our

services would not be required. We expected, however, that they would

be, and could we have known in what field and under what conditions our

army was going to move and fight, we should probably have had, in some

directions, a better, or at least a more suitable, equipment. If we had

had at Siboney on June 26 half a dozen army wagons, an equal number of

saddle-horses, and forty or fifty mules of our own, we should have been

in much better condition than we were to cope with the difficulties of

the situation. But for the assistance of the army, which helped us out

with transportation, notwithstanding its own limited resources, we

should not have been able to establish a Red Cross station at the front

in time to cooeperate with the hospital corps after the battle of July

1-2, nor should we have been able to send food to the fifteen thousand

refugees from Santiago who fled, hungry and destitute, to the right wing

of our army at Caney when General Shafter threatened to bombard the

city. For the opportunity to get into the field we were indebted to the

general in command, to his hospital corps, and to the officers of his

army; and we desire most gratefully to acknowledge and thank them for

the helping hand that they extended to us when we had virtually no

transportation whatever of our own.

When we returned to the _State of Texas_ on July 9, the situation, so

far as Red Cross relief-work on the southeastern coast of Cuba is

concerned, was briefly as follows: We had a station in the

field-hospital of the Fifth Army-Corps at the front, and a hospital of

our own in Siboney, with twenty-five beds attended by six trained nurses

under direction of Dr. Lesser. We also had entire charge of one ward of

thirty beds in the general hospital directed by General Lagarde. We were

feeding refugees at several points on a line extending east and west

nearly sixty miles from the right wing of our army at Caney to the naval

station at Guantanamo Bay, and at the latter place we had landed fifteen

thousand rations to be distributed under the general direction of

Captain McCalla, of the cruiser _Marblehead_, and General Perez,

commanding the Cuban forces in the Guantanamo district. To the refugees

from Santiago at Caney--about fifteen thousand in number and mostly

women and children--we had forwarded, chiefly in army wagons furnished

by General Shafter, six or eight tons of food, and were sending more as

fast as we could land it in lighters through the surf. Mr. Elwell, of

Miss Barton's staff, was taking care of two or three thousand refugees

at Firmeza, a small village in the hills back of Siboney, and we hoped

soon to enter the harbor of Santiago, discharge the cargo of the _State

of Texas_ at a pier, assort it in a warehouse, and prosecute the work of

relief upon a more extensive scale. Our sanguine anticipations, however,

were not to be realized as soon as we hoped they would be, and our

relief-work was practically suspended on July 10, as the result of an

outbreak of yellow fever.

The circumstances in which this fever first made its appearance were as

follows: When the army landed at Siboney it found there a dirty little

Cuban village of from twelve to twenty deserted houses, situated at the

bottom of a wedge-shaped cleft in the long, rocky rampart which forms

the coast-line between Siboney and Morro Castle, and at the mouth of a

low, swampy, malarious ravine or valley extending back into the

foot-hills, and opening upon the sea through the notch. The site of the

village, from a sanitary point of view, was a very bad one, not only

because it was low and confined, but because in the valley immediately

back of it there were a number of stagnant, foul-smelling ponds and

pools, half overgrown with rank tropical vegetation, and so full of

decaying organic matter that when I passed them for the first time on my

way to the front I instinctively held my breath as much as possible

because the very air from them seemed poisonous. The houses of the

village, as a result of long neglect, had become as objectionable from a

sanitary point of view as the location in which they stood. They were

rather large, well-built, one-story frame houses with zinc roofs, and

were erected, if I mistake not, by the Spanish-American Iron Company for

the accommodation of its native employees. Originally they must have

been very commodious and comfortable buildings, but through the neglect

and untidiness of their later occupants they had become so dirty that no

self-respecting human being would be willing to live in them.

Such were the village and the houses of Siboney when the army landed

there on June 23. In view of the nature of the Cuban climate during the

rainy season, and the danger of infection from abandoned houses whose

history was entirely unknown, and within whose walls there might have

been yellow fever, it was obviously somebody's duty not only to clean up

the place as far as possible, but to decide whether the houses should be

burned to the ground as probable sources of infection, or, on the other

hand, washed out, fumigated, and used. The surgeons of the blockading

fleet recommended that the buildings be destroyed, for the reason that

if Siboney were to be the army's base of supplies it would be imprudent

to run the risk of infection by allowing them to be used. Instead of

acting upon this advice, however, the army officers in command at

Siboney not only allowed the houses to be occupied from the very first,

but put men into them without either disinfecting them or cleaning their

dirty floors. Chlorid of lime was not used anywhere, and the foul

privies immediately back of and adjoining the houses were permitted to

stand in the condition in which they were found, so that the daily rains

washed the excrement from them down under the floors to saturate further

the already contaminated soil.

When we returned from the front on July 9, we found the condition of the

village worse than ever. No attempt, apparently, had been made to clean

or disinfect it; no sanitary precautions had been taken or health

regulations enforced; hundreds of incredibly dirty and ragged

Cubans--some of them employed in discharging the government transports

and some of them merely loafers, camp-followers, and thieves--thronged

the beach, evacuating their bowels in the bushes and throwing remnants

of food about on the ground to rot in the hot sunshine; there was a dead

and decomposing mule in one of the stagnant pools behind the village,

and the whole place stank. If, under such conditions, an epidemic of

fever had not broken out, it would have been so strange as to border on

the miraculous. Nature alone would probably have brought it about, but

when nature and man cooeperated the result was certain. On July 8 the

army surgeons reported three cases of yellow fever among the sick in the

abandoned Spanish houses on shore. On the 10th the number of cases had

increased to thirty, and included Dr. Lesser, chief surgeon of the Red

Cross, and his wife, two Red Cross nurses, and Mrs. Trumbull White, wife

of the correspondent of the Chicago "Record," who had been working as a

nurse in the Red Cross hospital.

On the 11th General Miles arrived from Washington, and on ascertaining

the state of affairs ordered the burning of every house in the village.

I doubt very much whether this step was necessary or judicious, for the

reason that it was taken too late. If there was any reason to believe,

when the army first began to disembark at Siboney, that the houses of

the village were likely to become sources of infection, they should have

been burned or fumigated at once. To burn them after they had set yellow

fever afloat in that malarious and polluted atmosphere was like locking

the stable door after the horse has been stolen. But it is very

questionable whether they should have been burned at any time. In a

country like eastern Cuba, where at intervals of two or three days

throughout the wet season there is a tropical downpour of rain which

deluges the ground and beats through the most closely woven tent, a

house with a tight zinc roof and a dry floor is a most valuable

possession, and it should not be destroyed if there is any way of

disinfecting it and making it a safe place of human habitation. All the

evidence obtainable in Santiago was to the effect that these houses

were not infected with yellow fever; but even if they had been, it was

quite possible, I think, to save them and make them useful. If, when the

army landed, the best of the buildings had been thoroughly cleaned and

then fumigated by shutting them up tightly and burning sulphur and other

suitable chemical substances in them, the disease-germs that they

contained might have been destroyed. Convict barges saturated with the

germs of smallpox, typhus, dysentery, and all sorts of infectious and

contagious diseases are treated in this way in Siberia, and there is no

reason why houses should not be so purified in Cuba. General Miles and

his chief surgeon decided, however, that the whole village should be

burned, and burned it was. The postal, telegraph, and signal-service

officers were turned out of their quarters and put into tents; a

yellow-fever camp was established in the hills about two miles north of

Siboney; more hospital tents and tent-flies were pitched along the

sea-coast west of the notch; and as fast as sick and wounded soldiers

could be removed from the condemned houses and put under canvas or sent

to the yellow-fever camp, the houses were destroyed.

In view of the fact that yellow fever had made its appearance in the

army before Santiago as well as at Siboney, Miss Barton, acting under

the advice and direction of Major Wood, chief surgeon of the First

Division hospital, abandoned the Red Cross station at the front, brought

all its equipment and supplies back to the sea-coast, and put them again

on board the _State of Texas_. She also decided not to allow

fever-stricken employees of the Red Cross to be cared for on board the

steamer, and Dr. and Mrs. Lesser and two nurses were therefore carried

on their cots to a railroad-train and transported to the yellow-fever

camp two miles away. I went through the fever hospital where they lay

just before they were removed, and made up my mind--very ignorantly and

presumptuously, perhaps--that neither they nor any of the patients whom

I saw had yellow fever, either in a mild form or in any form whatever.

They seemed to me to have nothing more than calenture, brought on by

overwork, a malarious atmosphere, and a bad sanitary environment. Mrs.

White, who was also said to have yellow fever, recovered in three days,

just in time to escape being sent to the yellow-fever camp with Dr. and

Mrs. Lesser. I have no doubt that there were some yellow-fever cases

among the sick who were sent to the camp at the time when the village of

Siboney was burned, but I did not happen to see any of them, and it is

the opinion of many persons who are far better qualified to judge than

I, that yellow-fever cases and calenture cases were lumped together

without much discrimination, and that the latter greatly outnumbered the

former.

On July 15 the number of so-called yellow-fever cases exceeded one

hundred, and the most energetic measures were being taken by the medical

authorities on shore to prevent the further spread of the disease.

Everything that could possibly hold or transmit infection was burned,

including my blankets, mackintosh-cape, etc., which I had accidentally

left in the post-office overnight, as well as all the baggage and

personal effects of the postal clerks. Mr. Brewer, the postmaster, died

of the fever, Mr. Kempner, the assistant postmaster, was reduced to

sleeping in a camp-chair out of doors without overcoat or blanket, and

the telegraph and telephone operators worked night and day in a damp,

badly ventilated tent, with their feet literally in pools of mud and

water.

On July 15 we heard at Siboney that Santiago had surrendered, and on the

following day we steamed down to the mouth of Santiago harbor, with a

faint hope that we might be permitted to enter. Admiral Sampson,

however, informed us that the surrender, although agreed upon, had not

yet taken place, and that it would be impossible for us to enter the

harbor until after Morro Castle and the shore batteries had been

evacuated. We then sailed for Guantanamo Bay, with the intention of

landing more supplies for the refugees in that district; but inasmuch as

we had been lying in the fever-infected port of Siboney, Captain

McCalla, who came out to the mouth of the bay in a steam-launch to meet

us, refused to take the supplies, and would not let us communicate with

the shore. On the night of July 16, therefore, we returned to Siboney,

and at noon on the 17th we were again off Morro Castle, waiting for an

opportunity to enter the harbor.

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