CHAPTER V

THE PERIOD OF FOREIGN CONQUEST

The most glorious period of Roman history, from the military

standpoint, followed closely upon the cessation of fierce national

contests in the fourth century before Christ. The united efforts of

patricians and plebeians, devoted to the task of foreign conquest,

proved sufficient in a few generations to win for Rome her world

empire.

"The fifth century is the most beautiful century of Rome.

The plebeians had conquered the consulship and are

succeeding in conquering their admission to other

magistracies which the patricians wished to reserve; they

free themselves from the servitude which, under the name of

Nexus, weighed on the debtors. They arrive at political

equality and individual independence; at the same time the

old aristocracy still dominates in the Senate and maintains

there the inflexibility of its resolves and the persistence

of its designs. It was thanks to this interior condition

that the Roman people was able to survive the strongest

tests from without over which it had triumphed, and to make

that progress which cost it most dear. We see the peoples

fight, one by one, and often all together; the Latin people,

the Etruscans, the Goths, the Samnites, the other Sabellic

peoples of the Apennines; and the end is always victory.

The beginnings of this history were somber. Rome was

afflicted by one of those pestilences which one finds in all

the epochs of the history of this unsanitary city. Thence

was the origin of those scenic pieces imported by the

Etruscans and giving origin to comedy--a means devised to

appease the gods; so that Roman comedy had an origin

religious and dismal. The fifth century is for Rome the age

of great devotions and of grand sacrifices." (J. J. Ampère

in _L'empire romaine à Rome_.)

A full description of the various military campaigns of Rome would

tend to obscure rather than to illumine the political and economic

history of the city. An enumeration of the foreign conquests of Rome

during this period, however, is necessary to indicate the rapid

increase in the territorial possessions of Rome, with their inevitable

reaction upon the domestic conditions of the republic.

The first wars of Rome after the passage of the Licinian Laws were

renewed contests with her neighboring enemies. In 361 B.C. Rome was

again threatened by a new invasion of the Gauls. The following year

the Roman records mention a victory over the Hernicans by one Roman

consul, and over the Gauls, and the Latins of Tibur, by the other.

This alliance of the Gauls with a portion of the Latins so alarmed

the majority of the Latin cities that a new league between the Romans

and Latins was formed in 358 B.C. The Gauls soon after retired from

the neighborhood of Latium, and their allies, Tibur and Privernum,

were compelled to enter the new Latin League.

A war waged against Rome by the Etruscan city of Tarquinii and its

allies so seriously threatened Rome that the Roman political factions

forgot their differences so far as to agree to the appointment (for

the first time in the history of the city) of a plebeian, in the

person of C. Marcius Rutilus, to the office of dictator. The old

jealousy of the patricians, however, was soon manifested again in the

opposition of the Senate to the granting of a triumph to this plebeian

for the great military victory which he soon won.

In 350 B.C. a third invasion of the Gauls was repulsed by the Romans.

The next great contest in which Rome was engaged was that with the

Samnites. This race was both the most worthy and the most bitter of

the enemies of Rome within Italy, and the long warfare between Rome

and the Samnites was terminated only by the practical extermination

of the latter race. The First Samnite War extended from 343 to 341

B.C. and was indecisive in its results, the Samnites at its close

agreeing to give a year's pay and three months' provisions to the

Roman army, and being permitted to make war on the Sidicini.

The close of the First Samnite War was followed closely by the Latin

War (340-338 B.C.). This war was brought about by the jealousy felt by

the other Latin towns toward Rome. Rome had been abusing her position

as the capital of the Latin League, and desired to acquire an

acknowledged supremacy over Latium. The war was an effort on the part

of the other Latin cities to restrain the too rapidly increasing power

of Rome and to reëstablish the balance of power in Latium. In this war

was seen the extraordinary spectacle of the Samnites appearing as

allies of Rome. The Hernicans also aided the Romans, and the Sidicini

and Campanians aided the Latins. The war resulted in the complete

overthrow of the Latins; but the Romans showed great generosity and

good judgment in their treatment of the conquered cities after the

war, and thus did much toward binding the Latins to Rome for the

future.

The main provisions of the peace agreements were as follows: Roman

citizenships, in different degrees, were conferred upon the

inhabitants of the various Latin towns, who were, however, forbidden

to form any leagues among themselves or to hold diets; intermarriage

and commerce between the different Latin towns were prohibited; the

_municipium_ such as the Latins had previously possessed was given to

the citizens of Capua, Cumæ, Formiæ, Fundi, and Suessula; the Latin

contingents in the Roman army were henceforth to be permitted to serve

apart from the legions under their own officers; and the Latin public

land, two thirds of that of Privernum, and the lands in the Falernian

district of Campania were taken by Rome, as were also the lands of the

principal families of Velitræ, who were compelled to emigrate beyond

the Tiber.

Ten years of peace followed, and then came the second and greatest of

the Samnite wars (327-304 B.C.). The Samnites were aided during part

of the war by the Etruscans and the Hernicans, but at the end the

Samnites were compelled to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome and give

up their independence. The Hernicans were completely overthrown in 307

B.C., and were united to Rome on conditions very similar to those

possessed by the Latins.

In the Third Samnite War (298-290 B.C.) the Romans were again

victorious, although a league of Samnites, Etruscans, Gauls, and

Umbrians was formed against them. The exact terms of the treaty of

peace at the conclusion of this war are not recorded, but undoubtedly

riveted Roman control still more strongly upon Samnium.

It was the final result of the Roman-Samnite wars which finally

determined the question of the overlordship of Italy. Of all the

numerous races of Italy, two and only two possessed the stamina which

rendered them possible unifiers of the whole peninsula. Rome's defeat

of Samnium left her without a rival in Italy and ready for contests

with her later and greater rivals. The close of the Third Samnite War,

however, did not end the resistance of the Samnites to Roman rule.

Even down to the time of the contests of Marius and Sulla we find this

race grasping every opportunity to strike a blow against Roman

dominion.

In 284 B.C. the Tarentines succeeded in bringing about a union of the

Samnites, Lucanians, Umbrians, Bruttians, Etruscans, and Gauls against

Rome. This war was a series of victories for the Romans. By the year

282 B.C. all of the Roman enemies were subdued except the Etruscans,

with whom the war continued until 280 B.C. In this last-named year the

Romans, alarmed by the danger of war with Pyrrhus, concluded a peace

with the Etruscans on such terms as changed these people from

bitterest enemies into most faithful allies.

The time had now arrived when Rome was called upon for the first time

to cross arms with enemies from beyond the Italian peninsula. The

first of these contests with a foreign power was fought out entirely

within the confines of Italy.

The year 280 B.C. saw the beginning of the contest between Rome and

Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, who had been summoned to Italy as an ally of

the Greek city of Tarentum. At the outset the Romans suffered two

great defeats, at Heraclea and on the plain of Apulian Asculum,

largely through their inability to meet the attacks of the phalanxes

and of the war elephants. In the end, however, Pyrrhus, although aided

by all the enemies of Rome in southern and central Italy, ended his

campaign in failure and returned to Epirus in 275 B.C., his dream of a

great western empire forever shattered.

In the ten years following the departure of Pyrrhus the subjugation of

all Italy was completed, followed by a reorganization of the

government of the Roman colonies and subject cities.

The second foreign enemy of Rome was Carthage, and the most dramatic

pages in the whole history of Roman conquest are those which relate

the story of the contest between these two titanic rivals for world

supremacy. The immediate cause of the First Punic War arose over the

possession of Messana, a city in Sicily separated from Italy by only a

narrow strait; but war between Rome and Carthage was inevitable; and

if Messana had not become the bone of contention, another would have

been found. The First Punic War lasted from 264 to 241 B.C. and

resulted in victory for Rome. By the terms of peace Carthage gave up

Sicily and all the small islands between Sicily and Italy, and paid a

heavy war indemnity to Rome. Shortly after the close of the war the

Romans, by threats, compelled the Carthaginians to surrender also the

islands of Sardinia and Corsica.

In 230 B.C. the Romans were engaged in war with the Illyrian pirates;

and from 226 to 221 B.C. with the Insubrian Gauls, both of which

conflicts resulted in easy victories for the Roman arms.

In the meantime Hamilcar, his son Hannibal, and his son-in-law

Hasdrubal had been busy in Spain, reducing it under Carthaginian rule

and preparing it to be used as a base of operation from which an

invasion of Italy might be attempted whenever a favorable opportunity

should present itself.

In 227 B.C. the Romans, becoming alarmed at the spread of the

Carthaginian empire in Spain, insisted on a treaty by which the river

Ebro was fixed as the northern boundary beyond which the control of

Carthage should never extend. In 219 B.C. Hannibal (whose father and

brother-in-law had by this time both fallen in the war) attacked the

city of Saguntum, which, though south of the Ebro, was an ally of

Rome. No heed being taken of the Roman remonstrances, war was again

declared.

The Second Punic War lasted from 218 to 202 B.C. The early years of

this war saw a long series of Carthaginian victories, and their great

general, Hannibal, has ever since ranked as one of the greatest

military geniuses in history. This war, however, has been well

described as that of a man against a nation; and in the end the nation

conquered. The final battle was that of Zama, fought in Africa in 202

B.C.

By the terms of the treaty of peace made at the close of this war

Carthage surrendered to Rome all her territorial possessions outside

of Africa, all her elephants, and all her war ships except three

triremes, and also bound herself to pay a heavy annual tribute for

fifty years. In addition, Carthage was prohibited from making war,

under any circumstances, outside of Africa, nor within Africa except

with the consent of Rome; and was compelled to return to the ally of

the Romans, Masinissa, king of Numidia, all the territory and property

which had been taken from him or his predecessors by Carthage. In

many respects, however, the treaty was favorable to Carthage, who was

permitted to keep her African territory practically intact, who was

also permitted to keep her independence, and was not required to

receive any Roman garrison.

The Second Punic War was the decisive contest between Rome and

Carthage, the First Punic War being indecisive and the third being

merely the destruction of an already conquered people. This Second

Punic War, however, was something more than the decisive contest

between Rome and Carthage; it was the decisive contest between two

continents, two races, two systems of institutions. The battle of

Metaurus has justly been classed as one of the decisive battles of the

world. The capture of Rome by Hannibal could not have failed to have

entirely altered the whole future course of history. If Hannibal had

been able to carry back to Carthage the spoils of a conquered Rome he

would also have carried with them to Africa the scepter of world

empire. He would have wrested race supremacy and the leading place in

civilization from the Aryan for the Hamitic races. For many

centuries, at least, the center of power and civilization would have

been upon the southern instead of the northern shores of the

Mediterranean, and it is at least doubtful whether, even to-day, the

northern races could have completely eradicated the effects of such an

event.

In spite of the earlier triumphs of Persia and Greece, it was not

until the Roman victory over the Carthaginians that the position of

the Aryan races became definitely assured.

Mommsen writes on the results of the Second Punic War as follows:

"It remains for us to sum up the results of this terrible

war, which for seventeen years had devastated the lands and

islands from the Hellespont to the Pillars of Hercules. Rome

was henceforth compelled by the force of circumstances to

assume a position at which she had not directly aimed, and

to exercise sovereignty over all the lands of the

Mediterranean. Outside Italy there arose the two new

provinces in Spain, where the natives lived in a state of

perpetual insurrection; the kingdom of Syracuse was now

included in the Roman province of Sicily; a Roman instead of

a Carthaginian protectorate was now established over the

most important Numidian chiefs; Carthage was changed from a

powerful commercial state into a defenseless mercantile

town. Thus all the western Mediterranean passed under the

supremacy of Rome. In Italy itself, the destruction of the

Celts became a mere question of time: the ruling Latin

people had been exalted by the struggle to a position of

still greater eminence over the heads of the non-Latin or

Latinized Italians such as the Etruscans and Sabellians in

lower Italy. A terrible punishment was inflicted on the

allies of Hannibal. Capua was reduced from the position of

second city to that of first village in Italy; the whole

soil, with a few exceptions, was declared to be public

domain-land, and was leased out to small occupiers. The same

fate befell the Picentes on the Silarus. The Bruttians

became in a manner bondsmen to the Romans and were forbidden

to carry arms. All the Greek cities which had supported

Hannibal were treated with great severity; and in the case

of a number of Apulian, Lucanian, and Samnite communities a

loss of territory was inflicted, and new colonies were

planted. Throughout Italy the non-Latin allies were made to

feel their utter subjection to Rome, and the comedies of the

period testify to the scorn of the victorious Romans.

"It seems probable that not less than three hundred thousand

Italians perished in this war, the brunt of which loss fell

chiefly on Rome. After the battle of Cannæ it was found

necessary to fill up the hideous gap in the Senate by an

extraordinary nomination of 177 senators; the ordinary

burgesses suffered hardly less severely. Further, the

terrible strain on the resources of the state had shaken the

national economy to its very foundations. Four hundred

flourishing townships had been utterly ruined. The blows

inflicted on the simple morality of the citizens and farmers

by a camp life worked no less mischief. Gangs of robbers and

desperadoes plundered Italy in dangerous numbers. Home

agriculture saw its existence endangered by the proof, first

given in war, that the Roman people could be supported by

foreign grain from Sicily and Egypt. Still, at the close and

happy issue of so terrible a struggle, Rome might justly

point with pride to the past and with confidence to the

future. In spite of many errors she had survived all danger,

and the only question now was whether she would have the

wisdom to make right use of her victory, to bind still more

closely to herself the Latin people, to gradually Latinize

all her Italian subjects, and to rule her foreign dependents

as subjects, not as slaves--whether she would reform her

constitution and infuse new vigor into the unsound and

fast-decaying portion of her state."

Up to the close of the third century before Christ the wars of Rome

had been mainly forced upon her by the aggressions of others, or had

grown out of disputes which had arisen in the natural course of

events; but after the battle of Zama, Rome entered deliberately upon a

career of foreign conquest.

In 200 B.C. a Roman army invaded Macedon, and Philip, the king of this

country, was completely defeated at the battle of Cynoscephalæ in 197

B.C., but the Romans consented to easy terms of peace at this time on

account of the expectation of a war with Syria. The first war between

Rome and Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, began in 191 B.C. and

ended in 187 B.C. By the terms of peace Antiochus gave up all his

claims in Europe, and in Asia west of the Taurus.

The Second Macedonian War began in 172 B.C. and was concluded by the

great Roman victory at Pydna in 168 B.C. Macedon was at first divided

into four republics, between which the rights of _connubium_ and

_commercium_ were prohibited, but soon sank into the condition of a

Roman province. Roman influence and interference were also rapidly

increasing in Greece during this period, although no formal annexation

of territory was made at this time.

The Third Punic War (149-146 B.C.), forced by Rome upon an almost

helpless antagonist, resulted in the complete overthrow of the

greatest of Rome's rivals. Carthage was completely destroyed, and

Africa became a Roman province.

The Achæan War (147-146 B.C.) resulted in the practical subjection of

all Greece to Rome; and between the years 143 and 133 B.C. the

conquest of Spain was completed.

The interest in Roman history during the period from 367 to 133 B.C.

is mainly centered in the military achievements of the republic, but

certain events in the political history of Rome during this period

must be noted before passing to a consideration of the violent

political conflicts which arose over the proposed reforms of the

Gracchi.

By the Lex Horatia and the Lex Publilia (339 B.C.) it was provided

that the _plebiscita_ (that is, the decrees of the comitia tributa)

should be binding as laws; that one of the censors must be a plebeian;

and that the subsequent ratification by the Senate should not be

necessary to render valid the laws passed by the comitia centuriata.

In 326 B.C. the Lex Poetelia Papiria prohibited debtors from assigning

themselves as security for debts. This did not interfere with the

selling of a debtor into slavery by means of the _legis actio per

manus injectionem_; it merely prohibited the debtor from using himself

as a special pledge to secure the payment of the debt.

In 304 B.C. the plebeians secured the publication of a manual

containing full information as to the proper steps in the proceedings

in the various _legis actiones_, and also as to the _dies fasti_. In

the early days at Rome all legal knowledge had belonged to the

patricians, who had always strenuously resisted any movement toward

making such information open to all. An exclusive knowledge of the law

is of great advantage to any special class in any community, and one

eagerly sought under different disguises in many countries. The

present attempt to monopolize legal education in the United States,

and to attack all movements which might tend to a general diffusion of

legal knowledge among the mass of the community, is merely another

manifestation of the same spirit which animated the Roman patricians

in their long contests to keep all legal knowledge away from the

plebeians. While the study of all professions which have no political

signification, such as that of medicine, may safely be regulated by

the government, and while the government may without injustice impose

proper qualifications upon those who desire to practice law as their

profession, any attempt of the government to restrict the teaching or

study of the law, or to impose upon those desiring to take bar

examinations restrictions intended merely to keep out of the

profession those not fortunate enough to belong to the wealthy

classes, can be intended only as an attack on democratic principles

and as an attempt to create a monopoly of legal learning for improper

purposes.

In 286 B.C. was passed the Hortensian Law, which brought about the

complete political equality of plebeians and patricians, whatever

slight distinctions still remained being removed by this law.

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