CHAPTER IX.

WASHINGTON'S NOVEL POSITION--THE SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE--APPEARANCE OF

THE DEMOCRATIC ELEMENT IN SOCIETY--THE QUESTION OF A TITLE FOR THE

PRESIDENT DISCUSSED IN CONGRESS--THE RESULT--DISCRETION

NECESSARY--WASHINGTON ASKS ADVICE CONCERNING

CEREMONIALS--RESPONSES--WASHINGTON'S ARRANGEMENT FOR VISITS OF

CEREMONY--JEALOUSY OF THE PEOPLE--SILLY STORIES CONCERNING THE POMP

OF THE PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT--CUSTOMS OF THE LEVEES

ESTABLISHED--GRAND BALLS--MRS. WASHINGTON'S JOURNEY TO NEW YORK--HER

RECEPTION--HER DRAWING-ROOMS--WASHINGTON'S HABITS OF LIVING.

Washington's position was a novel one in every particular. He was the

chosen head of a people who had just abolished royal government with all

its pomp and parade, its titles and class immunities, but who were too

refined, and too conscious of their real social and political strength

as a basis for a great nation, to be willing to trample upon all

deferential forms and ceremonies that might give proper dignity to, and

respect for deserving rulers, without implying servility.

In the convention that framed the constitution, the representatives of

the people exhibited this conservative feeling in a remarkable degree;

and the extreme democratic sentiment, such as afterward sympathized with

the radicals of the French revolution, was yet only a fledgling, but

destined to grow rapidly, and to fly with swift wing over the land. Yet

the spirit was manifest, and its coalescence with the state-rights

feeling made circumspection in the arrangement of the ceremonials

connected with the president and his household extremely necessary.

Already the question of a title for the president had been discussed in

Congress, and had produced a great deal of excitement in different

quarters. The subject appears to have been suggested by Mr. Adams, the

vice-president; and on the twenty-third of April the senate appointed

Richard Henry Lee, Ralph Izard, and Tristram Dalton, a committee "to

consider and report what style or titles it will be proper to annex to

the offices of president and vice-president of the United States." On

the following day the house of representatives appointed a committee to

confer with that of the senate, and the joint committee reported that it

was "improper to annex any style or title to the respective styles or

titles of office expressed in the constitution."

The house adopted the report by unanimous vote, but the senate did not

concur. The question then arose in the senate whether the president

should not be addressed by the title of _His Excellency_, and the

subject was referred to a new committee, of which Mr. Lee was chairman.

A proposition in the house to appoint a committee to confer with the new

senate committee elicited a warm debate. The senate committee,

meanwhile, reported in favor of the title of _His Highness the President

of the United States of America, and Protector of their Liberties_; but

they did not press the matter, as the inauguration had taken place in

the meantime, and the house had addressed the chief magistrate, in reply

to his inaugural address, simply as _President of the United States_.

With a view to preserve harmonious action, the senate determined to

address him in the same way; at the same time resolving that, "from a

decent respect for the opinion and practice of civilized nations,

whether under monarchical or republican forms of government, whose

custom is to annex titles of respectability to the office of their chief

magistrate, and that, in intercourse with foreign nations, a due respect

for the majesty of the people of the United States may not be hazarded

by an appearance of singularity, the senate have been induced to be of

opinion that it would be proper to annex a respectable title to the

office of the president of the United States."

This was the last action in Congress upon the subject, but it was

discussed in the newspapers for some time afterward. The excitement upon

the subject ran high in some places for a while, and Mr. Lee and Mr.

Adams, the reputed authors of the proposition, were quite unpopular. It

gave Washington, who was averse to all titles, much uneasiness, lest, he

said, it should be supposed by some, unacquainted with the facts, that

the object they had in view was not displeasing to him. "The truth is,"

he said, "the question was moved before I arrived, without any privity

or knowledge of it on my part, and urged, after I was apprized of it,

contrary to my opinion; for I foresaw and predicted the reception it has

met with, and the use that would be made of it by the adversaries of the

government. Happily this matter is now done with, I hope never to be

revived."

The effect of this movement upon the public mind gave Washington a

perception of the necessity of great circumspection in the arrangement

of ceremonials, to which allusion has just been made. He also perceived

the greater necessity of so regulating his personal matters as to secure

the most time for attention to public business; for, immediately after

his inauguration, he found that he was master neither of himself nor his

home. "By the time I had done breakfast," he wrote to Dr. Stuart, "and

thence till dinner, and afterward till bed-time, I could not get rid of

the ceremony of one visit before I had to attend to another. In a word,

I held no leisure to read or to answer the despatches that were pouring

in upon me from all quarters."

As usual, Washington sought the advice of those in whom he had

confidence. To Vice-President Adams, Jay, Hamilton, and Madison, he

addressed a series of nine questions, and desired them to reflect upon

and answer them. These all had reference to his intercourse with the

public: whether a line of conduct equally distant from an association

with all kinds of company on the one hand, and from a total seclusion

from society on the other, would be proper; how such a system should

best be made known to the public; whether one day in every week would

not be sufficient to devote to visits of compliment; whether he should

receive direct applications from those having business with him, setting

apart a certain hour every morning; whether the customs of the

presidents of the old Congress, in giving large dinner-parties to both

sexes twice a-week, ought not to be abolished, and invitations to dine

at the president's house, informal or otherwise, be limited, in regard

to persons, to six, eight, or ten official characters, including in

rotation the members of both houses of Congress, on days fixed for

receiving company; whether the public would be satisfied if he should

give four great entertainments in a year, on such occasions as the

anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, the alliance with

France, the peace with Great Britain, and the organization of the

general government; whether the president should make and receive

informal visits from friends and acquaintances, for purposes of

sociability and civility, and, if so, in what way they should be made so

as not to be construed into visits from the president of the United

States; and finally, whether it might not be advantageous for the

president to make a tour through the United States during the recess of

Congress, in order to become better acquainted with the people, and the

circumstances and resources of the country.

"The president," he said at the close of his queries, "in all matters of

business and etiquette, can have no object but to demean himself in his

public character in such a manner as to maintain the dignity of his

office, without subjecting himself to the imputation of

superciliousness or unnecessary reserve."

To these queries the gentlemen addressed promptly responded in writing.

The vice-president, who, as minister abroad, had seen much of royal

etiquette, and become somewhat fascinated, as Jefferson said, "by the

glare of royalty and nobility," spoke of chamberlains, aids-de-camp,

and masters of ceremonies; for he regarded the presidential office

"equal to any in the world." "The royal office in Poland," he said, "is

a mere shadow in comparison with it;" and he thought that "if the state

and pomp essential to that great department were not in a good degree

preserved, it would be in vain for America to hope for consideration

with foreign powers." He thought it would be necessary to devote two

days each week to the reception of complimentary visits; that

application to a minister of state should be made by those who desired

an interview with the president; and in every case the character and

business of the visitor should be communicated to the chamberlain or

gentleman in waiting, who should judge whom to admit and whom to

exclude. He thought the time for receiving visits should be limited to

one hour each day; that the president might informally invite small

parties of official characters and strangers of distinction to dine with

him, without exciting public clamor; and that he might, as a private

gentleman, make and receive visits; but in his official character, he

should have no other intercourse with society than such as pertained to

public business.

Hamilton desired the dignity of the presidential office to be well

sustained, but intimated that care would be necessary "to avoid

extensive disgust or discontent." Although men's minds were prepared, he

said, for a "pretty high tone in the demeanor of the executive," he

doubted whether so high as might be desirable would be tolerated, for

the notions of equality were too strong to admit of a great distance

being placed between the president and other branches of the government.

He advised a public _levee_ of half an hour once a-week; that formal

entertainments should be given, at most, four times a year, on the days

mentioned by Washington; that informal invitations to family dinners

might be given to official characters; that heads of departments,

foreign ministers of some descriptions, and senators, should alone have

direct access to the person of the president, and only in matters

pertaining to the public business.

The opinions of his friends so nearly coinciding with that of his own,

Washington proceeded to act upon them, but with a wise discretion. He

had already adopted the plan of designating certain times for visits of

compliment, and he gave a public intimation that these would be on

Tuesday and Friday of each week, between the hours of two and three

o'clock. On these occasions there was no ostentatious display. On the

contrary, the president received his visitors in a simple manner;

conversed with them freely after introduction, if opportunities were

afforded; and in every respect, while maintaining perfect dignity, he

made all feel that he was their fellow-citizen.

"These visits are optional," he said in a letter to Dr. Stuart; "they

are made without invitation.... Gentlemen, often in great numbers, come

and go, chat with each other, and act as they please. A porter shows

them into the room, and they retire from it when they choose, without

ceremony. At their first entrance they salute me, and I them, and as

many as I can, I talk to. What 'pomp' there is in all this I am unable

to discover."

The last clause refers to a sentence in Dr. Stuart's letter, in which he

spoke of public clamors, in some places in Virginia, originating

generally with the opponents of the constitution and the government

organized under it, on account of alleged practices on the part of the

president and vice-president, which were regarded as monarchical in

their tendency. An untrue report was circulated that the vice-president

(who, it must be confessed, was quite high in his notions) never

appeared publicly except with a coach and six horses! It created much

excitement in Virginia, and the opponents of the government made much

use of it.

The _levees_ of the president were cited as examples of the rapid growth

of aristocracy. Among other stories, it was alleged that at the first

_levee_ an ante-chamber and presence-room were provided in the

presidential mansion; and that, when those who were to pay court were

assembled, the president, preceded by Colonel Humphreys as herald,

passed through the ante-chamber to the door of the inner room. This was

first entered, according to the untruthful account, by Humphreys, who

called out, with a loud voice, "The president of the United States!"

Another silly story went abroad, that at the ball given in honor of the

president, soon after his inauguration, he and Mrs. Washington were

seated in state upon a raised sofa at the head of the room; that each

gentleman, when going to dance, led his partner to the foot of the sofa

and made a low bow, and that when the dance was over, he again took his

partner to make obeisance to the president and his lady before they

retired to their chairs!

The subject of etiquette in the president's home, and in his intercourse

with the public at large, was of far more consequence, under the

circumstances, than might appear at first thought. It seems to have been

left chiefly to Colonel Humphreys, who had lately been Jefferson's

secretary of legation in Paris, to arrange the whole matter; yet several

months elapsed before Washington felt that he was treading upon sure

ground. As late as November, he made the following entry in his diary:

"Received an Invitation to attend the funeral of Mrs. Roosevelt (the

wife of a senator of this state), but declined complying with it--first,

because the propriety of accepting any invitation of this sort appeared

very questionable; and, secondly (though to do it in this instance might

not be improper), because it might be difficult to discriminate in cases

which might thereafter happen."

The customs established during Washington's administration concerning

_levees_, the president not returning visits, et cetera, have ever since

prevailed, and the chief magistrate of the republic is never seen in the

position of a private citizen.

We have alluded to the ball given in honor of Washington after his

inauguration. It was a brilliant affair, and surpassed anything of the

kind ever before seen in New York. Preparations had been made by the

managers of the city assemblies to have the ball on the evening of the

inauguration day; but, hearing that Mrs. Washington could not accompany

her husband, it was postponed. The time when she would arrive being

uncertain, the ball was given a week afterward. It was attended by the

president and vice-president, a large majority of the members of both

houses of Congress, the governor and other New York state officers,

foreign ministers, many military characters, and a large number of

distinguished citizens. "The collection of ladies," wrote one who was

present, "was numerous and brilliant, and they were dressed with

consummate taste and elegance."

"On this occasion," says Griswold, "an agreeable surprise was prepared

by the managers for every woman who attended. A sufficient number of

fans had been made for the purpose in Paris, the ivory frames of which

displayed, as they were opened, between the hinges and the elegant paper

covering, an extremely well-executed medallion portrait of Washington

in profile, and a page was appointed to present one, with the

compliments of the managers, as each couple passed the receiver of the

tickets."[17]

On the evening of the fourteenth of May, the Count de Moustier, the

French minister, gave a splendid ball in honor of the president, at his

residence in M'Comb's house, in Broadway, afterward occupied by

Washington as the presidential mansion. The whole arrangement was

directed by his sister, the Marchioness de Brienne, who was an amateur

artist of considerable distinction. "I heard the marchioness declare,"

wrote a lady who was present, "she had exhausted every resource to

produce an entertainment worthy of France."

Mrs. Washington did not leave Mount Vernon until Tuesday, the nineteenth

of May, when she set out for New York in her travelling carriage, drawn

by four horses, accompanied by her two grandchildren, Eleanor Parke and

George Washington Parke Custis, and a small escort of horse. She was

everywhere greeted with demonstrations of the greatest affection. When

she approached Baltimore she was met by a cavalcade of citizens. In the

evening, fireworks were discharged in honor of the fair guest, and a

band of musicians serenaded her. When she approached Philadelphia she

was met by the president of the commonwealth, the speaker of the

assembly, two troops of dragoons, and a large number of citizens, who

escorted her toward the Schuylkill. Seven miles from Philadelphia she

was met by a large company of women in carriages, who formed an escort,

and at Gray's ferry all partook of a collation. There Mrs. Robert Morris

joined Mrs. Washington in her carriage, and as the procession entered

the city the bells rang out a merry peal, and cannon thundered a cordial

welcome.

Mrs. Washington remained in Philadelphia, a guest of Mrs. Morris, until

Monday morning, when she set out for New York, accompanied by that lady.

All through New Jersey she received the most affectionate attentions,

and at Elizabethtown was the guest of Governor Livingston. At

Elizabethtown Point she was met by her husband, who, attended by Robert

Morris and other distinguished men, had come from New York in his

splendid barge to receive her. As they approached the city they were

saluted by thirteen discharges of cannon, and were followed to their

residence by a crowd of the citizens.

On the day after Mrs. Washington's arrival, the president invited a few

official characters to a family dinner. No clergyman being present,

Washington himself asked a blessing before the company took their seat

at table. The dinner was simple, and no special etiquette was observed

on that occasion. A single glass of wine was offered to each guest, with

the toast which Washington invariably gave on such occasions--"To all

our friends;" and when it was drunk, the president arose, led the way to

the drawing-room, and each one departed when he pleased, without

ceremony. Such continued to be the simple hospitality of President

Washington's table.

On the evening of the twenty-eighth, two days after her arrival, Mrs.

Washington held her first _levee_, or drawing-room. It was attended by

nearly all of the leading characters in social and political life then

in the federal metropolis. "There was no place for the intrusion of the

rabble in crowds, or for the mere coarse and boisterous partisan," says

Colonel Stone in some remarks upon these receptions. "There was no place

for the vulgar electioneerer or impudent place-hunter. On the contrary,

they were select, and more courtly than have been given by any of

Washington's successors. Proud of her husband's exalted fame, and

jealous of the honors due, not only to his own lofty character, but to

the dignified station to which a grateful country had called him, Mrs.

Washington was careful, in her drawing-rooms, to exact those courtesies

to which she knew he was entitled, as well on account of personal merit

as of official consideration. None, therefore, were admitted to the

_levees_ but those who had either a right by official station to be

there, or were entitled to the privilege by established merit and

character."

Mrs. Washington's receptions were on Friday evenings, and were always

closed at precisely nine o'clock. Notwithstanding the entire absence of

all pomp or parade on these occasions, cavilers spoke of them sometimes

in ill-natured and offensive terms, as "court levees" and "queenly

drawing-rooms."[18]

Washington always held the Sabbath-day sacred to worship and repose, and

no visitors were received by him on that day. Sometimes an intimate

acquaintance would spend the evening with him. He usually attended

public worship with his family in the morning, and in the afternoon he

retired to study, to read, to meditate, or to write private letters.

In public as in private life, he was temperate in all things, and frugal

in his household expenses. He employed the celebrated tavern-keeper,

Samuel Fraunces (whose daughter, it will be remembered, once saved

Washington's life by revealing the murderous intentions of one of his

life-guard) as his steward. Everything was governed by a well-regulated

economy, which had a most salutary effect in restraining extravagant

living, toward which New York society had then a strong tendency. The

president's example in that particular was powerful.

Washington preserved, in his movements, a certain degree of state, not

offensive to the well-informed or right-minded. He had a fine coach,

and, as at Mount Vernon, he kept superb horses, six of which, on some

few occasions, were driven at one time before his carriage. The family

carriage was generally drawn by four horses, when rides were taken in

the country for exercise, with "Mrs. Washington and the children." His

servants usually wore livery, and he sometimes was accompanied by

outriders. Such was the state in which many wealthy gentlemen moved at

that day, especially in Virginia; and none knew better than those who

made these things an occasion to revile the new government, that nothing

was further from the mind and heart of Washington, in the practice of

these customs, than a desire for ostentatious display.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] Griswold's _Republican Court_, page 156.

[18] The late Mr. Custis, Mrs. Washington's grandson, giving an

account of these receptions at the presidential mansion in Philadelphia,

says:--

"When Mrs. Washington received company it was on Friday, commencing

about seven, and ending about nine o'clock. Two rooms were thrown

open. The furniture that was thought handsome in those days would

be considered barely decent in modern times. The principal ornament

was a glass chandelier in the largest room, burning wax lights. The

chair of the lady of the president was a plain arm-chair lined with

green morocco leather.

"The ladies visiting the drawing-room were always attended by

gentlemen. It was not the habit for very young girls to be present

at the drawing-room, but only those of the age when it is proper

for ladies to go into company. Upon the ladies being introduced

they were seated, and the president, who always attended the

drawing-room, passed round the circle, paying his respects to each

in succession; and it was a common remark, among the chit-chat of

the drawing-room, that the chief was no inconsiderable judge of

female beauty, since he was observed to tarry longer than usual

when paying his compliments to Miss Sophia Chew, a charming belle

of Philadelphia in that time.

"Refreshments were handed round by servants in livery; and about

that period first appeared the luxury, now so universal, of

ice-cream. Introductions to eminent personages and conversation

formed the entertainments of the drawing-room. Cards were

altogether unknown.

"But the leading and most imposing feature of the drawing-room was

the men of mark, the 'Revolutionaries,' both civil and military,

who were to be seen there. The old officers delighted to pay their

respects to the wife of Washington, and to call up the

reminiscences of the headquarters, and of the 'times that tried

men's souls.' These glorious old chevaliers were the greatest beaux

of the age, and the recollections of their gallant achievements,

together with their elegant manners, made them acceptable to the

ladies everywhere. They formed the _élite_ of the drawing-room.

General Wayne--the renowned 'Mad Anthony'--with his aids-de-camp,

Lewis and De Butts, frequently attended, with Mifflin, Walter

Stewart, Colonel Hartley, and many others. Indeed, there was often

to be met with at the mansion of the first president an assemblage

of intellect and honor, public virtue and private worth, exalted

merit and illustrious services, such as the world will never see

again."

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