DEATH OF JOSEPH HUDDY--RETALIATION RESOLVED UPON--CASE OF CAPTAIN
ASGILL--PEACE PROCEEDINGS IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT--PRELIMINARY
TREATY NEGOTIATED AND SIGNED AT PARIS--DISCONTENTS IN THE
ARMY--MEMORIAL OF OFFICERS SENT TO CONGRESS--INFLAMMATORY ADDRESS
CIRCULATED IN CAMP--MEETING OF OFFICERS CALLED--WASHINGTON
DETERMINES TO CONTROL THE MATTER--THE MEETING AND ITS
RESULTS--WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS--ITS EFFECTS--PATRIOTIC
RESOLUTIONS--INTELLIGENCE OF PEACE RECEIVED BY WASHINGTON--ITS
PROCLAMATION TO THE ARMY--JUSTICE TO THE SOLDIERS--FURLOUGHS FREELY
GRANTED--VIRTUAL DISSOLUTION OF THE ARMY--CONFERENCE BETWEEN
WASHINGTON AND CARLETON--DEPARTURE OF LAFAYETTE--CINCINNATI
SOCIETY--ADDRESS TO GOVERNORS OF STATES--MUTINY OF PENNSYLVANIA
TROOPS--CONGRESS ADJOURNS TO PRINCETON--WASHINGTON'S TOUR TO THE
NORTH--INVITED TO PRINCETON--A BRONZE STATUE OF WASHINGTON VOTED BY
CONGRESS.
A very painful affair occupied the attention of Washington in the autumn
of 1782, when his judgment and his sympathies were placed in opposition.
In the neighborhood of Freehold, in New Jersey, lurked a band of
marauding tories, known as Pine Robbers. One of these named Philip
White, notorious for his depredations, had been caught by the New Jersey
people, and killed while attempting to escape, when being conducted to
Monmouth jail. His partisans in New York vowed revenge. Captain Huddy, a
warm whig, then in confinement in New York, was taken by a party of
loyalists under Captain Lippincott, to the Jersey shore, near Sandy
Hook, and hanged. Upon Huddy's breast the infamous Lippincott placed a
label, on which, after avowing that the act was one of vengeance, he
placed the words in large letters--
"UP GOES HUDDY FOR PHILIP WHITE."
From the neighboring country went forth a strong cry for retaliation.
Washington submitted the case to a board of general officers, when it
was agreed that Lippincott should be demanded as a murderer, for
execution, and if Sir Henry Clinton would not give him up, retaliation
should be exercised upon some British officer in the possession of the
Americans.
Sir Henry refused. At the same time the Congress, by resolution,
approved Washington's course, and he proceeded to select a British
officer for execution, by lot, from among prisoners at Lancaster,
Pennsylvania. It fell upon Captain Asgill, a young man nineteen years of
age, an officer of the guards, and only son and heir of Sir Charles
Asgill. Efforts were immediately set on foot to save Asgill. For a long
time the matter remained in suspense, but Washington, firm in his
purpose, was deaf to all entreaty. Lippincott was tried by a
court-martial, and acquitted, it appearing that he was acting under the
verbal orders of Governor Franklin, who was at the head of the board of
associated loyalists. General Carleton, meanwhile, had succeeded Sir
Henry Clinton in command at New York. He condemned the proceedings in
the case of Huddy, and broke up the board of loyalists. Thus, in time,
the most prominent features of the case became changed.
Meanwhile Lady Asgill had written a most pathetic letter to the Count de
Vergennes, the French minister, imploring him to intercede on behalf of
her son. Vergennes, at the request of the king and queen, to whom he
showed the letter, wrote to Washington, soliciting the liberation of
young Asgill. The count's letter was referred to Congress. That body had
already admitted the prisoner to parole; and to the great relief of
Washington, he received orders from Congress, early in November, to set
Captain Asgill at liberty.
The case of Asgill excited Washington's deepest sympathies. He was an
amiable and honorable young man. "I felt for him," wrote the
commander-in-chief, "on many accounts; and not the least, when viewing
him as a man of honor and sentiment, I considered how unfortunate it was
for him that a wretch who possessed neither, should be the means of
causing him a single pang or a disagreeable sensation."
On the twenty-fifth of July, 1782, the British Parliament passed a bill
to enable the king to consent to the independence of the United States,
and the monarch signed it, though with reluctance. Richard Oswald was
immediately appointed, with full powers, to negotiate a treaty of peace
with the new republic, on the basis of its independence. The American
ministers abroad, Franklin, Adams, and Jay, were constituted
commissioners for the United States, to treat for peace, and on the
thirtieth of November, preliminary articles were signed by them
respectively at Paris. Henry Laurens, who had arrived at Paris, from
London, while the negotiations were in progress, had joined the American
commissioners, and he also signed the treaty.
Washington, meanwhile, had been anxiously preparing the way for the
anticipated disbanding of the army. Congress, through utter inability,
had done really nothing to allay the discontents in the army; and the
commander-in-chief was fearful, that during the idle hours of a winter
encampment, those discontents would assume the form of absolute mutiny.
He drew his forces to his former encampment, near Newburg, and there
calmly awaited the issue of events.
Almost daily there were bold conferences of officers and soldiers in the
camp, when the prospects of the future were discussed, sometimes
angrily, and always warmly. Finally, in December, 1782, the officers, in
behalf of the army, sent a committee with a memorial to the Congress, in
which they represented the real hardships of their condition, and
proposed that a specific sum should be granted them for the money
actually due them, and as a commutation for the half-pay of the
officers. This memorial elicited a long and warm debate in Congress, its
character and its propositions being viewed differently by different
minds. The entire winter passed away, and nothing satisfactory was done
in the supreme legislature for the suffering soldier.
At length forbearance appeared to many as no longer a virtue, and some
officers resolved not to wait for justice in idle expectation of its
appearance from the halls of legislation. A plan was arranged among a
few, "for assembling the officers, not in mass, but by representation;
and for passing a series of resolutions, which, in the hands of their
committee, and of their auxiliaries in Congress, would form a new and
powerful lever" of operations. Major John Armstrong, a young officer
six-and-twenty years of age, and aid-de-camp of Gates, was chosen to
write an address to the army, suitable to the subject, and this, with an
anonymous notification of a meeting of officers, was circulated
privately on the tenth of March, 1783.[2]
That address exhibited superior talent in the writer, and its tone was
calculated to make a deep impression upon the minds of the malcontents.
After preparing their feelings for a relinquishment of faith in the
justice of their country, which had been already much weakened by real
and fancied injuries, he remarked:--
"Faith has its limits as well as temper, and there are points
beyond which neither can be stretched without sinking into
cowardice or plunging into credulity. This, my friends, I conceive
to be your situation; hurried to the verge of both, another step
would ruin you forever. To be tame and unprovoked, when injuries
press hard upon you, is more than weakness; but to look up for
kinder usage, without one manly effort of your own, would fix your
character, and show the world how richly you deserved the chains
you broke." He then took a review of the past and present--their
wrongs and their complaints--their petitions and the denials of
redress--and then said: "If this, then, be your treatment while the
swords you wear are necessary for the defense of America, what have
you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your
strength dissipate by division; when these very swords, the
instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your
sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction left but
wants, infirmities, and scars? Can you, then, consent to be the
only sufferers by the Revolution, and, retiring from the field,
grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you consent to
wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable
remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in
honor? If you can, go, and carry the jest of tories and the scorn
of whigs; the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world!
Go, starve, and be forgotten."
The writer now changed from appeal to advice. "I would advise you,
therefore," he said, "to come to some final opinion upon what you can
bear and what you will suffer. If your determination be in proportion to
your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of
government. Change the milk-and-water style of your last memorial;
assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively, spirited, and determined; and
suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer
forbearance. Let two or three men who can feel as well as write, be
appointed to draw up _your last remonstrance_--for I would no longer
give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of _memorial_." He advised
them to talk boldly to Congress, and to warn that body that the
slightest mark of indignity from them now would operate like the grave,
to part them and the army for ever; "that in any political event, the
army has its alternative. If peace, that nothing shall separate you from
your arms but death; if war, that, courting the auspices, and inviting
the direction of your illustrious leader, you will retire to some
unsettled country, smile in your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh
on.' Let it represent also, that should they comply with the request of
your late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more
reputable."
Copies of these papers were placed in the hands of the
commander-in-chief on the day when they were circulated, and with
consummate sagacity and profound political wisdom, he resolved to guide
and control the proceedings in a friendly manner at the meeting of
officers, rather than to check them by authority. In general orders the
next morning, he referred to the anonymous papers, as disorderly, and
utterly disapproved of by the commander-in-chief. At the same time he
requested that the general and field officers, with one officer of each
company, and a proper representation of the staff of the army, should
assemble at a place designated, at twelve o'clock on Saturday, the
fifteenth, for the purpose of hearing the report of the committee of the
army to Congress. With masterly skill he requested the senior officer
(General Gates, whom he suspected, and doubtless with justice, of being
the chief actor in the drama) to preside at the meeting.
When this order appeared, Armstrong prepared and issued another address,
more subdued in tone, but so adroitly worded, as to convey the idea that
Washington approved of the scheme, the time of the meeting only being
changed. This interpretation Washington frustrated, by private
conversation with the principal officers, in whose good sense and
integrity he had confidence. The minds of these he impressed with a
sense of the danger that must attend any rash act at such a crisis; and
he inculcated moderation and forbearance. He thus prepared the best men
in camp to deliberate at the coming conference, without passion or
prejudice.
The meeting was held pursuant to the order of Washington. There was a
full attendance of officers, and Gates presided. There was a raised
platform at one end of the room in which the meeting was held, on which
Gates and others sat. Upon this Washington took a seat, and when the
meeting was called to order, he advanced upon the platform, while the
most solemn silence prevailed in the assembly, and read an address which
he had prepared for the occasion. It was compact in thought, dignified
and patriotic in expression, and mild in language, yet severe in
implication.[3]
When he had concluded the reading, Washington retired without uttering
a word, leaving the officers to deliberate without restraint. The
address had a most powerful and salutary effect. The conference was
brief. They did not deliberate long, but proceeded to pass resolutions
offered by Knox, and seconded by Putnam, by unanimous vote, thanking the
commander-in-chief for the course he had pursued; expressing their
unabated attachment to his person and their country; declaring their
unshaken confidence in the good faith of Congress, and their
determination to bear with patience their grievances, until, in due
time, they should be redressed. Gates, as president of the meeting,
signed the address, and on the eighteenth, Washington, in general
orders, expressed his satisfaction.
Thus was frustrated, by the sagacity, prudence, and wisdom of
Washington, the most dangerous scheme by which the liberties of America
were put in jeopardy, next to the treason of Arnold. It had no _wicked_
features in common with that treason, but its practical effects, if
carried out, might have been almost equally disastrous.
To the president of Congress Washington wrote, when he transmitted to
that body an account of the affair just narrated:--
"The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of officers,
which I have the honor of sending to your excellency, for the
inspection of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as
the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given
by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will
not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase
their title to the gratitude of their country."
The excitement caused by these events had scarcely died away, when
intelligence of the signing of the preliminary treaty of peace reached
the commander-in-chief. That intelligence came to him in despatches from
Robert L. Livingston, the secretary for foreign affairs, and also in a
letter from Alexander Hamilton, and other New York delegates in
Congress. It had been sent to them in the French ship, _Triomphe_,
despatched for the purpose by Count de Estiang, at the request of
Lafayette. Washington immediately wrote to Governor Clinton, saying:--
"I take the first moment of forwarding to your excellency the despatches
from the secretary of foreign affairs, which accompany this. They
contain, I presume, all the intelligence respecting peace, on which
great and glorious event, permit me to congratulate you with the
greatest sincerity." Upon the envelope, bearing the superscription of
this letter, Washington wrote, in a bold hand, and with a broad dash
under it--PEACE.
On the nineteenth of April, the seventh anniversary of the earlier
bloodshedding in the War for Independence, at Lexington and Concord, the
intelligence of peace was officially proclaimed to the army in general
orders. "The generous task," Washington said, "for which we first flew
to arms, being accomplished; the liberties of our country being fully
acknowledged, and firmly secured, and the characters of those who have
persevered through every extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger,
being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of _the patriot army_,
nothing now remains, but for the actors of this mighty scene, to pursue
a perfect, unvarying consistency of character through the very last act;
to close the drama with applause, and to retire from the military
theatre with the same approbation of angels and men, which has crowned
all their former virtuous actions."
Ever mindful of the interests of his soldiers, Washington had procured
the passage of a resolution in Congress, that the services of the men
engaged in the war, did not expire until the definitive treaty of peace
should be ratified, but that the commander-in-chief might grant
furloughs according to his own judgment, and permit the men to take
their arms home with them. Washington used this prerogative freely, but
judiciously, and, by degrees, the continental army was virtually
disbanded, except a small force at headquarters; for those dismissed on
furlough were never called back to service. "Once at home," says Irving,
"they sank into domestic-life; their weapons were hung over their
fireplaces--military trophies of the Revolution, to be prized by future
generations."
On the sixth of May Washington held a personal conference with Sir Guy
Carleton, at Tappan, in relation to the transfer of certain posts in the
United States occupied by British troops, and other arrangements; and
two days afterward, Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker,
were appointed commissioners on the part of the Americans, to inspect
and superintend the embarkation of the tories, who were about to leave
for Nova Scotia, with their property. Several thousands of these
unfortunate people left New York for that far-east country, where, one
of them observed, were "nine months of winter, and three months of cold
weather every year."
In view of the approaching dissolution of the army, and their final
separation, the officers in camp, most of whom had worked shoulder to
shoulder in the eight years struggle, yearned for some bond of
association, whereby they should continue to be like brothers, not only
in the memory of the past, but in personal intercourse, and friendly
association. The idea of a society to be formed of all the officers of
the Revolution, American and foreign, was conceived by the large-hearted
Knox, and on the thirteenth of May, at the quarters of the Baron
Steuben, a committee that had been appointed for the purpose, submitted
a plan to a meeting of officers. It was adopted, and an association
called the _Society of the Cincinnati_, was formed. That name was
adopted, because, like the noble Roman, LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS,
they were about to return to private life and their several employments,
after serving the public.
The chief objects of the society were to promote cordial friendship and
indissoluble union among themselves; to commemorate by frequent
re-unions the great struggle they had just passed through; to use their
best endeavors for the promotion of human liberty; to cherish good
feeling between the respective states; and to extend benevolent aid to
those of the society whose circumstances might require it. They formed a
general society, and elected Washington the president, and Knox the
secretary. The former held his office until his death, and was succeeded
by General Alexander Hamilton. For greater convenience, state societies
were organized, which were auxiliary to the parent society. To
perpetuate the association, it was provided in the constitution, that
the eldest male descendant of an original member should be entitled to
membership on the decease of such member, "in failure thereof, the
collateral branches, who may be judged worthy of becoming its supporters
and members." During the remainder of his life, Washington manifested a
great interest in this society, and the re-unions were seasons of real
enjoyment for the members.[4]
On the eighth of June Washington addressed a circular letter to the
governors of all the states, on the subject of the disbanding of the
army. It was a most able paper, evidently prepared with care after much
thought, and presenting, for the consideration of his countrymen,
topics and opinions of the greatest importance. With admirable skill he
drew a picture of the enviable condition and position of the United
States, and their citizens, and then remarked:--
"Such is our situation, and such our prospects; but notwithstanding
the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us--notwithstanding
happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion
and make it our own; yet it appears to me there is an option still
left to the United States of America, whether they will be
respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a
nation. This is the time of their political probation; this is the
moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this
is the time to establish or ruin their national character for ever;
this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal
government as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution;
or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the
Union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing
us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one
state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to
serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system
of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or
fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided
whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing
or a curse; a blessing or a curse not to the present age alone, for
with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.
"With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis,
silence in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak to your
excellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise.
I am aware, however, those who differ from me in political
sentiments may perhaps remark, I am stepping out of the proper line
of my duty; and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or
ostentation, what I know is alone the result of the purest
intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such
unworthy motives--the part I have hitherto acted in life--the
determination I have formed of not taking any share in public
business hereafter--the ardent desire I feel and shall continue to
manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils
of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, I
flatter myself, sooner or later convince my countrymen, that I
could have no sinister views in delivering, with so little reserve,
the opinions contained in this address.
"There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the
well-being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the
United States, as an independent power.
"1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal head.
"2dly. A sacred regard to public justice.
"3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. And,
"4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition
among the people of the United States, which will induce them to
forget their local prejudices and politics, to make those mutual
concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in
some instances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the
interest of the community.
"These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our
independence and national character must be supported. Liberty is
the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or
overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may
attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest
punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country."
With close and admirable logic he expatiated upon these four heads; and
with the earnestness of most profound conviction, he urged the
importance of union, and the vesting of the federal Congress with
greater power. He then made a warm and generous plea for the army, while
treating upon the subject of public justice. Concerning proposed
half-pay and commutation, he observed:--
"As to the idea, which I am informed has, in some instances,
prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded
merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded
for ever; that provision should be viewed, as it really was, a
reasonable compensation offered by Congress, at a time when they
had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for services
then to be performed: it was the only means to prevent a total
dereliction of the service; it was a part of their hire. I may be
allowed to say, it was the price of their blood, and of your
independency; it is, therefore, more than a common debt, it is a
debt of honor; it can never be considered as a pension or gratuity,
nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged."
After giving a sufficient apology for treating upon political topics, he
concluded by saying:--
"I have thus freely declared what I wished to make known, before I
surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. The
task is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your excellency, as
the chief magistrate of your state, at the same time I bid a last
farewell to the cares of office and all the employments of public
life."
But, six long months of official labor, with all the anxieties and cares
incident thereto, were before the commander-in-chief. Even at the very
moment when he was sending forth his address, and making a noble plea to
his country for justice to the army, a part of that army was bringing
dishonor upon the whole, by mutinous proceedings. About eighty
newly-recruited soldiers of the Pennsylvania line, stationed at
Lancaster, marched in a body to Philadelphia, where they were joined by
about two hundred from the barracks in that city. The whole body then
proceeded, with drum and fife, and fixed bayonets, to the statehouse,
where the Pennsylvania legislature and the continental Congress were in
session, with the avowed purpose of demanding a redress of specified
grievances from the state authorities. They placed a guard at every
door, and sent a message in to the president and council, threatening
them with violence if their demands were not complied with in the course
of twenty minutes. The Congress, feeling themselves outraged, and
doubting the strength of the local government to protect them against
any armed mob that might choose to assail them, sent a courier to
Washington with information of these proceedings, and then adjourned to
meet at Princeton, in New Jersey. This event occurred on the
twenty-first of June, and the Congress reassembled at Princeton on the
thirtieth.
Washington received information of the mutiny on the twenty-fourth, and
immediately detached General Howe, with fifteen hundred men to quell the
insurrection and punish the leaders. At the same time he wrote a letter
to the president of Congress, in which he expressed his sorrow and
indignation that a mob of men, "contemptible in number, and equally so
in point of service, and not worthy to be called soldiers," should have
so insulted the "sovereign authority of the United States." He then
vindicated the rest of the army upon whom the act might cast dishonor.
But the mutiny was quelled before Howe reached Philadelphia, and
bloodshed was prevented.
While waiting, "with little business and less command," for the
definitive treaty, Washington made a tour northward from Newburg, of
about seven hundred and fifty miles. Governor Clinton accompanied him.
They set out on the seventeenth of July, ascended the Hudson to Albany,
visited the places made memorable by Burgoyne's defeat, passed down Lake
George in light boats, and over to Ticonderoga, from the foot of that
beautiful sheet of water. They returned by nearly the same route to
Schenectady, and then went up the Mohawk as far as Fort Schuyler (now
Rome); thence to Wood creek, a tributary of Oneida lake, by which there
was a water-communication with Lake Ontario, at Oswego, and then
traversed the country between the Mohawk and Otsego lake. They were
absent nineteen days, and performed a greater part of the journey on
horseback, much of it through an unbroken wilderness.
To the Chevalier de Chastellux, Washington wrote in October, respecting
this tour:--
"Prompted by these actual observations I could not help taking a
more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of the United
States, from maps and the information of others; and could not but
be struck with the immense extent and importance of it, and with the
goodness of that Providence, which has dealt its favors to us with
so profuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough to
improve them. I shall not rest contented till I have explored the
western country, and traversed those lines, or great part of them,
which have given bounds to a new empire."
Over all that region where then the primeval forest stood, the hand of
industry has spread the varied beauties and blessing of cultivation; and
where the solitary Indian then prowled with his rifle or arrow, in
search of game for his appetite, a busy population, inhabiting cities
and villages, and thousands of pleasant cottages or stately mansions,
now dwell.
On his return to headquarters, Washington found a resolution of the
Congress, calling him to Princeton, where that body was in session. The
chief object was to have him near them for consultation and aid in the
several arrangements for peace. The Congress engaged a house, suitably
furnished, for his use, at Rocky Hill, a few miles distant, and he set
out for Princeton on the eighteenth of August, leaving General Knox in
command at Newburg. On the twenty-sixth he had a formal public audience
with Congress, when that body presented a most affectionate address to
him, in which they said:--
"It has been the particular happiness of the United States, that
during a war so long, so dangerous, and so important, Providence
has been graciously pleased to preserve the life of a general, who
has merited and possessed the uninterrupted confidence and
affection of his fellow-citizens. In other nations, many have
performed eminent services, for which they have deserved the thanks
of the public. But to you, sir, peculiar praise is due. Your
services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the
freedom and independence of your country. They deserve the grateful
acknowledgments of a free and independent nation."
This honorable reception was grateful to the feelings of Washington,
for, next to the approval of his God and his conscience, he coveted that
of his country. Congress had already voted him a rarer honor, an honor
such as the senate of old Rome was fond of conferring upon the heroes of
the commonwealth. On the seventh of August they had--
"_Resolved_ (unanimously, ten states being present), That an equestrian
statue of General Washington be erected at the place where the residence
of Congress shall be established," and a committee appointed for the
purpose reported a plan for a pedestal to support the statue, with
historical _basso relievos_ upon it, and an appropriate inscription. But
this statue, like many other monumental testimonials, ordered by the old
Congress, was never made. Washington submitted to the unpleasant
operation of having a plaster-cast taken from his face, to be sent to
the sculptor in Europe who should be employed to execute the statue; but
the cast was broken, and as he would not submit to the manipulations
again, the effort was abandoned.
On the third of September the definitive treaty for peace was signed at
Paris, and by a proclamation dated the eighteenth day of October, 1783,
all officers and soldiers of the continental army, absent on furlough,
were discharged from further service; and all others who had engaged to
serve during the war, were to be discharged from and after the third of
November.
On the second of November, Washington, yet at Rocky Hill, issued his
last general orders, in which he addressed his soldiers as a father
speaking to his children, and bade them an affectionate farewell.[5]
He then waited quietly for the British to evacuate New York city, that
he might go thither with a few troops that would remain in camp under
Knox, take formal possession, and then hasten to the seat of Congress
and resign his commission of commander-in-chief of the American armies
into their hands.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] The following is a copy of the notification: "A meeting of
the field-officers is requested at the public building on Tuesday next
at eleven o'clock. A commissioned officer from each company is expected,
and a delegate from the medical staff. The object of this convention is
to consider the late letter of our representatives in Philadelphia, and
what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of
grievances which they seem to have solicited in vain."
[3] The following is a copy of the address:--
"GENTLEMEN: By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been
made to convene you together; how inconsistent with the
rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of
all order and discipline, let the good sense of the army
decide. In the moment of this summons, another anonymous
production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the
feelings and passions than to the reason and judgment of the
army. The author of the piece is entitled to much credit for
the goodness of his pen, and I could wish he had as much
credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men see
through different optics, and are induced by the reflecting
faculties of the mind to use different means to attain the
same end, the author of the address should have had more
charity than to mark for suspicion the man who should
recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in other
words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he
advises."
When Washington had concluded this paragraph, he paused, took out his
spectacles, begged the indulgence of the audience while he put them on,
and observed, "You see I have grown gray in your service, and am now
growing blind." The effect was electrical, and many an eye was moistened
by tears called forth by the incident. He then proceeded:--
"But he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of
sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country have no part; and
he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the
blackest design. That the address is drawn with great art, and is
designed to answer the most insidious purposes; that it is
calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated
injustice in the sovereign power of the United States, and rouse
all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a
belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be,
intended to take advantage of the passions while they were warmed
by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for
cool, deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so
necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered
too obvious, by the mode of conducting the business, to need other
proofs than a reference to the proceedings.
"Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe
to you, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and
hasty meeting which was proposed to be held on Tuesday last, and
not because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity,
consistent with your own honor and the dignity of the army, to make
known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to
you that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration
of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But,
as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common
country; as I have never left your side one moment, but when called
from you on public duty; as I have been the constant companion and
witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and
acknowledge your merits; as I have ever considered my own military
reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army; as my
heart has ever expanded with joy when I have heard its praises, and
my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been
opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this last stage
of the war, that I am indifferent to its interests. But how are
they to be promoted? The way is plain, says the anonymous
addresser. 'If war continues, remove into the unsettled country;
there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful country to
defend itself.' But who are they to defend? Our wives, our
children, our farms, and other property which we leave behind us?
or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the two
first (the latter can not be removed) to perish in a wilderness,
with hunger, cold, and nakedness?
"'If peace takes place, never sheathe your swords,' says he, 'until
you have obtained full and ample justice.' This dreadful
alternative of either deserting our country in the extremest hour
of her distress, or turning our arms against it--which is the
apparent object--unless Congress can be compelled into instant
compliance, has something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts
at the idea. My God! what can this writer have in view by
recommending such measures? Can he be a friend to the army? Can he
be a friend to this country? Rather, is he not an insidious foe?
some emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting the ruin of both,
by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and
military powers of the continent? And what a compliment does he pay
to our understandings, when he recommends measures, in either
alternative, impracticable in their nature?
"But, here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be
as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it
would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need
of them. A moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate
mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into
execution. There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking
notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production; but the
manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army,
the effect it was intended to have, together with some other
circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency
of that writing.
"With respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man
who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I
spurn it, as every man, who regards that liberty and reveres that
justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for, if men are to
be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which may
involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can invite
the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. The
freedom of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we may be
led, like sheep, to the slaughter. I can not, in justice to my own
belief, and what I have great reason to conceive is the intention
of Congress, conclude this address, without giving it as my decided
opinion that that honorable body entertains exalted sentiments of the
services of the army, and, from a full conviction of its merits
and sufferings, will do it complete justice; that their endeavors
to discover and establish funds for this purpose have been
unwearied, and will not cease till they have succeeded, I have not
a doubt. But, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety
of different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow.
Why, then, should we distrust them, and, in consequence of that
distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory
which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an
army which is celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and
patriotism? And for what is this done? To bring the object we seek
nearer? No; most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a
greater distance. For myself (and I take no merit in giving the
assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude,
veracity, and justice, a grateful sense of the confidence you have
ever placed in me), a recollection of the cheerful assistance and
prompt obedience I have experienced from you under every
vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I feel for an
army I have so long had the honor to command, will oblige me to
declare, in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainment
of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the
gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently
with the great duty I owe my country; and those powers we are bound
to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent
of my abilities.
"While I give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most
unequivocal manner to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in
your favor, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to
take any measures, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will
lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto
maintained. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of
your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the
intentions of Congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an
army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as
directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days
ago, and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their
power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and
meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in the name of our
common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect
the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national
character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation
of the man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn
the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the
flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in
blood.
"By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and
direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the
insidious designs of your enemies, who are compelled to resort from
open force to secret artifice; you will give one more distinguished
proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue rising superior
to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will,
by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to
say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to
mankind, 'Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the
last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of
attaining.'"--_Journals of Congress_, viii 180-183.
[4] A full account of this society, with drawings of the orders
worn by the members, and the certificate of membership, may be found in
the first volume of _Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolution_.
[5] The following is a copy of Washington's last general order:--
"ROCKY HILL, NEAR PRINCETON, _November 2, 1783._
"The United States in Congress assembled, after giving the most
honorable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, and
presenting them with the thanks of their country, for their long,
eminent, and faithful service, having thought proper, by their
proclamation bearing date the sixteenth of October last, to
discharge such part of the troops as were engaged for the war, and
to permit the officers on furlough to retire from service, from and
after to-morrow, which proclamation having been communicated in the
public papers for the information and government of all concerned;
it only remains for the commander-in-chief to address himself once
more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the United
States (however widely dispersed individuals who compose them may
be), and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell.
"But before the commander-in-chief takes his final leave of those
he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in
calling to mind a slight review of the past: he will then take the
liberty of exploring, with his military friends, their future
prospects; of advising the general line of conduct which in his
opinion ought to be pursued; and he will conclude the address by
expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited
and able assistance he has experienced from them in the performance
of an arduous office.
"A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a period earlier
than could have been expected) of the object for which we contended
against so formidable a power, can not but inspire us with
astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on
our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be
forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble
condition, were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the
most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverance of the armies
of the United States, through almost every possible suffering and
discouragement, for the space of eight long years, was little short
of a standing miracle.
"It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this address, to
detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to
describe the distresses which in several instances have resulted
from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigors
of an inclement season: nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark
side of our past affairs. Every American officer and soldier must
now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances which may have
occurred, by a recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has
been called to act no inglorious part, and the astonishing events
of which he has been a witness--events which have seldom, if ever
before, taken place on the stage of human action, nor can they
probably ever happen again. For who has before seen a disciplined
army formed at once from such raw materials? Who that was not a
witness could imagine that the most violent local prejudices would
cease so soon; and that men who came from different parts of the
continent, strongly disposed by the habits of education to despise
and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one
patriotic band of brothers? Or who that was not on the spot, can
trace the steps by which such a wonderful Revolution has been
effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils?
"It is universally acknowledged that the enlarged prospects of
happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and
sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description; and shall not
the brave men who have contributed so essentially to these
inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war
to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which
have been obtained? In such a republic, who will exclude them from
the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors? In such a
country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the
cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry the certain road to
competence. To those hardy soldiers who are actuated by the spirit
of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profitable
employment; and the extensive and fertile regions of the West will
yield a most happy asylum for those who, fond of domestic
enjoyment, are seeking personal independence. Nor is it possible to
conceive that any one of the United States will prefer a national
bankruptcy, and dissolution of the Union, to a compliance with the
requisitions of Congress, and the payment of its just debts; so
that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance,
in recommencing their civil operations, from the sums due to them
from the public, which must and will most inevitably be paid.
"In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the
prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of any of
the good people of the states, it is earnestly recommended to all
the troops that, with strong attachments to the Union, they should
carry with them into civil society the most conciliating
dispositions; and that they should prove themselves not less
virtuous and useful as citizens than they have been persevering and
victorious as soldiers. What though there should be some envious
individuals who are unwilling to pay the debt the public has
contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit; yet let such
unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance of
intemperate conduct; let it be remembered that the unbiassed voice
of the free citizens of the United States has promised the just
reward, and given the merited applause; let it be known and
remembered that the reputation of the federal armies is established
beyond the reach of malevolence; and let a consciousness of their
achievements and fame still excite the men who composed them to
honorable actions, under the persuasion that the private virtues of
economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil
life than the more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and
enterprise, were in the field. Every one may rest assured that
much, very much of the future happiness of the officers and men,
will depend upon the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted
by them when they are mingled with the great body of the community.
And, although the general has so frequently given it as his
opinion, in the most public and explicit manner, that unless the
principles of the federal government were properly supported, and
the powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice
of the nation would be lost for ever; yet he can not help repeating
on this occasion so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his
last injunction to every officer and every soldier who may view the
subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best
endeavors to those of his worthy fellow-citizens, toward effecting
these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a
nation so materially depends.
"The commander-in-chief conceives little is now wanting to enable
the soldier to change the military character into that of a
citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behavior which has
generally distinguished not only the army under his immediate
command, but the different detachments and separate armies, through
the course of the war. From their good sense and prudence he
anticipates the happiest consequences: and while he congratulates
them on the glorious occasion which renders their services in the
field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the strong
obligations he feels himself under for the assistance he has
received from every class, and in every instance. He presents his
thanks, in the most serious and affectionate manner, to the general
officers, as well for their counsel on many interesting occasions
as for their ardor in promoting the success of the plans he had
adopted; to the commandants of regiments and corps, and to the
officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his orders
promptly into execution; to the staff, for their alacrity and
exactness in performing the duties of their several departments,
and to the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers for their
extraordinary patience in suffering as well as their invincible
fortitude in action. To various branches of the army the general
takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable
attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare profession were
in his power; that he was really able to be useful to them all in
future life. He flatters himself, however, they will do him the
justice to believe that, whatever could with propriety be attempted
by him, has been done. And being now to conclude these his last
public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the
military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has
so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer, in their
behalf, his recommendations to their grateful country, and his
prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here,
and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both here and hereafter,
attend those who, under the Divine auspices, have secured
innumerable blessings for others! With these wishes, and this
benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from
service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the
military scene to him will be closed for ever."