CHAPTER I

KNOLE _and the_ SACKVILLES

[Illustration:

_John Frederick Sackville, 3^{rd}. Duke of Dorset K.G._

_From the portrait at Knole by Gainsborough._

]

KNOLE

_and_

THE SACKVILLES

by

V. SACKVILLE-WEST

LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN

1922

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

1456 KNOLE _bought by_ Archbishop BOURCHIER

1486 _Death of Bourchier. Succeeded by_ Cardinal MORTON

1500 _Death of Morton. Succeeded by_ HENRY DEAN

1502 _Death of Dean. Succeeded by_ WAREHAM

1532 _Death of Wareham. Succeeded by_ CRANMER

1539 KNOLE _given by Cranmer to_ HENRY VIII

1546 _Death of Henry VIII. Succeeded by_ EDWARD VI

1550 KNOLE _granted by Edward VI to_ JOHN DUDLEY, Earl of Warwick

1552 KNOLE _resold by Warwick to_ EDWARD VI

1553 _Death of Edward VI. Succeeded by_ QUEEN MARY

KNOLE _granted by the Queen to_ REGINALD POLE

1558 _Death of Mary. Succeeded by_ QUEEN ELIZABETH

1586 KNOLE _granted to_ THOMAS SACKVILLE _by Elizabeth_

Thos. Sackville, _Lord Buckhurst_, 1st EARL _of_ DORSET 1536–1608

1554 _Married_ CECILIE BAKER

1557 _Member of Parliament_

1563

1563 _Travelling abroad_

1566 _Death of his father_, Sir RICHARD

1567 _Created_ Lord BUCKHURST

1568 _Ambassador to France_

1569 _Lord-Lieutenant of Sussex_

1571 _Ambassador to France_

1586 _Execution of_ MARY _Queen of_ SCOTS

1586 _Given_ KNOLE _by_ QUEEN ELIZABETH

1587 _Ambassador to the Low Countries_

1589 _Ambassador to the Low Countries_

1589 _Knight of the Garter_

1591 _Chancellor of Oxford_

1598 _Ambassador to the Low Countries_

1599 _Lord High Treasurer_

1601 _Lord High Steward_

1603 _Death of Queen Elizabeth. Succeeded by_ JAMES I

1603 _Lord Treasurer for life_

1604 _Created_ Earl _of_ DORSET

1608 _Death at the Council Table_

Robert Sackville, 2nd EARL _of_ DORSET, 1561–1609

1579 _Married_ MARGARET HOWARD, _dau. of_ Duke _of_ NORFOLK

1585 _Member of Parliament_

1608

1592 _Married_ ANNE SPENCER

1608 _Succeeded his father_, THOMAS

1609 _Death_

Richard Sackville, 3rd EARL _of_ DORSET, 1589–1624

1609 _Married_ Lady ANNE CLIFFORD, _daughter of_ GEORGE, Earl of

CUMBERLAND

1609 _Succeeded his father_, ROBERT

1624 _Death_

Edward Sackville, 4th EARL _of_ DORSET, 1591–1652

1605 _At Christ Church, Oxford_

1612 _Married_ MARY, _daughter of_ Sir GEORGE CURZON

1614 _His duel with_ Lord BRUCE

1614 _Member of Parliament_

1616 _Knight of the Bath_

1621 _Ambassador to_ LOUIS XIII

1623 _Travels in Italy_

1624

1623 _Again Ambassador to_ LOUIS XIII

1624 _Succeeded his brother_, RICHARD

1624 _Lord-Lieutenant of Sussex and Middlesex_

1625 _Knight of the Garter_

1625 _Death of James I. Succeeded by_ CHARLES I

1628 _Lord Chamberlain_

1630 Lady DORSET _appointed Governess to the King’s children_

1631 _Commissioner for Planting Virginia_

1634

1638 _Granted the East Coast of America_

1642 _Outbreak of civil war._ Ld. DORSET _joins the_ KING _at York_

1644 _Lord Privy Seal_

1649 _Execution of_ CHARLES I

1652 _Death_

Richard Sackville, 5th EARL _of_ DORSET, 1622–1677

Before _Married_ Lady FRANCES CRANFIELD, _daughter of_ LIONEL Earl _of_

1638 MIDDLESEX

1662 _Succeeded his father_, EDWARD

1660 _Lord-Lieutenant of Middlesex and Sussex_

1670

1677 _Death_

Charles Sackville, 6th EARL _of_ DORSET _and_ EARL _of_ MIDDLESEX,

1638–1706

1660 _Member of Parliament_

1660 _Restoration of_ CHARLES II

1665 _Naval battle against the Dutch_

1667 _Living with_ NELL GWYNN

1668 _Ambassador to France_

1674 _Death of his mother; he succeeds to the Cranfield estates_

1675 _Created_ Earl _of_ MIDDLESEX

1677 _Succeeded his father_, RICHARD, _as_ Earl _of_ DORSET

1678 _Married_ MARY, Countess _of_ FALMOUTH

1685 _Married_ Lady MARY COMPTON, _daughter of_ JAMES Earl _of_

NORTHAMPTON

1685 _Death of Charles II. Succeeded by_ JAMES II

1688 _Accession of_ WILLIAM _of_ ORANGE

1689 _Lord Chamberlain_

1697

1691 _Knight of the Garter_

1701 _His poems published with_ SEDLEY’S

1702 _Death of William III. Succeeded by_ QUEEN ANNE

1704 _Married_ ANNE ROCHE

1706 _Death_

Lionel Sackville, 7th EARL _and_ 1st DUKE _of_ DORSET, 1688–1765

1706 _Succeeded his father_, CHARLES, _as_ Earl _of_ DORSET _and_

MIDDLESEX

1709 _Married_ ELIZABETH COLYEAR

1708 _Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, intermittently till 1728_

1714 _Knight of the Garter_

1714 _Death of Queen Anne. Succeeded by_ GEORGE I

1720 _Created_ Duke _of_ DORSET

1725 _Lord Steward_

1727 _Death of George I. Succeeded by_ GEORGE II

1730 _Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland till 1737_

1746 _Lord-Lieutenant of Kent_

1750 _Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland till 1755_

1760 _Death of George II. Succeeded by_ GEORGE III

1765 _Death_

Charles Sackville, 2nd DUKE _of_ DORSET, 1711–1769

Before _On the Grand Tour_

1734

1734 _Member of Parliament intermittently till 1754. Lord of the

Treasury and Master of the Horse_

1744 _Married_ GRACE BOYLE

1765 _Succeeded his father_, LIONEL, _as_ Duke _of_ DORSET

1769 _Death_

John Frederick Sackville, 3rd DUKE _of_ DORSET, 1745–1799

1769 _Succeeded his uncle_, CHARLES

1783 _Ambassador to_ LOUIS XVI

1789

1788 _Knight of the Garter_

1769 _Lord-Lieutenant of Kent_

1797

1789 _Lord Steward_

1799

1790 _Married_ ARABELLA DIANA, _daughter of_ Sir JOHN COPE, _of

Bramshill_

1799 _Death_

George John Frederick Sackville, 4th DUKE _of_ DORSET, 1794–1815

1799 _Succeeded his father_, JOHN FREDERICK

1815 _Death_

TABLE OF DESCENT

[Illustration: TABLE OF DESCENT]

_HERBRAND DE SACKVILLE_, _temp._ William the Conqueror

|

_SIR RICHARD SACKVILLE_, _temp._ Henry VIII

|

THOMAS SACKVILLE _m._ _Cecilie Baker_

_b._ 1536 _d._ 1608 |

LORD BUCKHURST _and_ |

_1st_ EARL _of_ DORSET, K.G. |

|

ROBERT SACKVILLE _m._ _Lady Margaret Howard_

_b._ 1561 _d._ 1609 |

_2nd_ EARL _of_ DORSET |

|

+---------------------+------------------------+

| |

RICHARD SACKVILLE _m._ EDWARD SACKVILLE _m._

_Lady Anne Clifford_ _Mary Curzon_

_b._ 1589 _d._ 1624 _b._ 1589 _or_ ’90 _d._ 1652

_3rd_ EARL _of_ DORSET, K.G. 4_th_ EARL _of_ DORSET, K.G.

|

+----------------------------------------------+

|

RICHARD SACKVILLE _m._ _Lady Frances Cranfield_

_b._ 1622 _d._ 1677, 5_th_ EARL _of_ DORSET |

|

CHARLES SACKVILLE _m._ _Lady Mary Compton_

_b._ 1637 _or_ ’36 _d._ 1706 |

6_th_ EARL _of_ DORSET, K.G. |

|

LIONEL SACKVILLE _m._ _Elizabeth Colyear_

_b._ 1686 _d._ 1765 |

7_th_ EARL _and_ _1st_ |

DUKE _of_ DORSET, K.G. |

+-----------------------+--------------------+-------+

| | |

CHARLES SACKVILLE LORD JOHN SACKVILLE LORD GEORGE SACKVILLE

_b._ 1711 _d._ 1769 _d._ 1765 _b._ 1716 _d._ 1785

_2nd_ DUKE _of_ DORSET | _cr._ VISCOUNT SACKVILLE

| |

JOHN FREDERICK SACKVILLE |

_m._ _Arabella Diana Cope_ of Bramshill CHARLES SACKVILLE

_b._ 1745 _d._ 1799 _b._ 1767 _d._ 1843

_3rd_ DUKE _of_ DORSET, K.G. 5_th_ DUKE _of_ DORSET, K.G.

|

+-------------------------+-----+---------------+

| | |

LADY MARY SACKVILLE GEORGE JOHN FREDERICK SACKVILLE |

_b._ 1794 _d._ 1815 |

4_th_ DUKE _of_ DORSET |

|

LADY ELIZABETH SACKVILLE

_m._ _John West, Earl de la Warr_

_b._ 1796 _d._ 1870

|

+-----------------+-------------------+-------------+--------+

| | | |

CHARLES MORTIMER LIONEL WILLIAM

EARL DE LA WARR _1st_ LORD SACKVILLE _2nd_ LORD SACKVILLE |

_d._ 1873 _b._ 1820 _b._ 1827 |

_d._ 1888 _d._ 1908 |

LIONEL, _3rd_ LORD SACKVILLE

_b._ 1867

CONTENTS

_Chronological Table_ _vii_

_Table of Descent_ _xii_

_Ch._ I The House p. 1

II The Garden and Park 20

III Knole in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth 28

IV Knole in the Reign of James I 48

V Knole in the Reign of Charles I 82

VI Knole in the Reign of Charles II 111

VII Knole in the Early Eighteenth Century 152

VIII Knole at the End of the Eighteenth Century 176

IX Knole in the Nineteenth Century 201

_Appendix_ 221

_Index_ 223

_The dome of Knole, by fame enrolled,

The Church of Canterbury,

The hops, the beer, the cherries there,

Would fill a noble story._

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

JOHN FREDERICK SACKVILLE, 3RD DUKE OF DORSET. _From the

portrait at Knole by_ GAINSBOROUGH _Frontispiece_

NORTH-EAST VIEW OF KNOLE. _From the drawing by_ T.

BRIDGEMAN _To face page_ 2

THE GREEN COURT, BOURCHIER’S ORIEL 6

THE STONE COURT, BOURCHIER’S GATEHOUSE 10

THE STONE COURT 16

KNOLE FROM AN AEROPLANE 20

THE GARDEN SIDE 22

A GATEWAY INTO THE GARDEN 26

A CONFERENCE OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH PLENIPOTENTIARIES AT

SOMERSET HOUSE IN 1604. _From the painting by_ MARC

GHEERHARDTS _in the National Portrait Gallery_ 32

LEAD PIPE-HEADS. _Put Up by_ THOMAS SACKVILLE _in 1605_ 38

THE GREAT STAIRCASE (UPPER FLIGHT). _Built by_ THOMAS

SACKVILLE 1604–8 46

RICHARD SACKVILLE, 3RD EARL OF DORSET, K.G. _From the

miniature by_ ISAAC OLIVER _in the Victoria and Albert

Museum_ 52

LADY ANNE CLIFFORD, _wife of_ RICHARD SACKVILLE, _3rd

Earl of Dorset. From the portrait at Knole by_ MYTENS 56

LADY MARGARET SACKVILLE, _daughter to_ RICHARD

SACKVILLE, _3rd Earl of Dorset, and_ LADY ANNE

CLIFFORD: “The Child.” _From the portrait at Knole by_

MYTENS 68

THE VENETIAN AMBASSADOR’S BEDROOM 72

EDWARD SACKVILLE, 4TH EARL OF DORSET, K.G. _From the

portrait at Knole by_ VANDYCK 84

THE TWO SONS OF EDWARD, 4TH EARL OF DORSET: RICHARD,

LORD BUCKHURST _and_ THE HON. EDWARD SACKVILLE. _From

the portrait at Knole by_ CORNELIUS NUIE 106

CHARLES SACKVILLE, 6TH EARL OF DORSET, K.G. _From the

portrait by Sir_ GODFREY KNELLER _in the Poets’

Parlour at Knole_ 116

THE BROWN GALLERY. _Built by_ ARCHBISHOP BOURCHIER _in

1460_ 148

LADY BETTY GERMAINE. _From the portrait at Knole by_ C.

PHILLIPS _To

face page_ 168

LADY BETTY GERMAINE’S BEDROOM AT KNOLE 172

HWANG-A-TUNG, A CHINESE BOY, page to the 3rd Duke of

Dorset. _From the portrait at Knole by Sir_ JOSHUA

REYNOLDS 192

JOHN FREDERICK SACKVILLE, 3RD EARL OF DORSET; ARABELLA

DIANA, 3RD DUCHESS OF DORSET; THE EARL OF MIDDLESEX;

LADY ELIZABETH SACKVILLE, _and_ LADY MARY SACKVILLE.

_From a silhouette by_ A. T. TERSTAN 1797. _The

property of_ LADY SACKVILLE 196

GEORGE JOHN FREDERICK SACKVILLE, 4TH EARL OF DORSET;

LADY MARY SACKVILLE, _and_ LADY ELIZABETH SACKVILLE.

_From the portrait at Knole by_ HOPPNER 204

ROCKING-HORSE, once the property of the 4th Duke of

Dorset: A RECEIPT _from_ GAINSBOROUGH 208

CHAPTER I

The House

§ i

There are two sides from which you may first profitably look at the

house. One is from the park, the north side. From here the pile shows

best the vastness of its size; it looks like a mediaeval village. It is

heaped with no attempt at symmetry; it is sombre and frowning; the grey

towers rise; the battlements cut out their square regularity against the

sky; the buttresses of the old twelfth-century tithe-barn give a rough

impression of fortifications. There is a line of trees in one of the

inner courtyards, and their green heads show above the roofs of the old

breweries; but although they are actually trees of a considerable size

they are dwarfed and unnoticeable against the mass of the buildings

blocked behind them. The whole pile soars to a peak which is the

clocktower with its pointed roof: it might be the spire of the church on

the summit of the hill crowning the mediaeval village. At sunset I have

seen the silhouette of the great building stand dead black on a red sky;

on moonlight nights it stands black and silent, with glinting windows,

like an enchanted castle. On misty autumn nights I have seen it emerging

partially from the trails of vapour, and heard the lonely roar of the

red deer roaming under the walls.

§ ii

The other side is the garden side—the gay, princely side, with flowers

in the foreground; the grey walls rising straight up from the green

turf; the mullioned windows, and the Tudor gables with the heraldic

leopards sitting stiffly at each corner. The park side is the side for

winter; the garden side the side for summer. It has an indescribable

gaiety and courtliness. The grey of the Kentish rag is almost pearly in

the sun, the occasional coral festoon of a climbing rose dashed against

it; the long brown-red roofs are broken by the chimney-stacks with their

slim, peaceful threads of blue smoke mounting steadily upwards. One

looks down upon the house from a certain corner in the garden. Here is a

bench among a group of yews—dark, red-berried yews; and the house lies

below one in the hollow, lovely in its colour and its serenity. It has

all the quality of peace and permanence; of mellow age; of stateliness

and tradition. It is gentle and venerable. Yet it is, as I have said,

gay. It has the deep inward gaiety of some very old woman who has always

been beautiful, who has had many lovers and seen many generations come

and go, smiled wisely over their sorrows and their joys, and learnt an

imperishable secret of tolerance and humour. It is, above all, an

English house. It has the tone of England; it melts into the green of

the garden turf, into the tawnier green of the park beyond, into the

blue of the pale English sky; it settles down into its hollow amongst

the cushioned tops of the trees; the brown-red of those roofs is the

brown-red of the roofs of humble farms and pointed oast-houses, such as

stain over a wide landscape of England the quilt-like pattern of the

fields. I make bold to say that it stoops to nothing either pretentious

or meretricious. There is here no flourish of architecture, no ornament

but the leopards, rigid and vigilant. The stranger may even think, upon

arrival, that the front of the house is disappointing. It is, indeed,

extremely modest. There is a gate-house flanked by two square grey

towers, placed between two wings which provide only a monotony of

windows and gables. It is true that two or three fine sycamores,

symmetrical and circular as open umbrellas, redeem the severity of the

front, and that a herd of fallow deer, browsing in the dappled shade of

the trees, maintains the tradition of an English park. But, for the

rest, the front of the house is so severe as to be positively

uninteresting; it is quiet and monkish; “a beautiful decent simplicity,”

said Horace Walpole, “which charms one.” There is here to be found none

of the splendour of Elizabethan building. A different impression,

however, is in store when once the wicket-gate has been opened. You are

in a courtyard of a size the frontage had never led you to expect, and

the vista through a second gateway shows you the columns of a second

court; your eye is caught by an oriel window opposite, and by other

windows with heraldic bearings in their panes, promise of rooms and

galleries; by gables and the heraldic leopards; by the clock tower which

gives an oddly Chinese effect immediately above the Tudor oriel. Up till

a few years ago Virginia creeper blazed scarlet in autumn on the walls

of the Green Court, but it has now been torn away, and what may be lost

in colour is compensated by the gain in seeing the grey stone and the

slight moulding which runs, following the shape of the towers, across

the house.

[Illustration:

NORTH-EAST VIEW OF KNOLE

_From the drawing by_ T. BRIDGEMAN

]

On the whole, the quadrangle is reminiscent of Oxford, though more

palatial and less studious. The house is built round a system of these

courtyards: first this one, the Green Court, which is the largest and

most magnificent; then the second one, or Stone Court, which is not

turfed, like the Green Court, but wholly paved, and which has along one

side of it a Jacobean colonnade; the third court is the Water Court, and

has none of the display of the first two: it is smaller, and quite

demure, indeed rather like some old house in Nuremberg, with the

latticed window of one of the galleries running the whole length of it,

and the friendly unconcern of an immense bay-tree growing against one of

its walls. There are four other courts, making seven in all. This number

is supposed to correspond to the days in the week; and in pursuance of

this conceit there are in the house fifty-two staircases, corresponding

to the weeks in the year, and three hundred and sixty-five rooms,

corresponding to the days. I cannot truthfully pretend that I have ever

verified these counts, and it may be that their accuracy is accepted

solely on the strength of the legend; but, if this is so, then it has

been a very persistent legend, and I prefer to sympathise with the

amusement of the ultimate architect on making the discovery that by a

judicious juggling with his additions he could bring courts, stairs, and

rooms up to that satisfactory total.

A stone lobby under the oriel window divides the Green Court from the

Stone Court. In summer the great oak doors of this second gate-house are

left open, and it has sometimes happened that I have found a stag in the

banqueting hall, puzzled but still dignified, strayed in from the park

since no barrier checked him.

It becomes impossible, after passing through the formality of the two

first quadrangles, to follow the ramblings of the house geographically.

They are so involved that, after a lifetime of familiarity, I still

catch myself pausing to think out the shortest route from one room to

another. Four acres of building is no mean matter.

§ iii

Into the very early mediaeval history of the house I do not think that I

need enter. It is suggested that a Roman building once occupied the

site, and that some foundations which were recently unearthed beneath

the larder—evidently one of the oldest portions—once formed part of that

construction. The question of dating the existing buildings, however, is

quite sufficiently complicated without going back to a building which no

longer exists. Nor do I think that the early owners—the Pembrokes, or

the Say and Seles—offer the smallest interest; if we knew precisely what

parts of the house we owed to them severally it would be another matter,

but the mediaeval records are very scanty. It is safe to say, generally

speaking, that the north side is the oldest side; it is the most sombre,

the most massive, and the most irregular; there are buttresses,

battlements, and towers, but no gables and no embellishments—nothing but

solid masonry. Up in the north-east corner is the old kitchen, and the

old entrances through dark archways at the top of stairways. The

passages here, of thick stone, twist oddly, and their ceilings are

groined by semi-arches which have become lost and embedded in the

alterations to the stone-work. It is a dark, massive, little-visited

corner, this nucleus of Knole.

The house, or such portions of it as then existed, was bought from

William, Lord Say and Sele, by Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, on

June 30, 1456, and it is clear from the numerous bills among the

archives at Lambeth Palace that both he and his more notable successor,

Cardinal Morton, carried out extensive additions, alterations, and

repairs. It is, however, a very difficult task to determine what parts

of the building definitely belong to this period, for, what with the

additions of the archbishops and the alterations of the later

Sackvilles, all is confusion. It would appear, for instance, that upon a

foundation of Tudor masonry the Sackvilles constructed the Elizabethan

gables which are now so characteristic a feature of the house; but it is

less easy to say exactly how much the first Tudor archbishop found there

on his arrival of earlier workmanship. A further confusing factor is the

great fire which took place in 1623, and is reported to have destroyed a

large part of the building—but exactly where, and how much, we cannot

say. Nor are the accounts at Lambeth very illuminating:

In divers costs and expenses made this year [1467] for repairing the

manor of Knole, carriage for the two cart loads of lathes from Panters

to the manor, 14_d._ For carriage of thirty loads of stone for the new

tower, 7_d._ load = 16/9. Carriage of six loads of timber at 7_d._ =

3/6. Carriage of one fother of lead from London to Knole, 3/4.

The next year, 1468:

Repairs at Knole. One labourer for 6 days work in the great chamber

and the new _seler_, 2/-. Making of 700 lathes to the new tower,

14_d._ One labourer 4½ days in the old kitchen, 4_d._ Item, for 1 j

M^1 of walle prygge (_sic_) to the stable and other places, 13_d._ One

cowl to the masonry, 12_d._

[Illustration:

THE GREEN COURT: BOURCHIER’S ORIEL

]

The “great chamber” referred to here was in all probability the present

Great Hall, which we know to have been built by Bourchier about 1460,

although it was altered by Thomas Sackville, who put in the present

ceiling, panelling, and oak screen. Thomas also built the Great

Staircase in 1604–8, leading to the Ball-room, which is of the time of

Bourchier. I expect this is the “seler” referred to, meaning solar and

not cellar, as might be thought; or did it mean the present colonnade,

which is also of Bourchier’s building, in 1468? The position of the “new

tower” is nowhere specified, but I wonder whether it is not the tower

beside the chapel, where there is a stone fireplace bearing Bourchier’s

cognisance—the double knot—and the same device in a small pane of

stained glass in the window. This tower, moreover, goes commonly by the

name of Bourchier’s Tower.

There are a few more items mentioned in the Lambeth papers, 1468–9:

“Repairs at Knole. Repairs at one house set aside for the slaughter of

sheep and other [animals?] for the use of the Lord’s great house at

Sevenoaks, 113_s._ 2_d._” This, I think, is certainly the old

slaughter-house which forms one side of the Queen’s Court. It is

obviously a very old building. But there is one point in this account

which is of interest, namely, that Knole should at this date have been

referred to as the “great house.” This would seem to prove that the

greater mass of the building was already in existence, since by the

latter half of the fifteenth century there were already many houses and

palaces in England whose bulk would argue that the current standard of

greatness might be high and the adjective not too readily applied. The

Primate owned, moreover, up to the time of the Reformation no less than

twelve palaces and houses of residence in the diocese of Canterbury

alone, namely, Bekesburn, Ford, Maidstone, Charing, Saltwood, Aldington,

Wingham, Wrotham, Tenterden, Knole, Otford, and Canterbury. It seems,

therefore, unlikely that Knole should be singled out as a “great house”

unless there were good justification for the expression.

Bourchier also built the Brown Gallery about 1460, and at or about the

same date he put up the machicolations over the gate-house between the

Green Court and the Stone Court. Towards the end of the same century,

Morton, his successor, “threw out an oriel window which rendered the

machicolations useless, and showed that all idea of such fortifications

was at an end.” It is not known precisely how much Morton built at

Knole. It is even uncertain whether he or Bourchier built the Chapel.

The Lambeth records cease with some small repairs in 1487–88, so we have

nothing to go upon—all the more pity, for Morton was a great prelate,

forgotten now in the greater fame of the Tudor dynasty, “his name

buried,” says his chronicler, “under his own creation.” This cardinal,

having succeeded Bourchier in 1486, held the Primacy for fourteen years,

and died at Knole in 1500. I pass over his successors, Dean and Wareham,

for I do not know how much they did at Knole. Cranmer, the next

archbishop, enjoyed the house for seven years only, when he was

compelled—quite amicably, but nevertheless compelled—to present it to

Henry VIII, whose fancy it had taken. Here the accounts begin again,[1]

although they give very little indication: £872 by Royal Warrant in

1543, £770 in 1548, £80 in 1546—three sums which would now be

equivalent, roughly, to £30,000.

After Henry VIII Knole continued as Crown property, passing now and then

temporarily into the hands of various favourites, until in 1586 it was

given by Queen Elizabeth to her cousin, Thomas Sackville, and has

remained in the possession of his family ever since.

§ iv

The main block, therefore, meanders from Henry VII through Henry VIII to

Elizabeth and James I: that is to say, roughly, from the end of the

fifteenth century to the beginning of the seventeenth. There may be

earlier out-buildings and later excrescences, but it is safe to say that

the greater portion was built in the reigns of the Tudors. It is all of

the same Kentish rag, with the exception of a row of gables which have

been plastered over, and which were probably once of the

beam-and-plaster fashion so prevalent at that date in Kent. With this

exception the walls are of the grey stone, in many places ten and twelve

feet thick, cool in summer, and, for some reason, not particularly warm

in winter. The rooms are, for the most part, rather small and rather

low; they break out, of course, now into galleries, now into a

ball-room, now into a banqueting-hall, but the majority of them are

small, friendly rooms—not intimidating; some people might even think

them poky, relative to the size of the house. I do not think that they

are poky. They are eminently rooms intended to be lived in, and not

merely admired, though no doubt a practical consideration was present in

the problem of heating to determine their size. Yet from an old diary

preserved at Knole, and from which in its place I shall have the

opportunity to give extracts, it is clear that in the early seventeenth

century at all events the life of the house was carried on largely in

one or the other of the long galleries. Now, none of the galleries has

more than one fireplace. It must have been very cold. The old braziers

that could be carried about the room as occasion required still stand in

the rooms where they were used, and so do the copper warming-pans,

shining and perforated, which were thrust into the beds to warm them

before the arrival of the occupant. The principal beds, of course, must

have been magnificently stuffy. They are four-posters, so tall as to

reach from floor to ceiling, with stiff brocaded curtains that could

completely enclose the sleeper. But on winter days I cannot believe that

the group ever moved very far away from the fireplace or the brazier;

and indeed, judging from the same diary, they seemed always to be

“keeping their chamber” on account of coughs, colds, rheumatism, or ague

when they were not keeping it because they were “sullen” with one

another, or “brought to bed” of a son or a daughter.

§ v

The galleries are perhaps the most characteristic rooms in such a house.

[Illustration:

THE STONE COURT: BOURCHIER’S GATEHOUSE

]

Long and narrow, with dark shining floors, armorial glass in the

windows, rich plaster-work ceilings, and portraits on the walls, they

are splendidly sombre and sumptuous. The colour of the Cartoon Gallery,

when I have come into it in the evening, with the sunset flaming through

the west window, has often taken my breath away. I have stood, stock

still and astonished, in the doorway. The gallery is ninety feet in

length, the floor formed of black oak planks irregularly laid, the charm

of which is that they are not planks at all, but solid tree-trunks,

split in half, with the rounded half downwards; and on this oak flooring

lie the blue and scarlet patches from the stained west window, more

subduedly echoed in the velvets of the chair coverings, the coloured

marbles of the great Renaissance fireplace, and the fruits and garlands

of the carved woodwork surrounding the windows. There is nothing garish:

all the colours have melted into an old harmony that is one of the

principal beauties of these rooms. The walls here in the Cartoon Gallery

are hung with rose-red Genoa velvet, so lovely that I almost regret

Mytens’ copies of the Raphael cartoons hiding most of it; but if, at

Knole, one were too nicely reluctant to sacrifice the walls, whether

panelled or velvet-hung, then all the pictures would have to be stacked

on the floor of the attics. The same regret applies to the ball-room,

where the Elizabethan panelling—oak, but originally painted white,

turned by age to ivory—is so covered up as to be unnoticeable behind the

Sackville portraits of ten generations. Fortunately, the frieze in the

ball-room cannot be hidden. It used to delight me as a child, with its

carved intricacies of mermaids and dolphins, mermen and mermaids with

scaly, twisting tails and salient anatomy, and I was invariably

contemptuous of those visitors to whom I pointed out the frieze but who

were more interested in the pictures. It always fell to my lot to “show

the house” to visitors when I was living there alone with my

grandfather, for he shared the family failing of unsociability, and

whenever a telegram arrived threatening invasion he used to take the

next train to London for the day, returning in the evening when the

coast was clear. It mattered nothing that I was every whit as bored by

the invasion as he could have been; in a divergence between the wishes

of eighty and the wishes of eight, the wishes of eight went to the wall.

§ vi

There are other galleries, older and more austere than the Cartoon

Gallery. They are not quite so long, they are narrower, lower, and

darker, and not so exuberant in decoration; indeed, they are simply and

soberly panelled in oak. They have the old, musty smell which, to me,

whenever I met it, would bring back Knole. I suppose it is really the

smell of all old houses—a mixture of woodwork, pot-pourri, leather,

tapestry, and the little camphor bags which keep away the moth; the

smell engendered by the shut windows of winter and the open windows of

summer, with the breeze of summer blowing in from across the park. Bowls

of lavender and dried rose-leaves stand on the window-sills; and if you

stir them up you get the quintessence of the smell, a sort of dusty

fragrance, sweeter in the under layers where it has held the damp of the

spices. The pot-pourri at Knole is always made from the recipe of a

prim-looking little old lady who lived there for many years as a guest

in the reigns of George I and George II. Her two rooms open out of one

of the galleries, two of the smallest rooms in the house, the bedroom

hung with a pale landscape of blue-green tapestry, the sitting-room

panelled in oak; and in the bedroom stands her small but pompous bed,

with bunches of ostrich-plumes nodding at each of the four corners.

Strangers usually seem to like these two little rooms best, coming to

them as they do, rather overawed by the splendour of the galleries; they

are amused by the smallness of the four-poster, square as a box, its

creamy lining so beautifully quilted; by the spinning-wheel, with the

shuttle still full of old flax; and by the ring-box, containing a number

of plain-cut stones, which could be exchanged at will into the single

gold setting provided. The windows of these rooms, furthermore, look out

on to the garden; they are human, habitable little rooms, reassuring

after the pomp of the Ball-room and the galleries. In the sitting-room

there is a small portrait of the prim lady, Lady Betty Germaine, sitting

very stiff in a blue brocaded dress; she looks as though she had been a

martinet in a tight, narrow way.

The gallery leading to these rooms is called the Brown Gallery. It is

well named—oak floor, oak walls, and barrelled ceiling, criss-crossed

with oak slats in a pattern something like cat’s cradle. Some of the

best pieces of the English furniture are ranged down each side of this

gallery: portentously important chairs, Jacobean cross-legged or later

love-seats in their original coverings, whether of plum and silver, or

red brocade with heavy fringes, or green with silver fringes, or yellow

silk sprigged in black, or powder-blue; and all have their attendant

stool squatting beside them. They are lovely, silent rows, for ever

holding out their arms, and for ever disappointed. At the end of this

gallery is a tiny oratory, down two steps, for the use of the devout:

this little, almost secret, place glows with colour like a jewel, but

nobody ever notices it, and on the whole it probably prefers to hide

itself away unobserved.

There is also the Leicester Gallery, which preserves in its name the

sole trace of Lord Leicester’s brief ownership of Knole. The Leicester

Gallery is very dark and mysterious, furnished with red velvet

Cromwellian farthingale chairs and sofas, dark as wine; there are

illuminated scrolls of two family pedigrees—Sackville and Curzon—richly

emblazoned with coats of arms, drawn out in 1589 and 1623 respectively;

and in the end window there is a small stained-glass portrait of

“Herbrand de Sackville, a Norman notable, came into England with William

the Conqueror, A.D. 1066.” (_Herbrandus de Sackville, Praepotens

Normanus, intravit Angliam cum Gulielmo Conquestore, Anno Domini

MLXVI._) There is also a curious portrait hanging on one of the doors,

of Catherine Fitzgerald Countess of Desmond, the portrait of a very old

lady, in a black dress and a white ruff, with that strange far-away look

in her dead blue eyes that comes with extreme age. For tradition says of

her that she was born in the reign of Edward the Fourth and died in the

reign of Charles the First, breaking her leg incidentally at the age of

ninety by falling off a cherry tree; that is to say, she was a child

when the princes were smothered in the Tower, a girl when Henry the

Seventh came to the throne, and watched the pageant of all the Tudors

and the accession of the Stuarts—the whole of English history enclosed

between the Wars of the Roses and the Civil War. She must have been a

truly legendary figure in the country by the time she had reached the

age of a hundred and forty or thereabouts.

It is rather a frightening portrait, that portrait of Lady Desmond. If

you go into the gallery after nightfall with a candle the pale, far-away

eyes stare past you into the dark corners of the wainscot, eyes either

over-charged or empty—which? The house is not haunted, but you require

either an unimaginative nerve or else a complete certainty of the

house’s benevolence before you can wander through the state-rooms after

nightfall with a candle. The light gleams on the dull gilding of

furniture and into the misty depths of mirrors, and startles up a sudden

face out of the gloom; something creaks and sighs; the tapestry sways,

and the figures on it undulate and seem to come alive. The recesses of

the great beds, deep in shadow, might be inhabited, and you would not

know it; eyes might watch you, unseen. The man with the candle is under

a terrible disadvantage to the man in the dark.

§ vii

As there are three galleries among the state-rooms, so are there three

principal bedrooms: the King’s, the Venetian Ambassador’s, and the

Spangled Room. The King’s bedroom is the only vulgar room in the house.

Not that the furniture put there for the reception of James the First is

vulgar: it is excessively magnificent, the canopy of the immense bed

reaching almost to the ceiling, decked with ostrich feathers, the

hangings stiff with gold and silver thread, the coverlet and the

interior of the curtains heavily embroidered with a design of

pomegranates and tiger-lilies worked in silver on a coral satin ground,

the royal cipher embossed over the pillows—all this is very magnificent,

but not vulgar. What is vulgar is the set of furniture made entirely in

silver: table, hanging mirror, and tripods—the florid and ostentatious

product of the florid Restoration. There is a surprising amount of

silver in the room: sconces, ginger-jars, mirrors, fire-dogs,

toilet-set, rose-water sprinklers, even to a little eye-bath, all of

silver, but these smaller objects have not the blatancy of the set of

furniture. Charles Sackville, for whom it was made, cannot have known

when he had had enough of a good thing.

It is almost a relief to go from here to the Venetian Ambassador’s

Bedroom. Green and gold; Burgundian tapestry, mediaeval figures walking

in a garden; a rosy Persian rug—of all rooms I never saw a room that so

had over it a bloom like the bloom on a bowl of grapes and figs. I

cannot keep the simile, which may convey nothing to those who have not

seen the room, out of my mind. Greens and pinks originally bright, now

dusted and tarnished over. It is a very grave, stately room, rather

melancholy in spite of its stateliness. It seems to miss its inhabitants

more than do any of the other rooms. Perhaps this is because the bed

appears to be designed for three: it is of enormous breadth, and there

are three pillows in a row. Presumably this is what the Italians call a

_letto matrimoniale_.

§ viii

In a remote corner of the house is the Chapel of the Archbishops, small,

and very much bejewelled. Tapestry, oak, and stained-glass—the chapel

smoulders with colour. It is greatly improved since the oak has been

pickled and the mustard-yellow paint removed, also the painted

myrtle-wreaths, tied with a gilt ribbon, in the centre of each panel,

with which the nineteenth century adorned it, when it was considered

“very simple, plain, and neat in its appearance, and well adapted for

family worship.” The hand of the nineteenth century fell rather heavily

on the chapel: besides painting the oak yellow and the ceiling blue with

gold stars, it erected a Gothic screen and a yellow organ; but

fortunately these are both at the entrance, and you can turn your back

on them and look down the little nave to the altar where Mary Queen of

Scots’ gifts stand under the Perpendicular east window. All along the

left-hand wall hangs the Gothic tapestry—scenes from the life of Christ,

the figures, ungainly enough, trampling on an edging of tall irises and

lilies exquisitely designed; and “Saint Luke in his first profession,”

wrote Horace Walpole irreverently, “holding a urinal.” There used to be

other tapestries in the house; there was one of the Seven Deadly Sins

set, woven with gold threads, and there was another series, very early,

representing the Flood and the two-by-two procession of the animals

going into a weather-boarded Ark; but these, alas, had to be sold, and

are now in America.

[Illustration:

THE STONE COURT

]

The chapel looks strange and lovely during a midnight thunderstorm: the

lightning flashes through the stone ogives of the east window, and one

gets a queer effect, unreal like colour photography, of the colours lit

up by that unfamiliar means. A flight of little private steps leads out

of my bedroom straight into the Family Pew; so I dare to say that there

are few aspects under which I have not seen the chapel; and as a child I

used to “take sanctuary” there when I had been naughty: that is to say,

fairly often. They never found me, sulking inside the pulpit.

§ ix

There would, of course, be many other aspects from which I might

consider Knole; indeed, if I allowed myself full licence I might ramble

out over Kent and down into Sussex, to Lewes, Buckhurst, and Withyham,

out into the fruit country and the hop country, across the Weald, over

Saxonbury, and to Lewes among the Downs, and still I should not feel

guilty of irrelevance. Of whatever English county I spoke, I still

should be aware of the relationship between the English soil and that

most English house. But more especially do I feel this concerning Kent

and Sussex, and concerning the roads over which the Sackvilles travelled

so constantly between estate and estate. The place-names in their

letters recur through the centuries; the paper is a little yellower as

the age increases, the ink a little more faded, the handwriting a little

less easily decipherable, but still the gist is always the same: “I go

to-morrow into Kent,” “I quit Buckhurst for Knole,” “my Lord rode to

Lewes with a great company,” “we came to Knole by coach at midnight.”

The whole district is littered with their associations, whether a

village whose living lay in their gift, or a town where they endowed a

college, or a wood where they hunted, or the village church where they

had themselves buried. Sussex, in fact, was their cradle long before

they came into Kent. Buckhurst, which they had owned since the twelfth

century, was at one time an even larger house than Knole, and to their

own vault in its parish church of Withyham they were invariably brought

to rest. Their trace is scattered over the two counties. But this was

not my only meaning; I had in mind that Knole was no mere excrescence,

no alien fabrication, no startling stranger seen between the beeches and

the oaks. No other country but England could have produced it, and into

no other country would it settle with such harmony and such quiet. The

very trees have not been banished from the courtyards, but spread their

green against the stone. From the top of a tower one looks down upon the

acreage of roofs, and the effect is less that of a palace than of a

jumbled village upon the hillside. It is not an incongruity like

Blenheim or Chatsworth, foreign to the spirit of England. It is, rather,

the greater relation of those small manor-houses which hide themselves

away so innumerably among the counties, whether built of the grey stone

of south-western England, or the brick of East Anglia, or merely

tile-hung or plastered like the cottages. It is not utterly different

from any of these. The great Palladian houses of the eighteenth century

are _in_ England, they are not _of_ England, as are these irregular

roofs, this easy straying up the contours of the hill, these cool

coloured walls, these calm gables, and dark windows mirroring the sun.

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