Chapter VIII

1851 to 1855

It was during the month of the _coup d'état_ that Browning went back in

thought to the poet of his youthful love, and wrote that essay which was

prefixed to the volume of forged letters published as Shelley's by Moxon

in 1852. The essay is interesting as Browning's only considerable piece

of prose, and also as an utterance made not through the mask of any

_dramatis persona_, but openly and directly from his own lips. Though

not without value as a contribution to the study of Shelley's genius, it

is perhaps chiefly of importance as an exposition of some of Browning's

own views concerning his art. He distinguishes between two kinds or

types of poet: the poet who like Shakespeare is primarily the

"fashioner" of things independent of his own personality, artistic

creations which embody some fact or reality, leaving it to others to

interpret, as best they are able, its significance; and secondly the

poet who is rather a "seer" than a fashioner, who attempts to exhibit in

imaginative form his own conceptions of absolute truth, conceptions far

from entire adequacy, yet struggling towards completeness; the poet who

would shadow forth, as he himself apprehends them, _Ideas_, to use the

word of Plato, "seeds of creation lying burningly on the Divine

Hand"--which Ideas he discovers not so often in the external world as

in his own soul, this being for him "the nearest reflex of the absolute

Mind." What a poet of this second kind produces, as Browning finely

states it, will be less a work than an effluence. He is attracted among

external phenomena chiefly by those which summon forth his inner light

and power, "he selects that silence of the earth and sea in which he can

best hear the beating of his individual heart, and leaves the noisy,

complex, yet imperfect exhibitions of nature in the manifold experience

of man around him, which serve only to distract and suppress the working

of his brain." To this latter class of poets, although in _The Cenci_

and _Julian and Maddalo_ he is eminent as a "fashioner," Shelley

conspicuously belongs. Mankind cannot wisely dispense with the services

of either type of poet; at one time it chiefly needs to have that which

is already known interpreted into its highest meanings; and at another,

when the virtue of these interpretations has been appropriated and

exhausted, it needs a fresh study and exploration of the facts of life

and nature--for "the world is not to be learned and thrown aside, but

reverted to and relearned." The truest and highest point of view from

which to regard the poetry of Shelley is that which shows it as a

"sublime fragmentary essay towards a presentment of the correspondency

of the universe to Deity, of the natural to the spiritual, and of the

actual to the ideal."

For Browning the poet of _Prometheus Unbound_ was not that beautiful and

ineffectual angel of Matthew Arnold's fancy, beating in the void his

luminous wings. A great moral purpose looked forth from Shelley's work,

as it does, Browning would add, from all lofty works of art. And it may

be remarked that the criticism of Browning's own writings which

considers not only their artistic methods and artistic success or

failure, but also their ethical and spiritual purport, is entirely in

accord with his thoughts in this essay. Far from regarding Shelley as

unpractical, he notes--and with perfect justice--"the peculiar

practicalness" of Shelley's mind, which in his earlier years acted

injuriously upon both his conduct and his art. His power to perceive the

defects of society was accompanied by as precocious a fertility to

contrive remedies; but his crudeness in theorising and his inexperience

in practice resulted in not a few youthful errors. Gradually he left

behind him "this low practical dexterity"; gradually he learnt that "the

best way of removing abuses is to stand fast by truth. Truth is one, as

they are manifold; and innumerable negative effects are produced by the

upholding of one positive principle." Browning urges that Shelley,

before the close, had passed from his doctrinaire atheism to what was

virtually a theistic faith. "I shall say what I think," he adds--"had

Shelley lived he would have finally ranged himself with the

Christians.... The preliminary step to following Christ is the leaving

the dead to bury their dead." Perhaps this hypothetical anticipation is

to be classed with the surmise of Cardinal Wiseman (if Father Prout

rightly attributed to that eminent ecclesiastic a review of _Men and

Women_ in _The Rambler_) that Browning himself would one day be found in

the ranks of converts to Catholicism. In each case a wish was father to

the thought; Browning recognised the fact that Shelley assigned a place

to love, side by side with power, among the forces which determine the

life and development of humanity, and with Browning himself "power" was

a synonym for the Divine will, and "love" was often an equivalent for

God manifest in Jesus Christ. One or two other passages of the essay may

be noted as illustrating certain characteristics of the writer's modes

of thought and feeling: "Everywhere is apparent Shelley's belief in the

existence of Good, to which Evil is an accident"--it is an optimist

here, though of a subtler doctrine than Shelley's, who is applauding

optimism. "Shelley was tender, though tenderness is not always the

characteristic of very sincere natures; he was eminently both tender and

sincere." Was Browning consulting his own heart, which was always

sincere, and could be tender, but whose tenderness sometimes disappeared

in explosions of indignant wrath? The principle, again, by which he

determined an artist's rank is in harmony with Browning's general

feeling that men are to be judged less by their actual achievements than

by the possibilities that lie unfolded within them, and the ends to

which they aspire, even though such ends be unattained: "In the

hierarchy of creative minds, it is the presence of the highest faculty

that gives first rank, in virtue of its kind, not degree; no pretension

of a lower nature, whatever the completeness of development or variety

of effect, impeding the precedency of the rarer endowment though only in

the germ." And, last, of the tardy recognition of Shelley's genius as a

poet, Browning wrote in words which though, as he himself says, he had

always good praisers, no doubt express a thought that helped to sustain

him against the indifference of the public to his poetry: "The

misapprehensiveness of his age is exactly what a poet is sent to

remedy: and the interval between his operation and the generally

perceptible effect of it, is no greater, less indeed than in many other

departments of the great human effort. The 'E pur si muove' of the

astronomer was as bitter a word as any uttered before or since by a poet

over his rejected living work, in that depth of conviction which is so

like despair." The volume in which Browning's essay appeared was

withdrawn from circulation on the discovery of the fraudulent nature of

its contents. He had himself no opportunity of inspecting the forged

manuscripts, and no question of authenticity was raised until several

copies of the book had passed into circulation.[48]

During the nine months spent in Paris, from September 1851 to June 1852,

Browning enlarged the circle of his friends and made some new and

interesting acquaintances. Chief among friendships was that with Joseph

Milsand of Dijon, whose name is connected with _Sordello_ in the edition

of Browning's "Poetical Works" of the year 1863. Under the title "La

Poésie Anglaise depuis Byron," two articles by Milsand were contributed

to the "Revue des Deux Mondes," the first on Tennyson, the second

(published 15th August 1851) a little before the poet's arrival in

Paris, on Robert Browning. "Of all the poets known to me," wrote his

French critic, "he is the most capable of summing up the conceptions of

the religion, the ethics, and the theoretic knowledge of our period in

forms which embody the beauty proper to such abstractions." Such

criticism by a thoughtful student of our literature could not but

prepare the way pleasantly for personal acquaintance. Milsand, we are

told by his friend Th. Bentzon (Mme. Blanc), having hesitated as to the

propriety of printing a passage in an article as yet unpublished, in

which he had spoken of the great sorrow of Mrs Browning's early

life--the death of her brother, went straight to Browning, who was then

in Paris, and declared that he was ready to cancel what he had written

if it would cause her pain. "Only a Frenchman," exclaimed Browning,

grasping both hands of his visitor, "would have done this." So began a

friendship of an intimate and most helpful kind, which closed only with

Milsand's death in 1886. To his memory is dedicated the volume published

soon after his death, _Parleyings with certain People of Importance_. "I

never knew or shall know his like among men," wrote Browning; and again:

"No words can express the love I have for him." And in _Red Cotton

Nightcap Country_ it is Milsand who is characterised in the lines:

He knows more and loves better than the world

That never heard his name and never may, ...

What hinders that my heart relieve itself,

O friend! who makest warm my wintry world,

And wise my heaven, if there we consort too.

In the correction of Browning's proof-sheets, and especially in

regulating the punctuation of his poems, Milsand's friendly services

were of high value. In 1858 when Browning happened to be at Dijon, and

had reason to believe, though in fact erroneously, that his friend was

absent in Paris, he went twice "in a passion of friendship," as his wife

tells a correspondent, to stand before Maison Milsand, and muse, and

bless the threshold.[49]

Browning desired much to know Victor Hugo, but his wish was never

gratified. After December 2nd Paris could not contain a spirit so fiery

as Hugo's was in hostility to the new régime and its chief

representative. Balzac, whom it would have been a happiness even to look

at, was dead. Lamartine promised a visit, but for a time his coming was

delayed. By a mischance Alfred de Musset failed to appear when Browning,

expecting to meet him, was the guest of M. Buloz. But Béranger was to be

seen "in his white hat wandering along the asphalte." The blind

historian Thierry begged Browning and his wife to call upon him. At the

house of Ary Scheffer, the painter, they heard Mme. Viardot sing; and

receptions given by Lady Elgin and Mme. Mohl were means of introduction

to much that was interesting in the social life of Paris. At the theatre

they saw with the deepest excitement "La Dame aux Camélias," which was

running its hundred nights. Caricatures in the streets exhibited the

occupants of the pit protected by umbrellas from the rain of tears that

fell from the boxes. Tears, indeed, ran down Browning's cheeks, though

he had believed himself hardened against theatrical pathos. Mrs Browning

cried herself ill, and pronounced the play painful but profoundly moral.

Mrs Browning's admiration of the writings of George Sand was so great

that it would have been a sore disappointment to her if George Sand were

to prove inaccessible. A letter of introduction to her had been

obtained from Mazzini. "Ah, I am so vexed about George Sand," Mrs

Browning wrote on Christmas Eve; "she came, she has gone, and we haven't

met." In February she again was known to be for a few days in Paris;

Browning was not eager to push through difficulties on the chance of

obtaining an interview, but his wife was all impatience: "' No,' said I,

'you _shan't_ be proud, and I _won't_ be proud, and we _will_ see her. I

won't die, if I can help it, without seeing George Sand.'" A gracious

reply and an appointment came in response to their joint-petition which

accompanied Mazzini's letter. On the appointed Sunday Browning and Mrs

Browning--she wearing a respirator and smothered in furs--drove to

render their thanks and homage to the most illustrious of Frenchwomen.

Mrs Browning with beating heart stooped and kissed her hand. They found

in George Sand's face no sweetness, but great moral and intellectual

capacities; in manners and conversation she was absolutely simple. Young

men formed the company, to whom she addressed counsel and command with

the utmost freedom and a conscious authority. Through all her speech a

certain undercurrent of scorn, a half-veiled touch of disdain, was

perceptible. At their parting she invited the English visitors to come

again, kissed Mrs Browning on the lips, and received Browning's kiss

upon her hand. The second call upon her was less agreeable. She sat

warming her feet in a circle of eight or nine ill-bred men,

representatives of "the ragged Red diluted with the lower theatrical."

If any other mistress of a house had behaved so unceremoniously,

Browning declared that he would have walked out of the room; and Mrs

Browning left with the impression--"she does not care for me." They had

exerted themselves to please her, but felt that it was in vain; "we

couldn't penetrate, couldn't really _touch_ her." Once Browning met her

near the Tuileries and walked the length of the gardens with her arm

upon his. If nothing further was to come of it, at least they had seen a

wonderful piece of work, which not to have been blest withal would have

discredited their travel. Only to Mrs Browning's mortification the

spectacle wanted one detail indispensable to its completeness--the

characteristic cigarette was absent: "Ah, but I didn't see her smoke."

Life leaves us always something to desire.

Before the close of June 1852 they were again in London, and found

comfortable rooms at 58 Welbeck Street. When the turmoil of the first

days had subsided, they visited "Kenyon the Magnificent"--so named by

Browning--at Wimbledon, at whose table Landor, abounding in life and

passionate energy as in earlier days, was loud in his applause of the

genius of Louis Napoleon. Mazzini, his "intense eyes full of melancholy

illusions," called at their lodgings in company with Mrs Carlyle, who

seemed to Mrs Browning not only remarkable for her play of ideas but

attaching through her feelings and her character.[50] Florence

Nightingale was also a welcome visitor, and her visit was followed by a

gift of flowers. Invitations from country houses came in sheaves, and

the thought of green fields is seductive in a London month of July; but

to remain in London was to be faithful to Penini--and to the

much-travelled Flush. Once the whole household, with Flush included,

breathed rural air for two days with friends at Farnham, and Browning

had there the pleasure of meeting Charles Kingsley, whose Christian

Socialism seemed wild and unpractical enough, but as for the man

himself, brave, bold, original, full of a genial kindliness, Mrs

Browning assures a correspondent that he could not be other than "good

and noble let him say or dream what he will." It is stated by Mr W.M.

Rossetti that Browning first became acquainted with his brother Dante

Gabriel in the course of this summer. Coventry Patmore gave him the

manuscript of his unpublished poems of 1853 to read. And Ruskin was now

added to the number of his personal acquaintances. "We went to Denmark

Hill yesterday, by agreement," wrote Mrs Browning in September, "to see

the Turners--which, by the way, are divine. I like Mr Ruskin much, and

so does Robert. Very gentle, yet earnest--refined and truthful." At Lord

Stanhope's they were introduced to the latest toy of fashionable

occultism, the crystal ball, in which the seer beheld Oremus, the spirit

of the sun; the supernatural was qualified for the faithful with

luncheon and lobster salad; "I love the marvellous," Mrs Browning

frankly declares. And of terrestrial wonders, with heaven lying about

them, and also India muslin and Brussels lace, two were seen in the

babies of Monckton Milnes and Alfred Tennyson. Pen, because he was

"troppo grande," declined to kiss the first of these new-christened

wonders, but Pen's father, who went alone to the baptism of Hallam

Tennyson, distinguished himself by nursing for some ten minutes and with

accomplished dexterity, the future Governor-General of Australia.

Yet with all these distractions, perhaps in part because of them, the

visit to England was not one of Browning's happiest times. The autumn

weather confined Mrs Browning to her rooms. He was anxious, vexed, and

worn.[51] It was a happiness when Welbeck Street was left behind, and

they were on the way by Paris to their resting-place at Casa Guidi. From

a balcony overlooking one of the Paris boulevards they witnessed, in a

blaze of autumnal sunshine, which glorified much military and civic

pomp, the reception of the new Emperor. Mrs Browning's handkerchief

waved frantically while she prayed that God might bless the people in

this the chosen representative of a democracy. What were Browning's

thoughts on that memorable Saturday is not recorded, but we may be sure

that they were less enthusiastic. Yet he enjoyed the stir and animation

of Paris, and after the palpitating life of the boulevards found

Florence dull and dead--no change, no variety. The journey by the Mont

Cenis route had not been without its trying incidents. At Genoa, during

several days he was deeply depressed by the illness of his wife, who lay

on the sofa and seemed to waste away. But Casa Guidi was reached at

last, where it was more like summer than November; the pleasant nest had

its own peculiar welcome for wanderers; again they enjoyed the sunsets

over the Arno, and Mrs Browning was able to report herself free from

cough and feeling very well and very happy: "You can't think how we

have caught up our ancient traditions just where we left them, and

relapsed into our former soundless, stirless, hermit life. Robert has

not passed an evening from home since we came--just as if we had never

known Paris."[52]

The political condition of Italy was, indeed, a grief to both husband

and wife. It was a state of utter prostration--on all sides "the

unanimity of despair." The Grand Duke, the emancipator, had acquired a

respect and affection for the bayonets of Austria. The Pope was

"wriggling his venom into the heart of all possibilities of free-thought

and action." Browning groaned "How long, O Lord, how long?" His

home-thoughts of England in contrast with Italy were those of patriotism

and pride. His wife was more detached, more critical towards her native

land. The best symptom for Italian freedom was that if Italy had not

energy to act, she yet had energy to hate. To be happy now they both

must turn to imaginative work, and gain all the gains possible from

private friendships. Browning was already occupied with the poems

included afterwards in the volumes of _Men and Women_. Mrs Browning was

already engaged upon _Aurora Leigh_. "We neither of us show our work to

one another," she wrote, "till it is finished. An artist must, I fancy,

either find or _make_ a solitude to work in, if it is to be good work at

all." But as her husband's poems, one by one, were completed, she saw

them, and they seemed to her as fine as anything he had done. Away in

England _Colombe's Birthday_ was given on the stage, with Helen Faucit

in the leading part. It was at least an indication that the public had

not forgotten that Browning was a poet. Here in Florence, although the

hermit life was happy, new friends--the gift of England--added to its

happiness. Frederick Tennyson, the Laureate's brother, and himself a

true poet in his degree, "a dreamy, shy, speculative man," simple withal

and truthful, had married an Italian wife and was settled for a time in

Florence. To him Browning became attached with genuine affection. Mrs

Browning was a student of the writings of Swedenborg, and she tells much

of her new friend in a single Swedenborgian word--"selfhood, the

_proprium_, is not in him." Frederick Tennyson, though left in a state

of bewilderment by Browning's poetry, found the writer of the poetry "a

man of infinite learning, jest and bonhommie, and moreover a sterling

heart that reverbs no hollowness."[53] Another intimate who charmed them

much was one of the attachés of the English embassy, and a poet of

unquestionable faculty, very young, very gentle and refined, delicate

and excitable, full of sensibility, "full of all sorts of goodness and

nobleness," but somewhat dreamy and unpractical, "visionary enough,"

writes Mrs Browning, "to suit me," interested moreover in spiritualism,

which suited her well, "never," she unwisely prophesied, "to be a great

diplomatist." It was hardly, Mr Kenyon, the editor of her letters,

observes, a successful horoscope of the destiny of Lord Lytton, the

future Ambassador at Paris and Viceroy of India.[54]

Early in 1853 Mrs Browning became much interested in the reports which

reached her--many of these from America--of the "rapping spirits," who

in the 'fifties were busy in instructing chairs and tables to walk in

the way they should not go. "You know I am rather a visionary," she

wrote to Miss Mitford, "and inclined to knock round at all the doors of

the present world to try to get out." Her Swedenborgian studies had

prepared her to believe that there were communities of life in the

visible and the invisible worlds which did not permit of the one being

wholly estranged from the other. A clever person who loves the

marvellous will soon find by the sheer force of logic that marvels are

the most natural things in the world. Should we not credit human

testimony? Should we not evict prejudice from our understandings? Should

we not investigate alleged facts? Should we not keep an open mind? We

cannot but feel a certain sympathy with a woman of ardent nature who

fails to observe the bounds of intellectual prudence. Browning himself

with all his audacities was pre-eminently prudent. He did not actively

enter into politics; he did not dabble in pseudo-science; he was an

artist and a thinker; and he made poems, and amused himself with

drawing, modelling in clay, and the study of music. Mrs Browning

squandered her enthusiasms with less discretion. A good dose of

stupidity or an indignant energy of common-sense, impatient of the

nonsense of the thing, may be the salvation of the average man. It is

often the clever people who would be entirely rational and unprejudiced

that best succeed in duping themselves at once by their reason and their

folly. A fine old crusted prejudice commonly stands for a thousand acts

of judgment amassed into a convenient working result; a single act of an

individual understanding, or several of such acts, will seldom contain

an equal sum of wisdom. Scientific discovery is not advanced by a

multitude of curious and ingenious amateurs in learned folly. Whether

the claims of spiritualism are warrantable or fallacious, Mrs Browning,

gifted as she was with rare powers of mind, was not qualified to

investigate those claims; it was a waste of energy, from which she could

not but suffer serious risks and certain loss.

Before she had seen anything for herself she was a believer--a believer,

as she describes it, on testimony. The fact of communication with the

invisible world appeared to her more important than anything that had

been communicated. The spirits themselves "seem abundantly foolish, one

must admit." Yet it was clear to her that mankind was being prepared for

some great development of truth. She would keep her eyes wide open to

facts and her soul lifted up in reverential expectation. By-and-by she

felt the dumb wood of the table panting and shivering with human

emotion. The dogmatism of Faraday in an inadequate theory was simply

unscientific, a piece of intellectual tyranny. The American medium Home,

she learnt from her friends, was "turning the world upside down in

London with this spiritual influx." Two months later, in July 1855, Mrs

Browning and her husband were themselves in London, and witnessed Home's

performances during a séance at Ealing. Miss de Gaudrion (afterwards Mrs

Merrifield), who was present on that occasion, and who was convinced

that the "manifestations" were a fraud, wrote to Mrs Browning for an

expression of her opinion. The reply, as might be expected, declared the

writer's belief in the genuine character of the phenomena; such

manifestations, she admitted, in the undeveloped state of the subject

were "apt to be low"; but they were, she was assured, "the beginning of

access from a spiritual world, of which we shall presently learn more

perhaps." A letter volunteered by Browning accompanied that of his wife.

He had, he said, to overcome a real repugnance in recalling the subject;

he could hardly understand how another opinion was possible than that

"the whole display of 'hands,' 'spirit utterances,' etc., was a cheat

and imposture." It was all "melancholy stuff," which a grain of worldly

wisdom would dispose of in a minute. "Mr Browning," the letter goes on,

"has, however, abundant experience that the best and rarest of natures

may begin by the proper mistrust of the more ordinary results of

reasoning when employed in such investigations as these, go on to an

abnegation of the regular tests of truth and rationality in favour of

these particular experiments, and end in a voluntary prostration of the

whole intelligence before what is assumed to transcend all intelligence.

Once arrived at this point, no trick is too gross--absurdities are

referred to 'low spirits,' falsehoods to 'personating spirits'--and the

one terribly apparent spirit, the Father of Lies, has it all his own

way." These interesting letters were communicated to _The Times_ by Mr

Merrifield (_Literary Supplement_, Nov. 28, 1902), and they called forth

a short additional letter from Mr R. Barrett Browning, the "Penini" of

earlier days. He mentions that his father had himself on one occasion

detected Home in a vulgar fraud; that Home had called at the house of

the Brownings, and was turned out of it. Mr Browning adds: "What,

however, I am more desirous of stating is that towards the end of her

life my mother's views on 'spiritual manifestations' were much modified.

This change was brought about, in great measure, by the discovery that

she had been duped by a friend in whom she had blind faith. The pain of

the disillusion was great, but her eyes were opened and she saw

clearly."[55] It must be added, that letters written by Mrs Browning six

months before her death give no indication of this change of feeling,

but she admits that "sublime communications" from the other world are

"decidedly absent," and that while no truth can be dangerous, unsettled

minds may lose their balance, and may do wisely to avoid altogether the

subject of spiritualism.

Browning's hostility arose primarily from his conviction that the

so-called "manifestations" were, as he says, a cheat and imposture. He

had grasped Home's leg under the table while at work in producing

"phenomena." He had visited his friend, Seymour Kirkup, had found the

old man assisting at the trance of a peasant girl named Mariana; and

when Kirkup withdrew for a moment, the entranced Mariana relieved

herself from the fatigue of her posturing, at the same time inviting

Browning with a wink to be a charitable confederate in the joke by which

she profited in admiration and in pelf. Browning, who would have waged

immitigable war against the London dog-stealers, and opposed all treaty

with such rogues, even at the cost of an unrecovered Flush, could not

but oppose the new trade of elaborate deception. But his feeling was

intensified by the personal repulsiveness of the professional medium.

The vain, sleek, vulgar, emasculated, neurotic type of creature, who

became the petted oracle of the dim-lighted room, was loathsome in his

eyes. And his respect for his wife's genius made him feel that there was

a certain desecration in the neighbourhood to her of men whom he

regarded as verminous impostors. Yet he recognised her right to think

for herself, and she, on the other hand, regarded his scepticism as

rather his misfortune than his crime.

It was a considerable time after his wife's death that Browning's study

of the impostor of the spiritualist circles, "Mr Sludge the Medium,"

appeared in the _Dramatis Personae_ of 1864; the date of its composition

is Rome, 1859-60; but the observations which that study sums up were

accumulated during earlier years, and if Mr Sludge is not a portrait of

Home, that eminent member of the tribe of Sludge no doubt supplied

suggestions for the poet's character-study. Browning evidently wrote the

poem with a peculiar zest; its intellectual energy never flags; its

imaginative grip never slackens. If the Bishop, who orders his tomb at

St Praxed's, serves to represent the sensuous glory and the moral void

of one phase of the Italian Renaissance, so, and with equal fidelity,

does Mr Sludge represent a phase of nineteenth century materialism and

moral grossness, which cannot extinguish the cravings of the soul but

would vulgarise and degrade them with coarse illusions. Unhappily the

later poem differs from the earlier in being uglier in its theme and of

inordinate length. Browning, somewhat in the manner of Ben Jonson when

he wrote _The Alchemist_, could not be satisfied until he had exhausted

the subject to the dregs. The writer's zeal from first to last knows no

abatement, but it is not every reader who cares to bend over the

dissecting-table, with its sick effluvia, during so prolonged a

demonstration.

"Mr Sludge the Medium" is not a mere attack on spiritualism; it is a

dramatic scene in the history of a soul; and Browning, with his

democratic feeling in things of the mind, held that every soul however

mean is worth understanding. If the poem is a satire, it is so only in a

way that is inevitable. Browning's desire is to be absolutely just, but

sometimes truth itself becomes perforce a satire. He takes an impostor

at the moment of extreme disadvantage; the "medium" is caught in the

very act of cheating; he will make a clean breast of it; and his

confession is made as nearly as possible a vindication. The most

contemptible of creatures, in desperate straits, makes excellent play

with targe and dagger; the poetry of the piece is to be found in the

lithe attitudes, absolutely the best possible under the circumstances,

by which he maintains both defence and attack. Half of the long

_apologia_ is a criticism not of those who feast fools in their folly,

but of the fools who require a caterer for the feast; it is a study of

the methods by which dupes solicit and educate a knave. The other half

is Sludge's plea that, knave though he be, he is not wholly knave; and

Browning, while absolutely rejecting the doctrine of so called

spiritualism, is prepared to admit that in the composition of a Sludge

there enters a certain portion of truth, low in degree, perverted in

kind, inoperative to the ends of truth, yet a fragment of that without

which life itself were impossible even for the meanest organism in the

shape of man.

Cowardly, cunning, insolent, greedy, effeminately sensual, playing upon

the vanity of his patrons, playing upon their vulgar sentimentality,

playing upon their vulgar pietisms and their vulgar materialism, Sludge

after all is less the wronger than the wronged. Who made him what he is?

Who, keen and clear-sighted enough in fields which they had not selected

as their special parade-ground for self-conceit, trained him on to

knavery and self-degradation? Who helped him through his blunders with

ingenious excuses--"the manifestations are at first so weak"; or "Sludge

is himself disturbed by the strange phenomena"; or "a doubter is in the

company, and the spirits have grown confused in their communications"?

Who proceeded to exhibit him as a lawful prize and possession, staking

their vanity on the success of his imposture? Who awakened in him the

artist's joy in rare invention? Who urged him forward from modest to

magnificent lies? Who fed and flattered him? What ladies bestowed their

soft caresses on Sludge? And now and again in his course of fraud did he

not turn a wistful eye towards any reckless tatterdemalion, if only the

vagrant lived in freedom and in truth?

It's too bad, I say,

Ruining a soul so!

And in the midst of gulls who persistently refuse to be undeceived

cheating is so "cruel easy." The difficulty is rather that the cheating,

even when acknowledged, should ever be credited for what it is. The

medium has confessed! Yes, and to cheat may be part of the medium

nature; none the less he has the medium's gift of acting as a conductor

between the visible and the invisible worlds. Has he not told secrets of

the lives of his wondering clients which could not have been known by

natural means? And Sludge chuckles "could not?"--could not be known by

him who in his seeming passivity is alive at every nerve with the

instinct of the detective, by him whose trade was

Throwing thus

His sense out, like an ant-eater's long tongue,

Soft, innocent, warm, moist, impassible,

And when 'twas crusted o'er with creatures--slick,

Their juice enriched his palate. "Could not Sludge!"

Haunters of the séance of every species are his aiders and abettors--the

unbeliever, whom believers overwhelm or bribe to acquiescence, the fair

votaries who find prurient suggestions characteristic of the genuine

medium, the lover of the lie through the natural love of it, the

amateur, incapable of a real conviction, who plays safely with

superstition, the literary man who welcomes a new flavour for the

narrative or the novel, the philosophic diner-out, who wants the

chopping-block of a disputable doctrine on which to try the edge of his

faculty. Is it his part, Sludge asks indignantly, to be grateful to the

patrons who have corrupted and debased him?

Gratitude to these?

The gratitude, forsooth, of a prostitute

To the greenhorn and the bully.

The truculence of Sludge is not without warrant; it is indeed no other

than the truculence of Robert Browning, "shaking his mane," as Dante

Rossetti described him in his outbreaks against the spiritualists,

"with occasional foamings at the mouth."[56]

Where then is the little grain of truth which has vitality amid the

putrefaction of Sludge's nature? Liar and cheat as he is, he cannot be

sure "but there was something in it, tricks and all." The spiritual

world, he feels, is as real as the material world; the supernatural

interpenetrates the natural at every point; in little things, as in

great things, God is present. Sludge is aware of the invisible powers at

every nerve:

I guess what's going on outside the veil,

Just as the prisoned crane feels pairing-time

In the islands where his kind are, so must fall

To capering by himself some shiny night

As if your back yard were a plot of spice.

He cheats; yes, but he also apprehends a truth which the world is blind

to. Or, after all, is this cheating when every lie is quick with a germ

of truth? Is not such lying as this a self-desecration, if you will; but

still more a strange, sweet self-sacrifice in the service of truth? At

the lowest is it not required by the very conditions of our poor mortal

life, which remains so sorry a thing, so imperfect, so unendurable until

it is brought into fruitful connection with a future existence? This

world of ours is a cruel, blundering, unintelligible world; but let it

be pervaded by an influx from the next world, how quickly it rights

itself! how intelligible it all grows! And is the faculty of

imagination, the faculty which discovers the things of the spirit--put

to his own uses by the poet and even the historian--is this a power

which cheats its possessor, or cheats those for whose advantage he gives

it play?

Browning's design is to exhibit even in this Sludge the

rudiments--coarse, perverted, abnormally directed and ineffective for

moral good--of that sublime spiritual wisdom, which, turned to its

proper ends and aided by the highest intellectual powers, is present--to

take a lofty exemplar--in his Pope of _The Ring and the Book_. It is not

through spiritualism so-called that Sludge has received his little grain

of truth; that has only darkened the glimmer of true light which was in

him. Yet liar and cheat and coward, he is saved from a purely phantasmal

existence by this fibre of reality which was part of his original

structure. The epilogue--Sludge's outbreak against his corrupter and

tormentor--stands as evidence of the fact that no purifying, no

cleansing, no really illuminating power remains in what is now only a

putrescent luminosity within him. His rage is natural and dramatically

true; a noble rage would be to his honour. This is a base and poisonous

passion with no virtue in it, and the passion, flaring for a moment,

sinks idly into as base a fingering of Sludge's disgraceful gains.

[Illustration: THE VIA BOCCA DI LEONE, ROME, IN WHICH THE BROWNINGS

STAYED.

_From a photograph._]

The summer and early autumn of 1853 were spent by Browning and his wife,

as they had spent the same season four years previously, at the Baths of

Lucca. Their house among the hills was shut in by a row of plane-trees

in which by day the cicale were shrill; at evening fireflies lit up

their garden. The green rushing river--"a flashing scimitar that cuts

through the mountain"--the chestnut woods, the sheep-walks, "the

villages on the peaks of the mountains like wild eagles," renewed

their former delights.

On the longer excursions Browning slackened his footsteps to keep pace

with his wife's donkey; basins of strawberries and cream refreshed the

wanderers after their exertion. "Oh those jagged mountains," exclaims

Mrs Browning, "rolled together like pre-Adamite beasts, and setting

their teeth against the sky.... You may as well guess at a lion by a

lady's lap-dog as at Nature by what you see in England. All honour to

England, lanes and meadowland, notwithstanding. To the great trees above

all." The sculptor Story and his family, whose acquaintance they had

made in Florence before Casa Guidi had become their home, were their

neighbours at the Baths, and Robert Lytton was for a time their guest.

Browning worked at his _Men and Women_, of which his wife was able to

report in the autumn that it was in an advanced state. _In a Balcony_

was the most important achievement of the summer. "The scene of the

declaration in _By the Fireside_" Mrs Orr informs us, "was laid in a

little adjacent mountain-gorge to which Browning walked or rode."

Only a few weeks were given to Florence. In perfect autumnal weather the

occupants of Casa Guidi started for Rome. The delightful journey

occupied eight days, and on the way the church of Assisi was seen, and

the falls of Terni--"that passion of the waters,"--so Mrs Browning

describes it, "which makes the human heart seem so still." They entered

Rome in a radiant mood.--"Robert and Penini singing." An apartment had

been taken for them by their friends the Storys in the Via Bocca di

Leone, and all was bright, warm, and full of comfort. Next morning a

shadow fell upon their happiness--the Storys' little boy was seized with

convulsions; in the evening he was dead.[57] A second child--a girl--was

taken ill in the Brownings' house, and could not be moved from where she

lay in a room below their apartment. Mrs Browning was in a panic for her

own boy, though his apple-red cheeks spoke of health. Rome, for a time,

was darkened with grief and anxiety; nor did the city itself impress her

as she had expected: "It's a palimpsest Rome," she writes, "a

watering-place written over the antique." The chief gains of these Roman

months were those of friendship and pleasant acquaintances added to

those already given by Italy. In rooms under those occupied by the

Brownings was Page the American artist, who painted in colours then

regarded as "Venetian," now almost darkened out of existence, as a gift

for Mrs Browning, the portrait of Robert Browning exhibited in the Royal

Academy of 1856. Browning himself wrote to Story with enthusiasm of

Page's work. "I am much disappointed in it," wrote Dante Rossetti to

Allingham, "and shall advise its non-exhibition." A second portrait

painted at this time--that by Fisher--is familiar to us through a

reproduction in the second volume of _The Letters of Mrs Browning_. A

rash act of the morning of the day on which he entered Rome had

deplorably altered Browning's appearance. In what his wife calls a fit

of suicidal impatience, he perpetrated the high crime and misdemeanour,

and appeared before her wholly unworthy of portraiture with

clean-shaven cheeks and chin. "I cried when I saw him," she tells his

sister, "I was so horror-struck." To mark the sin, his beard, when once

again he recovered his good looks, was gray, but Mrs Browning cherished

the opinion that the argentine touch, as she terms it, gave "a character

of elevation and thought to his whole physiognomy." To complete this

history, it may be added that in 1859 the moustache of his later

portraits was first doubtfully permitted and was presently approved with

decision as picturesque.[58]

Under all disadvantages of appearance Browning made his way triumphantly

in the English and American society of Rome. The studios were open to

him. In Gibson's he saw the tinted Venus--"rather a grisette than a

goddess," pronounced Mrs Browning. Harriet Hosmer, the young American

sculptress, working with true independence, high aims and right woman's

manliness, was both admired and loved. Thackeray, with his daughters,

called at the apartment in the Bocca di Leone, bringing small-talk in

"handfuls of glittering dust swept out of salons." Lockhart, snow-white

in aspect, snow-cold in manner, gave Browning emphatic commendation,

though of a negative kind--"He isn't at all," declared Lockhart, "like a

damned literary man." But of many interesting acquaintances perhaps the

most highly valued were Fanny Kemble and her sister Adelaide

Sartoris--Fanny Kemble magnificent, "with her black hair and radiant

smile," her sympathetic voice, "her eyes and eyelids full of

utterance"--a very noble creature indeed; Mrs Sartoris, genial and

generous, more tolerant than Fanny of Mrs Browning's wayward

enthusiasms, eloquent in talk and passionate in song. "The Kembles,"

writes Mrs Browning, "were our gain in Rome."

Towards the end of May 1854 farewells were said, and the Brownings

returned from Rome, to Florence by vettura. They had hoped to visit

England, or if this should prove impracticable, to take shelter among

the mountains from the summer heat. But needful coin on which they had

reckoned did not arrive; and they resolved in prudence to sit still at

Florence and eat their bread and macaroni as poor sensible folk should

do. And Florence looked more beautiful than ever after Rome; the

nightingales sang around the olive-trees and vineyards, not only by

starlight and fire-fly-light but in the daytime. "I love the very stones

of Florence," exclaims Mrs Browning. Her friend Miss Mitford, now in

England, and sadly failing in health, hinted at a loan of money; but the

answer was a prompt, "Oh no! My husband has a family likeness to Lucifer

in being proud." There followed a tranquil and a happy time, and both

_Men and Women_ and _Aurora Leigh_ maintained in the writers a deep

inward excitement of the kind that leaves an enduring result. A little

joint publication; _Two Poems by E.B.B. and R.B_., containing _A Plea

for the Ragged Schools of London_ and _The Twins_, was sold at Miss

Arabella Barrett's Ragged School bazaar in 1854. It is now a waif of

literature which collectors prize. There is special significance in the

_Date_ and _Dabitur_, the twins of Browning's poem, when we bear in mind

the occasion with which it was originally connected.

In the early weeks of 1855 Mrs Browning was seriously ill; through

feverish nights of coughing, she had in her husband a devoted nurse. His

sleepless hours were troubled not only by anxiety on her account but by

a passionate interest in the heroisms and miseries, of his fellow

countrymen during the Crimean winter: "when he is mild _he_ wishes the

ministry to be torn to pieces in the streets, limb from limb." Gradually

his wife regained health, but she had not long recovered when tidings of

the death of Miss Mitford came to sadden her. Not until April did she

feel once more a leap into life. Browning was now actively at work in

anticipation of printing his new volumes during the approaching visit to

England. "He is four hours a day," his wife tells a correspondent,

"engaged in dictating to a friend of ours who transcribes for him." And

a little later she reports that they will take to England between them

some sixteen thousand lines of verse, "eight on one side, eight on the

other," her husband's total being already completed, her own still short

of the sum by a thousand lines. Allowance, as she pleads, had to be made

for time spent in seeing that "Penini's little trousers are creditably

frilled and tucked." On the whole, notwithstanding illness and wrath

directed against English ministerial blunders, this year of life in

Florence had been rich in happiness--a "still dream-life, where if one

is over-busy ever, the old tapestries on the walls and the pre-Giotto

pictures ... surround us, ready to quiet us again."[59] London lodgings

did not look inviting from the distance of Italy; but the summons north

was a summons to work, and could not be set aside.

The midsummer of 1855 found Browning and his wife in 13 Dorset Street,

London, and Browning's sister was with them. The faithful Wilson, Mrs

Browning's maid, had married a Florentine, Ferdinando Romagnoli, and the

husband also was now in their service. The weeks until mid-October were

occupied with social pleasures and close proof-reading of the sheets of

_Men and Women_[60] Browning took his young friend the artist Leighton

to visit Ruskin, and was graciously received. Carlyle was, as formerly,

"in great force, particularly in the damnatory clauses." But the weather

was drooping, the skies misty, the air oppressive, and Mrs Browning,

apart from these, had special causes of depression. Her married sister

Henrietta was away in Taunton, and the cost of travel prevented the

sisters from meeting. Arabella Barrett--"my one light in London" is Mrs

Browning's word--was too soon obliged to depart to Eastbourne. And the

Barrett household was disturbed by the undutifulness of a son who had

been guilty of the unpardonable crime of marriage, and in consequence

was now exiled from Wimpole Street. In body and soul Mrs Browning felt

strong yearnings for the calm of Casa Guidi.

The year 1855 was a fortunate year for English poetry. _Men and Women_

was published in the autumn; the beautiful epilogue, addressed to

E.B.B., "There they are, my fifty men and women," was written in Dorset

Street. Tennyson's _Maud_ had preceded Browning's volumes by some

months. It bewildered the critics, but his brother poet did justice to

Tennyson's passionate sequence of dramatic lyrics. And though London in

mid-autumn had emptied itself Tennyson happened for a few days to be in

town. Two evenings he gave to the Brownings, "dined with us," writes Mrs

Browning, "smoked with us, opened his heart to us (and the second bottle

of port), and ended by reading _Maud_ through from end to end, and going

away at half-past two in the morning." His delightful frankness and

simplicity charmed his hostess. "Think of his stopping in _Maud_," she

goes on, "every now and then--'There's a wonderful touch! That's very

tender! How beautiful that is!' Yes and it _was_ wonderful, tender,

beautiful, and he read exquisitely in a voice like an organ, rather

music than speech."

One of the few persons who were invited to meet Tennyson on this

occasion, Mr W.M. Rossetti, is still living, and his record of that

memorable evening ought not to be omitted. "The audience was a small

one, the privilege accorded to each individual all the higher: Mr and

Mrs Browning, Miss Browning, my brother, and myself, and I think there

was one more--either Madox Brown or else [Holman] Hunt or Woolner ...

Tennyson, seated on a sofa in a characteristic attitude, and holding the

volume near his eyes ... read _Maud_ right through. My brother made two

pen-and-ink sketches of him, and gave one of them to Browning. So far as

I remember, the Poet-Laureate neither saw what Dante was doing, nor knew

of it afterwards. His deep grand voice, with slightly chaunting

intonation, was a noble vehicle for the perusal of mighty verse. On it

rolled, sonorous and emotional. Dante Rossetti, according to Mr Hall

Caine, spoke of the incident in these terms: 'I once heard Tennyson

read _Maud_; and, whilst the fiery passages were delivered with a voice

and vehemence which he alone of living men can compass, the softer

passages and the songs made the tears course down his cheeks.' ... After

Tennyson and _Maud_ came Browning and _Fra Lippo Lippi_--read with as

much sprightly variation as there was in Tennyson of sustained

continuity. Truly a night of the gods, not to be remembered without

pride and pang."[61] A quotation from a letter of Dante Rossetti to

Allingham gives praise to Mrs Browning of a kind which resembles

Lockhart's commendation of her husband: "What a delightful unliterary

person Mrs Browning is to meet! During two evenings when Tennyson was at

their house in London, Mrs Browning left Tennyson with her husband and

William and me (who were the fortunate remnant of the male party) to

discuss the universe, and gave all her attention to some certainly not

very exciting ladies in the next room."[62] Without detracting from Mrs

Browning's "unliterary" merits, one may conjecture that the ladies who

proved unexciting to Rossetti were Arabella Barrett and Sarianna

Browning.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 48: Browning's Essay on Shelley was reprinted by Dr Furnivall

in "The Browning Society's Papers," 1881-84, Part I.]

[Footnote 49: Letters of E.B.B. ii. 284. On Milsand, the article "A

French friend of Browning," by Th. Bentzon, is valuable and

interesting.]

[Footnote 50: Mrs Orr says that Browning always thought Mrs Carlyle "a

hard and unlovable woman"; she adds, "I believe little liking was lost

between them." Mrs Ritchie, in her "Records of Tennyson, Ruskin, and

Browning" (pp. 250, 251), tells with spirit the story of Browning and

Mrs Carlyle's kettle, which, on being told to "put it down," in an

absent mood he planted upon her new carpet. "Ye should have been more

explicit," said Carlyle to his wife.]

[Footnote 51: See Letters of E.B.B. ii. 127.]

[Footnote 52: Letters of E.B.B. ii. 99.]

[Footnote 53: Letter of F. Tennyson, in Memoir of Alfred Tennyson, by

his son, chapter xviii.]

[Footnote 54: Mr Kenyon's note, vol. ii. 142 of Letters of E.B.B.]

[Footnote 55: _Times Lit. Supplement_, Dec. 5, 1902.]

[Footnote 56: Miss Cobbe's testimony is similar, and Lehmann says that

at Home's name Browning would grow pale with passion.]

[Footnote 57: See "Story and his Friends," by Henry James, 1903, vol. i.

pp. 284, 285.]

[Footnote 58: Letters of E.B.B., ii. 345.]

[Footnote 59: E.B.B. to Ruskin, _Letters_, ii. 199.]

[Footnote 60: Which, however, did not prevent certain errors noted in a

letter of Browning to Dante Rossetti.]

[Footnote 61: Dante Gabriel Rossetti. His "Family Letters," i. 190,

191.]

[Footnote 62: Letters of D.G. Rossetti to William Allingham, 162. See

Mrs Browning's letter to Mrs Tennyson in Memoir of Tennyson by his son,

I vol. edition, p. 329.]

[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF FILIPPO LIPPI.

_By himself. A detail from the fresco in the Cathedral at Praia from a

photograph by_ ALINARI.]

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