THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR (_continued_), 1777.
The fear of the invasion of Canada by the British, had, as we have
already seen, led the Americans to make a disastrous attempt at the
conquest of that province. The so-much-feared invasion was now at hand.
In the meantime, as the spring of 1777 advanced, although as yet the
main armies were inactive, various little attacks and reprisals were
made. An armament sent up the Hudson by Howe for that purpose destroyed
the military stores of the Americans at Peekskill, and General Lincoln,
stationed at Boundbrook in New Jersey, was surprised by Lord Cornwallis,
and escaped only with the loss of a considerable portion of his baggage
and about sixty lives. A few days afterwards, Tryon, late governor of
New York, at the head of 2,000 men, landed in Connecticut and advanced
to Danbury, an inland town, where a large quantity of provisions was
collected; having destroyed these, set fire to the town, and committed
various acts of atrocity, he departed as rapidly as he had come. Arnold
and Wooster, however, pursued him at the head of militia, hastily
collected for that purpose, and three several attacks were made, in
which the veteran and greatly respected Wooster was killed and Arnold
had two horses shot under him. Tryon made good his escape with a loss in
killed, wounded, and prisoners, of about 300; and congress, in
acknowledgment of Arnold’s bravery, presented him with a horse fully
caparisoned, and raised him to the rank of major-general. In return, a
small party of Americans under Colonel Meigs landed on Long Island,
destroyed twelve vessels, and took a large quantity of provisions and
forage collected at Sag Harbour, and carried off ninety prisoners,
without himself losing a single man. Another little triumph of the
Americans is worth recording. General Prescott, who had been taken
prisoner at Montreal, two years before, when Governor Carleton made his
escape, now being stationed at Newport in Rhode Island, irritated the
Americans no little by offering a reward for the capture of Arnold; on
which Arnold, in return, offered half the amount for the capture of
Prescott. Accordingly, it being presently ascertained that Prescott
frequented without precaution a country-house near the town, a party of
forty men under one Colonel Barton set out with the intention of
carrying him off, landed at night on the island, entered the house, and
taking the general from his bed, hurried away with their prize. Until
now the Americans had not been able to ransom their General Lee, who had
been taken much in the same manner, and the two officers were shortly
exchanged.
In the meantime Washington remained with his army at Morristown, waiting
with great anxiety the development of the enemy’s plans of operation,
and increasing his own strength by the arrival of recruits, who still
came in only slowly. The plans of the British general appeared for a
long time uncertain, whether to march directly upon Philadelphia or to
co-operate with Burgoyne, who had now assumed the command in Canada. In
the north, the American army was so very feeble, that it was feared lest
Ticonderoga, almost the sole remains of the American conquests in that
quarter, might be seized by a sudden movement from Canada over the ice.
The service in the north was indeed so unpopular, that a species of
conscription was obliged to be resorted to in order to fill up the
regiments. Indeed the reluctance to serve was felt so generally
throughout the northern provinces, that the prohibition against the
enlistment of negro-slaves was removed, and now recruits of any colour
were joyfully received, and many negro-slaves gained their freedom in
this manner. In the south, also, indented servants enlisting were
declared to be freemen.
As spring came on, General Burgoyne, who had served in Canada under
Governor Carleton, and who had gone to England for the purpose of urging
upon parliament the reduction of America by a powerful descent upon the
colonies by the way of Lake Champlain and the Hudson, returned with a
large army and military stores for that purpose.
[Illustration: GENERAL BURGOYNE AND THE INDIANS.]
On the 16th of June, Burgoyne, at the head of an army of nearly 10,000
men, British and German, with a great number of Canadians and Indians,
set forth on his expedition. His first encampment was on the western
shore of Lake Champlain, near Crown Point, where he met the Six Nations
in council, and was joined by about 400 of those powerful warriors.
Burgoyne, however, so little understood the character of the red men,
that he addressed them in a very pompous speech, endeavouring to induce
them to alter their irregular mode of warfare. To just as little purpose
was the proclamation which he issued at the same time, in an equally
pompous manner, in which, after demonstrating his own power and that of
the British, he threatened the colonists with extermination, before the
fury of the savage Indian, if they persisted in resisting his arms.
Burgoyne’s plan of operation was, after taking Ticonderoga, to advance
upon Albany on the Hudson, where he would be met by Colonel St. Leger,
who, with 2,000 men, chiefly Canadians and Indians, was to proceed by
way of Oswego, against Fort Schuyler or Stanwix, and so gain the same
point, after which both armies were to join General Clinton at New York.
Two days after Burgoyne had published his formidable proclamation, he
appeared before Ticonderoga, then garrisoned by General St. Clair with
about 3,000 men. Spite of all the labour and expense which had been
bestowed on this fort, one important circumstance had been most
singularly overlooked. The fort was commanded by a neighbouring height,
called Mount Defiance, which being considered inaccessible, had been
left undefended. Burgoyne, however, at once perceiving the advantage to
be obtained by the possession of this height, lost no time in preparing
to gain it, and three days after he had made his appearance, his
artillery was placed on the summit. St. Clair seeing that no chance
remained for himself and his troops, resolved upon immediate evacuation.
The baggage and stores, under the convoy of the last remains of the
American flotilla, were secretly despatched down to Skeensborough, and
the troops also in two divisions, the one under St. Clair, the other,
which left two hours later, under Colonel Francis, commenced their
retreat at the dead of night, but were discovered by the enemy owing to
the accidental burning of a building on an adjoining height. The next
morning, therefore, the rear division was overtaken by General Fraser at
the head of a British troop, near Hubbardton, where an engagement took
place, in which the Americans were routed, and flying before the enemy,
spread throughout the adjoining country the terror of the British arms.
One thousand Americans were killed, wounded and taken prisoners on this
disastrous day, among the former of whom was Colonel Francis. Nor was
this all; General Reidesel with a corps of Germans pursued and overtook
the American stores and baggage, which fell into his hands; and the
garrison of Skeensborough, on learning this melancholy intelligence and
of the approach of Burgoyne, set fire to the works, and fled to Fort
Anne, half-way between them and the Hudson. Pursuit followed; a skirmish
took place, and in the infectious terror of the time, having set fire to
the works of Fort Anne, they fled to Fort Edward, the head-quarters of
General Schuyler. At this same point, also, arrived St. Clair, who with
his division had been wandering about for seven days. Thus, after defeat
and flight, were assembled the whole force of the American northern
army, amounting only to 5,000 men, many of whom were only
hastily-summoned militia, wholly unorganised, while of ammunition there
was great scarcity.
Again despondency and gloom overspread the American mind. The successes
of Burgoyne came, says Hildreth, like a thunderclap on congress. “We
shall never be able to defend a fort,” wrote John Adams, “till we shoot
a general.” Disasters, the inevitable result of weakness, were
attributed to the incapacity or cowardice of the officers. The New
England prejudice against Schuyler revived, and all the northern
generals in fact were recalled; and but for the interference of
Washington, the northern army must have been disbanded for want of
officers. Schuyler, in the meantime, was doing the best that he could
under existing circumstances. Before leaving the various positions, he
took every means to annoy and impede the movements of the enemy,
obstructing navigation, breaking up roads and bridges, and closing up
every passable defile by felling trees on either side, which,
interlacing their branches in the fall, formed an almost insuperable
barrier. Schuyler, in whom, however, Washington never lost confidence,
was superseded, and Gates was appointed by congress to take his place.
Reinforcements also were sent up; Daniel Morgan with his rifle corps,
the impetuous and bold Arnold and Lincoln, who was a great favourite
with the Massachusetts men. Kosciusko was also in the army as its
principal engineer.
Burgoyne, making himself sure of speedily establishing the royal power
in the north, called a convention by proclamation for concerting
measures for this purpose. A circumstance connected with the history of
Vermont, as an infant state, gave him additional hopes of the popular
adhesion in this quarter. Vermont having organised herself into an
independent state, had solicited admission into the union as such, and
been refused, through the influence of New York, who claimed that
country as a portion of her territory. Burgoyne was, however,
disappointed in his hopes; Vermont entertained no feelings of animosity;
and Schuyler, in return, published his counter-proclamation, threatening
the punishment of traitors to all who foreswore their allegiance to
American independence.
Burgoyne, not without great difficulty, at length reached the Hudson, to
the great joy of the British army; and Schuyler, unable to face him,
retreated to Saratoga, where the tidings of new disasters soon reached
him. Burgoyne had several weeks before despatched Colonel St. Leger,
with Sir John Johnson and his Royal Greens, together with a body of
Canadian rangers, and the formidable Brandt and his savages, to harass
the western frontier of New York. Fort Schuyler, commanded by Colonels
Gansevoost and Willett, was attacked, and General Herkimer, hastening to
his relief with militia, which he had raised for that purpose, fell into
an ambush near the fort and was mortally wounded, besides losing 400
men, amongst whom were many of the leading patriots of that part of the
country. This was sad news for Schuyler, and as the north-west abounded
in Tories, it was necessary, if possible, to relieve Fort Schuyler, so
as to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy, which would
cause, it was apprehended, a general disaffection. Arnold volunteered to
undertake this perilous service, and Schuyler, having despatched him
with three regiments, withdrew from Saratoga to the islands at the
confluence of the Mohawk and Hudson rivers.
Although success had followed the British, and Burgoyne was in
possession of so many strong posts, and had command of Lakes Champlain
and George, and great amount of stores and provisions lay at Fort George
for his use, yet the means of transport were so difficult, that the army
was reduced to the greatest straits. To obtain immediate supplies,
therefore, he despatched Colonel Baum, a German officer of rank, with
500 men, together with a body of Canadians and Indians, to seize a
quantity of provisions which the Americans had stored at Bennington.
There was at this time at Bennington, under the command of Colonel
Stark, a corps of New Hampshire militia, raised by a merchant of
Portsmouth, named Langdon, on the news of the loss of Ticonderoga. As
soon as Stark heard of the attack which was to be made on the stores, he
sent off for Seth Warner’s Green Mountain Boys, his own force having
also been strengthened by volunteers and fugitives from the defeat at
Hubbardton. Baum, seeing Stark prepared for him, entrenched himself
about six miles from Bennington, intending to make an attack the
following day. But violent rain came on, and both Stark and Baum
deferred any movement, both hoping for reinforcements, Baum from Colonel
Breyman, who was marching to his assistance, and Stark from the Green
Mountain Boys, who were hourly expected. But the violence of the weather
kept both back, and the next morning, Stark, at the head of his New
Hampshire men, marched out to meet the enemy. The address of Stark to
his men is worthy of being remembered. “There they are;” said he,
pointing to the British; “there they are! We must beat them, my boys, or
Molly Stark will be a widow this night!”
The assault was vigorous, and after a desperate fight of about two hours
the intrenchments were carried, Baum was killed, and the Germans were
mostly slain or taken prisoners, and the Indians and Canadians fled to
the woods. Hardly, however, was the victory gained, when Breyman and his
reinforcements appeared, and the fight was renewed, Seth Warner and his
brave Boys having fortunately appeared at the same moment on the other
side. The battle lasted till dark, and then Breyman fled, leaving his
baggage and artillery behind him. The British lost about 600, the
greater number however being taken prisoners, besides 1,000 stand of
arms and four pieces of artillery. The American loss was merely fourteen
killed and forty-two wounded.
This defeat was the turning point in the career of the British; the
tidings dispirited and embarrassed them, and for the first time showed
their grand plan of dividing the northern from the southern provinces to
be doubtful. The effect on the Americans was still greater; hope and
confidence woke anew, and the worthy Schuyler might soon have regained
his character, had not Gates appeared a few days afterwards to assume
the command. Schuyler, however, like a true patriot, who is able to sink
self-interest in the well-being of his country, removed merely to
Albany, where he continued to render every possible assistance to the
carrying on of the campaign. Gates was also immediately joined by Daniel
Morgan and his riflemen, and by a New Hampshire regiment.
The tide had now completely turned. Not only had Stark’s victory revived
the hopes of the Americans, but the cruelties and treacheries of
Burgoyne’s Indian allies had roused the popular indignation, and the
tragical fate of a young woman, while it called forth universal
sympathy, completed the measure of hatred which was given to the
British. Jenny M‘Crea, a young lady of Fort Edward, the daughter of a
loyalist family, and betrothed to a loyalist officer, was murdered in
the woods by the Indian guard whom her lover had appointed to conduct
her to a place of safety, and whose fidelity he believed secured by a
promised reward. On the road, however, it appeared that the Indians
quarrelled respecting this reward, and the poor girl was murdered in the
dispute, her bloody scalp with its long tresses being the Indian signal
to the lover of the cruel fate of his mistress. Such was Burgoyne’s
version of this tragedy; but besides the daughter, the whole family was
murdered, they being carried off to the woods, murdered and scalped in a
most barbarous manner. These cruel individual instances, which every man
and woman would take home to themselves, roused the whole northern
provinces. The death of Jenny M‘Crea sent out hundreds of volunteers.
The Indians, also, now began to desert the camp of the British in great
numbers; and Arnold, on his way to the relief of Fort Schuyler, having
spread everywhere exaggerated accounts of his numbers, St. Leger fled
from his newly-acquired possession, leaving his tents standing and his
stores and baggage behind him.
The American army now amounted to upwards of 5,000, and Gates left his
camp on the Islands, and took up his position on Behmus Heights at
Stillwater, on the west bank of the Hudson, close to the river. With
great labour and difficulty Burgoyne had brought down from the depôt on
Lake St. George thirty days’ provisions for his troops, and now,
therefore, he crossed the Hudson by a bridge of boats, and encamped on
the 14th of September at Saratoga. On the 19th, skirmishing began
between the advanced parties; reinforcements were sent in by the two
armies as the fortunes of the combat seemed to vary, till at length the
battle became general. The fighting continued furiously and without
intermission, till night at length made it impossible to distinguish
friend from foe. Victory had changed sides many times during the fight;
but the British retired, and left the Americans masters of the field.
Both claimed the victory, but the loss of the British was the greater.
Two days before the battle of Stillwater, a considerable advantage had
also been gained by a party of Lincoln’s militia, who surprised the
posts at the outlet of Lake George, took a considerable number of
prisoners and armed vessels; after which, in concert with another party,
they advanced to Ticonderoga. Burgoyne’s position thus became perilous
and difficult in the extreme. His provisions and forage were
diminishing; his allies were daily deserting; and if he retreated, the
Americans, flushed with what was vaunted as a great victory, were in his
rear. In the midst of this anxiety one hope remained, which was
communicated by a letter in cypher, that troops would be sent by Clinton
from New York to make a diversion on the Hudson, and thus the alarming
position of Burgoyne be relieved. The present time must, however, be
cared for. The two camps were within a short distance of each other, and
skirmishes were of daily occurrence; and at length, on October 7th, a
battle took place—the famous battle of Saratoga. Morgan and his riflemen
distinguished themselves early in the combat. “Gates,” says Hildreth,
“did not appear on the field; but Arnold, though without any regular
command, took, as usual, a leading part. He seemed under the impulse of
some extraordinary excitement, riding at full speed, issuing orders and
cheering on the men.” The battle was fought with the utmost bravery on
both sides, until night again put an end to the fighting. The Americans
slept on their arms, intending to renew the combat with the morning;
their advantages so far were decisive. Of the British, 400 men were
killed, wounded, or taken prisoners; tents, ammunition and artillery,
fell into the hands of the Americans. Next morning the British commander
was found to have quietly retired during the night, and to be drawn up
in order of battle on some high ground near.
Gates was too wary to venture another battle with the enemy posted to so
much advantage, and made preparations, therefore, for enclosing him as
he lay, which Burgoyne perceiving, prepared for retreat. In the meantime
skirmishing went on; General Lincoln was severely wounded on the
American side, and General Fraser, a British officer of high rank, was
killed, and buried on the hill which bears his name. The Baroness de
Reidesel, who, with her young children, followed the camp, and whose
quarters were turned into a sort of hospital for the wounded officers,
has left a pathetic account of the horrors of that day, and the retreat
which followed.[19]
Burgoyne fell back upon Saratoga, abandoning his sick and wounded amid
drenching rain; the bridges were broken down, the rivers were swollen,
and though the distance was but six miles, this retreat consumed the
whole day. His situation was now lamentable in the extreme. He heard
nothing from New York of the expected aid; he was in the midst of a
hostile country hemmed in by an enemy whose forces, now amounting to
12,000 men, were daily increasing, while his had melted away to less
than one-half of that number, nor could even these be depended upon. His
boats laden with provisions were taken, and there remained now but a
three days’ supply. In this terrible and unlooked-for emergency, a
council of war was called, to which every officer was summoned, and a
treaty of capitulation was agreed upon.
Gates demanded unconditional surrender, but Burgoyne would not consent
to this. And it being feared that the long-expected diversion from New
York should be made, and thus change again the fortunes of the day,
Gates did not hesitate long as to terms. On the 27th of October,
Burgoyne surrendered his army as prisoners of war, it being agreed that
on laying down their arms they should be conducted to Boston, thence to
embark for England under condition of not again serving against the
United States. The prisoners included in this capitulation amounted to
5,642, the previous losses being upwards of 4,000. There fell also into
the hands of the Americans thirty-five brass field-pieces and 5,000
muskets, besides baggage and camp equipage. The colours of the German
regiments were preserved by being cut from their staves, rolled up, and
stowed away in the baggage of Madame Reidesel.
The British troops thus subjected to humiliation were, however, treated
with great delicacy by the Americans; their officers, and Burgoyne in
particular, receiving many kind attentions. Burgoyne was entertained
with distinguished hospitality by General Schuyler, although his
country-house and much of his property had been destroyed by order of
the British commander.
As soon as the surrender of Burgoyne was known, the British garrison at
Ticonderoga destroyed the works and retired to Canada. Clinton, with
Tryon and his Tory forces, on the same intelligence, dismantled the
forts on the Hudson, and having burnt every house within their reach,
and done all the damage in their power, returned to New York. Thus ended
an enterprise from which the British had hoped and the Americans feared
so much, and its results were in the highest degree advantageous to the
cause of the republicans. The enemy was not only weakened and
humiliated, a large and welcome supply of arms and stores obtained, but
the Americans rose greatly in the estimation of foreign nations, who
watched the contest with anxious and eager attention.
The joy of the Americans, especially those of the Northern States, was
almost beyond bounds, and, as might be expected, the military reputation
of Gates stood very high—nay, even for the time, outshone that of
Washington, whose loss of Philadelphia, of which we have yet to speak,
was placed unfavourably beside the surrender of a whole British army.
The good General Schuyler, who had been superseded by the prosperous
Gates, was acquitted with the highest honour after strict investigation
of his military conduct. He resigned his commission in the army, but
still continued to serve his country no less zealously as a member of
congress.
We must now return to Washington at Philadelphia, whom we left in
anxious uncertainty as to the intentions of the British general, whether
he would march upon Philadelphia according to former plans, or seize
upon the passes of the Hudson, and carrying up his large forces to the
north, co-operate with Burgoyne in that quarter. In order, however, to
be prepared for either of these movements, a large camp was formed under
General Arnold on the western bank of the Delaware; and towards the end
of May, Washington, with about 8,000 men, moved to Middlebrook, ten
miles from Princetown, where he might have a better opportunity of
watching and interrupting the movements of the enemy.
Howe, whose real intention was to bring on a general engagement with
Washington, in which case he calculated on certain victory, marched out
from New Brunswick, where he had concentrated his army, after leaving
his winter-quarters at New York. Finding, however, the position of
Washington too strong, he fell back to Amboy, threw a bridge across to
Staten Island, and sent over his heavy baggage and some of his troops.
Washington, deceived by this manœuvre, ordered his troops out in
pursuit, and himself moved to Quibbleton. This was what Howe had in
view, and now suddenly turning round, he attempted to gain the strong
ground which the American commander had left; but Washington, perceiving
the drift of the enemy, made a hasty retreat to his old position, not,
however, without some loss both of men and artillery. Finding his plans
unsuccessful, Howe finally on the 30th of June withdrew with all his
troops to Staten Island, leaving Washington in undisturbed possession of
New Jersey.
Again Washington knew not the intentions of the British either by land
or water. A fleet of transports, he knew, was fitting out in New York
harbour, but its destination was unknown. At length, on the 23rd of
July, the fleet, under command of Admiral Howe, set sail northward with
troops to the amount of 18,000 on board, and Washington, suspecting that
its operations would be in that quarter, marched also in the same
direction. By the end of July, however, it was heard of as approaching
Cape May, and Washington then returned to the Delaware. After still
continued uncertainty as to its object, the fleet at length sailed up
the Chesapeake, and on the 25th of August the troops landed near the
head of Elk River in Maryland, fifty miles south-west of Philadelphia.
While the unascertained intentions of the British left Washington
unemployed, other minor objects engaged his attention. An expedition was
made against the loyalists of Staten Island, who were a great annoyance
to the inhabitants of New Jersey, against whom they made armed
incursions, plundering their dwellings and driving off their cattle. The
non-combatant Quakers also of Pennsylvania and New Jersey became a cause
of anxiety, and were subjected to punishment. It happened that the
papers and advices of the two several yearly meetings of this body came
in possession of the leaders of the expedition against Staten Island.
These being examined by the Council of Philadelphia, were found to
contain matter of a treasonable character, and eleven wealthy and
leading Quakers of Philadelphia, among whom was the father of the
president of the council, were arrested. So great indeed was the
suspicion excited by the Quaker loyalty, that it was deemed necessary
not only to send these eleven but various other leading men, John Penn,
the late governor, and Benjamin Chud, the late chief justice, being of
the number, prisoners to Fredricksburg in Virginia. So alarming indeed
was this detected treason considered to be, that congress recommended
every state to arrest all persons, Quakers or others, who had in any way
evinced a disposition inimical to the cause of America, also to seize
the papers of the Quaker yearly meetings, and transmit the political
portion of their contents to congress.
Howe, on landing in Maryland, published as usual his offer of pardon to
all who would submit at once to the British sway, and security to such
as remained peaceably at home; after which he commenced his march
towards Philadelphia. Washington awaited his approach at Wilmington,
under circumstances, as the historian[20] remarks, much less favourable
than those which enabled the northern army so successfully to repel the
contemporaneous advance of Burgoyne. There was no New England here to
pour in her militia; no bold forces of New Hampshire and the young
Vermont to come down like a mountain torrent; Pennsylvania was impelled
by no general zeal either of patriotism or liberty; the greater part of
the Quakers, a wealthy and influential body, were, if not strongly
tinged by British loyalty, at all events neutral. The militia of
Pennsylvania, even at this moment, when the enemy was advancing on the
capital, amounted barely to 3,000. Washington’s force was greatly
inferior to that of the enemy, not much exceeding 11,000 men. The
militia of Maryland and Virginia it is true, had been called out to his
aid, but as yet had not arrived. Nevertheless, he now resolved upon a
battle, and after considerable manœuvring and skirmishing, on Sept. 10th
he crossed the Brandywine River, a shallow stream, on the opposite side
of which the enemy was encamped, and awaited the event of the next day.
Early on the morning of the 11th, the British force crossed the
Brandywine in two columns. The Hessians, under General Kniphausen,
having commenced a spirited attack, the intention being to deceive the
Americans by the idea that no other attack was intended, whilst Lord
Cornwallis, with a still larger force, having made a circuitous march,
crossed the Brandywine at another point, with the design of falling on
the American rear. Aware of this movement only too late, and confused by
contradictory statements, General Sullivan, who had been despatched by
Washington to interrupt it, was soon driven back and the fortunes of the
day terminated wholly in favour of the British. The Americans retreated
during the night, and the next day reached Philadelphia, their loss in
the battle being above 1,000 in killed, wounded and prisoners, while the
loss of the British was not above half that number. Among the officers
who suffered and distinguished themselves on the American side were
three foreigners—La Fayette who was wounded in the leg while attempting
to rally the retreating troops; the Baron St. Ovary was taken prisoner;
and Count Pulaski, a Pole, who had entered the army as a volunteer,
displayed so much courage and conduct that he was rewarded by congress a
few days afterwards with the rank of brigadier-general and command of
the horse.
The day after the battle, a party of the enemy entered Wilmington and
took prisoner the governor of Delaware, and seized beside a considerable
amount of property, both public and private.
After a few days’ rest, Washington resolved to hazard another battle,
and accordingly, on the 16th, re-crossed the Schuylkill, and marched
against the British at Goshen, twenty miles from Philadelphia; but
violent rain coming on after the action had commenced and the powder in
the defective cartridge-boxes of the Americans becoming wet and unfit
for use, he was obliged to recall his men and retire. In another
instance also, were they unfortunate on the same day. Washington had
left Colonel Wayne, with a detachment of 1,500 men, concealed in a wood
to annoy the rear of the British, tidings of whom being carried to the
British commander by some of the numerous disaffected in the
neighbourhood, they were surprised by a strong detachment sent out for
that purpose, and compelled to fly with the loss of 300 men; the British
lost but seven.
On the 22nd, Howe crossed the Schuylkill, lower down than Washington had
done, and thus, to the infinite annoyance of the American commander,
placed himself between him and Philadelphia. Nothing, says Hildreth,
could now save the city but a battle and victory. Washington’s troops,
inferior in number, had been fatigued and harassed by their recent
marches. They were sadly deficient in shoes and clothing; their arms
were bad; while the irregular supplies consequent on recent changes in
the commissary department, and the increasing financial embarrassments
of congress, had sometimes even deprived them of food. Under these
circumstances it seemed almost too hazardous to risk a battle. The
necessity of abandoning Philadelphia had already been foreseen; the
hospitals, magazines and public stores had been removed; congress had
adjourned to Lancaster, having first invested Washington with the same
unlimited powers which had been given to him on a former occasion.
Washington entrusted to the young Hamilton, one of his aides-de-camp,
the important office of obtaining a supply of shoes, blankets, and
clothing for his army from Philadelphia, before the city passed into the
hands of the enemy, which was accordingly done.
On the 25th of September, Howe entered Philadelphia, where he was
received with a warm welcome by many; Duche, the late chaplain of
congress, writing to Washington and advising him “to give up the ungodly
cause in which he was engaged.” Four regiments were quartered in the
city, and the main army encamped at Germantown, ten miles distant.
Washington in the meantime passed down the Schuylkill, and encamped with
his army at Shippack Creek, eleven miles from Germantown, where he was
at length joined by the Maryland militia, though diminished to half its
promised amount by desertion. Having learnt that a part of the British
army had been sent to the Delaware, Washington resolved on attacking the
remainder at Germantown, and accordingly, on the evening of the 3rd of
October, set out for that purpose, and succeeded in surprising the
British early the next morning. For some time everything went well for
the Americans, when a heavy fog coming on, and the British availing
themselves of the cover of a stone house, the fortune of the day turned.
The darkness was such that friend could not be distinguished from foe;
the Americans fell into confusion; the ammunition of some corps was
expended, and others, seized with a panic, fled. That which had promised
to be a victory was changed into defeat. The American loss was about
1,000, 400 of whom were taken prisoners; among the killed was General
Nash, of North Carolina. The British lost about half that number.
Washington retired about twenty miles inland, where he received
reinforcements from the north with the welcome news of Burgoyne’s
surrender, and additional militia from Maryland and Virginia, after
which he returned to his old quarters at Shippack Creek. Howe also
removed from Germantown to Philadelphia. Instead of pursuing Washington,
shortness of provisions rendered it necessary for Howe to open the
navigation of the Delaware, the command of which was held by Forts
Mifflin and Mercer, still in the hands of the Americans, and which
prevented any communication between the British army and their fleet
then lying in Delaware Bay. This measure indeed was absolutely
necessary, as but little subsistence could be obtained from the adjacent
country, for although considerable defection prevailed throughout
Pennsylvania, still the presence of the American army formed a great
check; and the late edict of congress, which Washington was there to
enforce, and which rendered liable to the punishment of death any person
daring to afford supplies to the British, rendered help from the country
impossible. “The British commander,” said Dr. Franklin, wittily, “now
discovered that instead of taking Philadelphia, Philadelphia had taken
him.”
Forts Mifflin and Mercer were therefore attacked on the 22nd of October.
Fort Mercer, which was garrisoned by somewhat less than 500 men, under
the quaker commander Nathaniel Greene, was assailed by General Count
Donop, at the head of 2,000 Hessian grenadiers, who, after having
succeeded in taking the outworks were repulsed with great loss, Donop
himself being mortally wounded. The attack on Fort Mifflin, which was
made by shipping, was at first equally unsuccessful, two of the enemy’s
ships being destroyed in the attempt. Every effort was now made to
strengthen the defences of both forts, but in proportion as the efforts
on the one hand increased, so did those on the other; and finally, after
the utmost bravery had been displayed, Fort Mifflin, which was almost
battered to pieces by the fire of the enemy, was abandoned in the night
by its garrison who withdrew to Fort Mercer, which was also evacuated on
the 16th of November, before the accumulated force of the British. With
the loss of those forts, the American shipping was reduced to great
danger. Some few, under the cover of night, succeeded in ascending the
river above Philadelphia; and seventeen were burnt by their crews that
they might not fall into the hands of the enemy. The navigation of the
Delaware was now opened and the British commander could freely
communicate with the fleet.
Soon after these events, Washington, wishing to confine the enemy
within as close quarters as possible, established his winter-quarters
at Valley Forge, a high and strong position on the south side of the
Schuylkill, and about twenty miles from Philadelphia. Contrary to the
wishes of some of his more ardent officers, Washington refused to
attack Philadelphia, nor would he be drawn out to battle by any of the
repeated attempts which Howe made for that purpose. A season of sorrow
and of hard trial was at hand for Washington. As we have said, the
brilliant success of Gates in the north had eclipsed the reputation of
the commander-in-chief, and a plot was formed at this time to supplant
him by his more successful rival. But patience as well as achievement
is the virtue of heroes; and Washington, calm in the midst of enemies,
abated not one jot of patriotic endeavour, nor allowed himself to be
turned either by friend or foe from the path which, though yet dark,
he knew to be that of duty; and ere long events justified him before
the world.
A gloomy winter was at hand. We will give Hildreth’s picture of the
state of the camp at Valley Forge. “Such was the destitution of shoes,
that all the late marches had been tracked in blood, an evil which
Washington had endeavoured to mitigate by offering a premium for the
best pattern of a shoe made of untanned hides. For want of blankets,
many of the men were obliged to sit up all night before the camp fires.
More than a quarter of the troops were reported unfit for duty, because
they were ‘barefoot and otherwise naked.’ Even provisions failed; and on
more than one occasion there was famine in the camp.[21] Diseases ensued
as a matter of course; the temporary buildings used as hospitals were
crowded and unfit for the purpose. Great numbers died from hospital
fever alone. There was no change of linen; nor were even medicines to be
obtained. The hospitals, it is said, resembled rather receptacles for
the dying than places of refuge for the sick.”
Such was the American camp at Valley Forge.
Other national events besides those of war took place in the past year,
to which we must now for a moment revert, and which we will give in the
condensed form of Marcius Willson.
“After the colonies had thrown off their allegiance to the British
crown, and had established separate governments in the states, there
arose the further necessity for some common bond of union which should
better enable them to act in concert as one nation. In the summer of
1775, Benjamin Franklin had proposed to the American congress articles
of confederation and union among the colonies; but the majority in
congress not being prepared for so decisive a step, the subject was for
the time dropped, but was resumed again shortly before the declaration
of independence in the following year.
“On the 11th of June, congress appointed a committee to prepare a plan
of confederation. And the plan, reported by the committee in the
following July, was, after various changes, finally adopted by congress
on the 15th of November, 1777. Various causes, the principal of which
was a difference of opinion respecting the disposition of the vacant
western lands, prevented the immediate ratification of these articles by
all the states; but at length those states which claimed the western
lands having ceded them to the Union for the common benefit of the
whole, the articles of confederation were ratified by Maryland, the last
remaining state, on the 1st of March, 1781, at which time they became
the constitution of the country.
“The confederation, however, amounted to little more than a mere league
of friendship between the states; for although it invested congress with
many of the powers of sovereignty, it was defective as a permanent
government, owing to the want of means to enforce its decrees. While the
states were bound together by a sense of common danger, the evils of the
plan were little noticed; but after the close of the war they became so
prominent as to make a revision of the system necessary.”