CHAPTER XI.

DETERIORATION OF CHARACTER.

B.C. 329

Alexander at the summit of his ambition.--Sad changes.--Alexander

becomes dissipated.--His officers became estranged.--Character of

Parmenio.--His services to Alexander.--Parmenio's son, Philotas.--His

dissolute character.--Conspiracies.--Plot of Dymnus.--Dymnus destroys

himself.--Philotas suspected.--The council of officers.--Philotas

accused.--Arrest of Philotas.--The body of Dymnus.--Alexander's

address to the army.--Philotas brought to trial.--Defense of

Philotas.--He is put to the torture.--Confession of Philotas.--He

is stoned to death.--Parmenio condemned to death.--Mission of

Polydamas.--Precautions.--Brutal murder of Parmenio.--Story of

Clitus.--He saves Alexander's life.--Services of Clitus.--Occurrences

at the banquet.--Clitus reproaches Alexander.--Alexander's

rage.--Alexander assassinates Clitus.--His remorse.

Alexander was now twenty-six years of age. He had accomplished fully

the great objects which had been the aim of his ambition. Darius was

dead, and he was himself the undisputed master of all western Asia.

His wealth was almost boundless. His power was supreme over what was,

in his view, the whole known world. But, during the process of rising

to this ascendency, his character was sadly changed. He lost the

simplicity, the temperance, the moderation, and the sense of justice

which characterized his early years. He adopted the dress and the

luxurious manners of the Persians. He lived in the palaces of the

Persian kings, imitating all their state and splendor. He became very

fond of convivial entertainments and of wine, and often drank to

excess. He provided himself a seraglio of three hundred and sixty

young females, in whose company he spent his time, giving himself up

to every form of effeminacy and dissipation. In a word, he was no

longer the same man. The decision, the energy of character, the steady

pursuit of great ends by prudence, forethought, patient effort, and

self-denial, all disappeared; nothing now seemed to interest him but

banquets, carousals, parties of pleasure, and whole days and nights

spent in dissipation and vice.

This state of things was a great cause of mortification and chagrin to

the officers of his army. Many of them were older than himself, and

better able to resist these temptations to luxury, effeminacy, and

vice. They therefore remained firm in their original simplicity and

integrity, and after some respectful but ineffectual remonstrances,

they stood aloof, alienated from their commander in heart, and

condemning very strongly, among themselves, his wickedness and folly.

On the other hand, many of the _younger_ officers followed Alexander's

example, and became as vain, as irregular, and as fond of vicious

indulgence as he. But then, though they joined him in his pleasures,

there was no strong bond of union between him and them. The tie which

binds mere companions in pleasure together is always very slight and

frail. Thus Alexander gradually lost the confidence and affection of

his old friends, and gained no new ones. His officers either

disapproved his conduct, and were distant and cold, or else joined him

in his dissipation and vice, without feeling any real respect for his

character, or being bound to him by any principle of fidelity.

Parmenio and his son Philotas were, respectively, striking examples of

these two kinds of character. Parmenio was an old general, now

considerably advanced in life. He had served, as has already been

stated, under Philip, Alexander's father, and had acquired great

experience and great fame before Alexander succeeded to the throne.

During the whole of Alexander's career Parmenio had been his principal

lieutenant general, and he had always placed his greatest reliance

upon him in all trying emergencies. He was cool, calm, intrepid,

sagacious. He held Alexander back from many rash enterprises, and was

the efficient means of his accomplishing most of his plans. It is the

custom among all nations to give kings the glory of all that is

effected by their generals and officers; and the writers of those days

would, of course, in narrating the exploits of the Macedonian army,

exaggerate the share which Alexander had in their performances, and

underrate those of Parmenio. But in modern times, many impartial

readers, in reviewing calmly these events, think that there is reason

to doubt whether Alexander, if he had set out on his great expedition

without Parmenio, would have succeeded at all.

Philotas was the son of Parmenio, but he was of a very different

character. The difference was one which is very often, in all ages of

the world, to be observed between those who _inherit_ greatness and

those who acquire it for themselves. We see the same analogy reigning

at the present day, when the sons of the wealthy, who are _born_ to

fortune, substitute pride, and arrogance, and vicious self-indulgence

and waste for the modesty, and prudence, and virtue of their sires, by

means of which the fortune was acquired. Philotas was proud, boastful,

extravagant, and addicted, like Alexander his master, to every species

of indulgence and dissipation. He was universally hated. His father,

out of patience with his haughty airs, his boastings, and his pomp and

parade, advised him, one day, to "make himself less." But Parmenio's

prudent advice to his son was thrown away. Philotas spoke of himself

as Alexander's great reliance. "What would Philip have been or have

done," said he, "without my father Parmenio? and what would Alexander

have been or have done, without me?" These things were reported to

Alexander, and thus the mind of each was filled with suspicion, fear,

and hatred toward the other.

Courts and camps are always the scenes of conspiracy and treason, and

Alexander was continually hearing of conspiracies and plots formed

against him. The strong sentiment of love and devotion with which he

inspired all around him at the commencement of his career, was now

gone, and his generals and officers were continually planning schemes

to depose him from the power which he seemed no longer to have the

energy to wield; or, at least, Alexander was continually suspecting

that such plans were formed, and he was kept in a continual state of

uneasiness and anxiety in discovering and punishing them.

At last a conspiracy occurred in which Philotas was implicated.

Alexander was informed one day that a plot had been formed to depose

and destroy him; that Philotas had been made acquainted with it by a

friend of Alexander's, in order that he might make it known to the

king; that he had neglected to do so, thus making it probable that he

was himself in league with the conspirators. Alexander was informed

that the leader and originator of this conspiracy was one of his

generals named Dymnus.

He immediately sent an officer to Dymnus to summon him into his

presence. Dymnus appeared to be struck with consternation at this

summons. Instead of obeying it, he drew his sword, thrust it into his

own heart, and fell dead upon the ground.

Alexander then sent for Philotas, and asked him if it was indeed true

that he had been informed of this conspiracy, and had neglected to

make it known.

Philotas replied that he had been told that such a plot was formed,

but that he did not believe it; that such stories were continually

invented by the malice of evil-disposed men, and that he had not

considered the report which came to his ears as worthy of any

attention. He was, however, now convinced, by the terror which Dymnus

had manifested, and by his suicide, that all was true, and he asked

Alexander's pardon for not having taken immediate measures for

communicating promptly the information he had received.

Alexander gave him his hand, said that he was convinced that he was

innocent, and had acted as he did from disbelief in the existence of

the conspiracy, and not from any guilty participation in it. So

Philotas went away to his tent.

Alexander, however, did not drop the subject here. He called a council

of his ablest and best friends and advisers, consisting of the

principal officers of his army, and laid the facts before them. They

came to a different conclusion from his in respect to the guilt of

Philotas. They believed him implicated in the crime, and demanded his

trial. Trial in such a case, in those days, meant putting the accused

to the torture, with a view of forcing him to confess his guilt.

Alexander yielded to this proposal. Perhaps he had secretly instigated

it. The advisers of kings and conquerors, in such circumstances as

this, generally have the sagacity to discover what advice will be

agreeable. At all events, Alexander followed the advice of his

counselors, and made arrangements for arresting Philotas on that very

evening.

These circumstances occurred at a time when the army was preparing for

a march, the various generals lodging in tents pitched for the

purpose. Alexander placed extra guards in various parts of the

encampment, as if to impress the whole army with a sense of the

importance and solemnity of the occasion. He then sent officers to the

tent of Philotas, late at night, to arrest him. The officers found

their unhappy victim asleep. They awoke him, and made known their

errand. Philotas arose, and obeyed the summons, dejected and

distressed, aware, apparently, that his destruction was impending.

The next morning Alexander called together a large assembly,

consisting of the principal and most important portions of the army,

to the number of several thousands. They came together with an air of

impressive solemnity, expecting, from the preliminary preparations,

that business of very solemn moment was to come before them, though

they knew not what it was.

These impressions of awe and solemnity were very much increased by the

spectacle which first met the eyes of the assembly after they were

convened. This spectacle was that of the dead body of Dymnus, bloody

and ghastly, which Alexander ordered to be brought in and exposed to

view. The death of Dymnus had been kept a secret, so that the

appearance of his body was an unexpected as well as a shocking sight.

When the first feeling of surprise and wonder had a little subsided,

Alexander explained to the assembly the nature of the conspiracy, and

the circumstances connected with the self-execution of one of the

guilty participators in it. The spectacle of the body, and the

statement of the king, produced a scene of great and universal

excitement in the assembly, and this excitement was raised to the

highest pitch by the announcement which Alexander now made, that he

had reason to believe that Philotas and his father Parmenio, officers

who had enjoyed his highest favor, and in whom he had placed the most

unbounded confidence, were the authors and originators of the whole

design.

He then ordered Philotas to be brought in. He came guarded as a

criminal, with his hands tied behind him, and his head covered with a

coarse cloth. He was in a state of great dejection and despondency. It

is true that he was brought forward for trial, but he knew very well

that trial meant torture, and that there was no hope for him as to the

result. Alexander said that he would leave the accused to be dealt

with by the assembly, and withdrew.

The authorities of the army, who now had the proud and domineering

spirit which had so long excited their hatred and envy completely in

their power, listened for a time to what Philotas had to say in his

own justification. He showed that there was no evidence whatever

against him, and appealed to their sense of justice not to condemn him

on mere vague surmises. In reply, they decided to put him to the

torture. There was no evidence, it was true, and they wished,

accordingly, to supply its place by his own confession, extorted by

pain. Of course, his most inveterate and implacable enemies were

appointed to conduct the operation. They put Philotas upon the rack.

The rack is an instrument of wheels and pulleys, into which the victim

is placed, and his limbs and tendons are stretched by it in a manner

which produces most excruciating pain.

Philotas bore the beginning of his torture with great resolution and

fortitude. He made no complaint, he uttered no cry: this was the

signal to his executioners to increase the tension and the agony. Of

course, in such a trial as this, there was no question of guilt or

innocence at issue. The only question was, which could stand out the

longest, his enemies in witnessing horrible sufferings, or he himself

in enduring them. In this contest the unhappy Philotas was vanquished

at last. He begged them to release him from the rack, saying he would

confess whatever they required, on condition of being allowed to die

in peace.

They accordingly released him, and, in answer to their questions, he

confessed that he himself and his father were involved in the plot. He

said yes to various other inquiries relating to the circumstances of

the conspiracy, and to the guilt of various individuals whom those

that managed the torture had suspected, or who, at any rate, they

wished to have condemned. The answers of Philotas to all these

questions were written down, and he was himself sentenced to be

stoned. The sentence was put in execution without any delay.

During all this time Parmenio was in Media, in command of a very

important part of Alexander's army. It was decreed that he must die;

but some careful management was necessary to secure his execution

while he was at so great a distance, and at the head of so great a

force. The affair had to be conducted with great secrecy as well as

dispatch. The plan adopted was as follows:

There was a certain man, named Polydamas, who was regarded as

Parmenio's particular friend. Polydamas was commissioned to go to

Media and see the execution performed. He was selected, because it

was supposed that if any enemy, or a stranger, had been sent, Parmenio

would have received him with suspicion or at least with caution, and

kept himself on his guard. They gave Polydamas several letters to

Parmenio, as if from his friends, and to one of them they attached the

seal of his son Philotas, the more completely to deceive the unhappy

father. Polydamas was eleven days on his journey into Media. He had

letters to Cleander, the governor of the province of Media, which

contained the king's warrant for Parmenio's execution. He arrived at

the house of Cleander in the night. He delivered his letters, and they

together concerted the plans for carrying the execution into effect.

After having taken all the precautions necessary, Polydamas went, with

many attendants accompanying him, to the quarters of Parmenio. The old

general, for he was at this time eighty years of age, was walking in

his grounds. Polydamas being admitted, ran up to accost him, with

great appearance of cordiality and friendship. He delivered to him his

letters, and Parmenio read them. He seemed much pleased with their

contents, especially with the one which had been written in the name

of his son. He had no means of detecting the imposture, for it was

very customary in those days for letters to be written by secretaries,

and to be authenticated solely by the seal.

Parmenio was much pleased to get good tidings from Alexander, and from

his son, and began conversing upon the contents of the letters, when

Polydamas, watching his opportunity, drew forth a dagger which he had

concealed upon his person, and plunged it into Parmenio's side. He

drew it forth immediately and struck it at his throat. The attendants

rushed on at this signal, and thrust their swords again and again into

the fallen body until it ceased to breathe.

The death of Parmenio and of his son in this violent manner, when,

too, there was so little evidence of their guilt, made a very general

and a very unfavorable impression in respect to Alexander; and not

long afterward another case occurred, in some respects still more

painful, as it evinced still more strikingly that the mind of

Alexander, which had been in his earlier days filled with such noble

and lofty sentiments of justice and generosity, was gradually getting

to be under the supreme dominion of selfish and ungovernable passions:

it was the case of Clitus.

Clitus was a very celebrated general of Alexander's army, and a great

favorite with the king. He had, in fact, on one occasion saved

Alexander's life. It was at the battle of the Granicus. Alexander had

exposed himself in the thickest of the combat, and was surrounded by

enemies. The sword of one of them was actually raised over his head,

and would have fallen and killed him on the spot, if Clitus had not

rushed forward and cut the man down just at the instant when he was

about striking the blow. Such acts of fidelity and courage as this had

given Alexander great confidence in Clitus. It happened, shortly after

the death of Parmenio, that the governor of one of the most important

provinces of the empire resigned his post. Alexander appointed Clitus

to fill the vacancy.

The evening before his departure to take charge of his government,

Alexander invited him to a banquet, made, partly at least, in honor of

his elevation. Clitus and the other guests assembled. They drank wine,

as usual, with great freedom. Alexander became excited, and began to

speak, as he was now often accustomed to do, boastingly of his own

exploits, and to disparage those of his father Philip in comparison.

Men half intoxicated are very prone to quarrel, and not the less so

for being excellent friends when sober. Clitus had served under

Philip. He was now an old man, and, like other old men, was very

tenacious of the glory that belonged to the exploits of his youth. He

was very restless and uneasy at hearing Alexander claim for himself

the merit of his father Philip's victory at Chaeronea, and began to

murmur something to those who sat next to him about kings claiming and

getting a great deal of glory which did not belong to them.

Alexander asked what it was that Clitus said. No one replied. Clitus,

however, went on talking, speaking more and more audibly as he became

gradually more and more excited. He praised the character of Philip,

and applauded his military exploits, saying that they were far

superior to any of the enterprises of _their_ day. The different

parties at the table took up the subject, and began to dispute, the

old men taking the part of Philip and former days, and the younger

defending Alexander. Clitus became more and more excited. He praised

Parmenio, who had been Philip's greatest general, and began to impugn

the justice of his late condemnation and death.

Alexander retorted and Clitus, rising from his seat, and losing now

all self-command, reproached him with severe and bitter words. "Here

is the hand," said he, extending his arm, "that saved your life at the

battle of the Granicus, and the fate of Parmenio shows what sort of

gratitude and what rewards faithful servants are to expect at your

hands." Alexander, burning with rage, commanded Clitus to leave the

table. Clitus obeyed, saying, as he moved away, "He is right not to

bear freeborn men at his table who can only tell him the truth. He is

right. It is fitting for him to pass his life among barbarians and

slaves, who will be proud to pay their adoration to his Persian girdle

and his splendid robe."

Alexander seized a javelin to hurl at Clitus's head. The guests rose

in confusion, and with many outcries pressed around him. Some seized

Alexander's arm, some began to hurry Clitus out of the room, and some

were engaged in loudly criminating and threatening each other. They

got Clitus out of the apartment, but as soon as he was in the hall he

broke away from them, returned by another door, and began to renew his

insults to Alexander. The king hurled his javelin and struck Clitus

down, saying, at the same time, "Go, then, and join Philip and

Parmenio." The company rushed to the rescue of the unhappy man, but

it was too late. He died almost immediately.

Alexander, as soon as he came to himself was overwhelmed with remorse

and despair. He mourned bitterly, for many days, the death of his

long-tried and faithful friend, and execrated the intoxication and

passion, on his part, which had caused it. He could not, however,

restore Clitus to life, nor remove from his own character the

indelible stains which such deeds necessarily fixed upon it.

Alexander the Great Makers of History · 第 11 / 12 章