“Dat’s jes’ it, mastah,” he replied. “Folks don’t understan’ de

_science_ o’ hog-callin’. Dey says ‘p-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-r’og,’ when de hogs

ain’t po’ at all, but fat as buttah. Dey got to git ‘hog’ in some ways

so dey thinks. But dey ain’t no sense in dat. Hogs don’t understan’

dat. Dey can’t talk an’ don’t understan’ de meanin’ o’ talk words. You

mus’ jes’ let ’em know dat when you wants ’em to come youse gwine to

make a noise, de like o’ which ain’t in heaven or yuth. Den dey gits to

knowin’ what dat means. Dat’s my way. When I fetch a yell at ’em, dey

jes’ raise der yeahs, an’ say to der se’f: ‘Dat dar’s Phil, fo’ sho’,

an’ Phil’s de big, ugly, black nigga wid de bauskets o’ cawn.’ When you

says ‘Phil,’ you mean mastah’s big nigga what wuks in de fiel’, an’

plays de banjo, an’ goes fishin’; but when de hogs says ‘Phil,’ dey

mean a big black fella, wid a big yell into him, _an’_ de bauskets o’

cawn. An’ you bettah b’lieve dat makes ’em jump up an’ clap dey han’s

fo’ joy, jes’ like de nigga does when he gets religion ’nuff to make

him shout, an’ _not_ ’nuff to keep him offen the hen roos’s. If a nigga

gits ’nuff religion to keep him from stealin’, it’s a mistake. Dey

don’t never mean to do it, and when dey does, dey ain’t glad a bit,

an’ dey hurries up an’ sends de surplage back.”

Phil’s respect for what he called “niggas” was exceedingly small, and

it was his greatest pleasure in life to demonstrate their inferiority

and emphasize their shortcomings in a hundred ways.

He was “head man” of the hoe hands--which is to say he hoed the leading

row of tobacco hills, and was charged with the duty of superintending

the work of the others. It was his delight to keep his work so far in

advance that he must now and then set his hoe in the ground, and walk

back to inspect the progress, and criticise the performance of slower

workers than he. In all this there was no spice of uncharitableness or

malice, however. He wished his fellows well, and had no desire to hurt

their feelings; but he keenly enjoyed the fun of outdoing them, and

laughing at their inability to cope with him.

It was during wheat harvest, however, that Phil was in his full glory.

The rapidity with which he could “cradle” wheat was a matter of

astonishment to every one who knew him, and, what was more wonderful

still, he was able to maintain a distinctly “spurting” speed all day

and every day.

“Phil,” his master would say, as the men entered the field on the first

day, “I want no racing now; it’s too hot.”

“Now you heah dat, you slow niggas! Mastah says Phil mustn’t kill his

niggas, an’ de onliest way to save yo’ lives is fer yer not to try to

follow me. Jes’ take yo’ time, boys. Race a little among yo’selves, if

yer want to, but don’ yer try to get a look at de heels o’ my boots, if

yer don’ want to go to de bushes an’ has any intrus’ in mastah.”

A negro, exhausting himself in a race, lies down in the bushes to cool

off and recuperate, and hence the winner of the race is said to send

the others “to the bushes.”

Phil’s preliminary remarks were sure to exasperate his fellows and put

them on their mettle. Silently they would determine to “push” him,

and the utmost vigilance of the master was taxed to prevent dangerous

overexertion. If the reapers were left alone for half an hour, several

of them would be sure to overtask their strength, and retire exhausted

to the friendly shade of the nearest thicket. But they never succeeded

in coming up with Phil, or in so tiring him that he was not ready for a

dance or a tramp when night came.

He was a strong man, rejoicing in his strength always; but there was

one thing he would not do--he would not work for himself.

His master was one of those who hoped for gradual emancipation, as

many Virginians did, and thought it his duty to prepare his negroes

for freedom, so far as it was possible for him to do so. Among other

means to this end, he encouraged each to make and save money on his own

account. Each was expected to cultivate a “patch” of his own. Their

master gave them the necessary time and the use of the mules whenever

their crops needed attention.

In this way he thought to train them in habits of voluntary industry

and thrift; and some of them, having no necessary expenses to bear,

accumulated very pretty little hoards of cash from the sale of their

crops every year. But Phil would not raise a crop for himself.

“What I want to raise a crop for?” he would ask. “I don’ want no money,

on’y a quarter sometimes to buy a banjo string or a fish line, an’ I

get plenty o’ quarters pitched at me when I hol’ de gentlemen’s hosses.

I don’ want no money, an’ I wouldn’t know what to do wid it if I had

it. My mastah takes good care o’ me, an’s long as dar’s a piece o’

meat in de smokehouse, Phil knows he’s gwine to have plenty to eat. I

ain’t gwine to earn no money an’ be cas’in’ ’flections on my mastah.

My mastah gives me mo’ clo’es ’an I kin war out; an’ _what de devil_ I

want to be makin’ money for, I donno.”

It was of no use to argue the matter. His mind was quite made up, and

there was no possibility of changing it.

Phil’s marital philosophy was unique. He changed wives half a dozen

times while I knew him, but one set of rules governed his choice in

every instance. There were certain qualifications of a rather singular

sort, which he deemed essential in a wife. She must not live on the

plantation for one thing, or on one of those immediately adjoining,

“’Cause den we’re sho’ to see too much o’ one anoder, an’ ’ll git tired

o’ de ’rangement.” In the second place he would marry none but _old_

women, “’Cause de young ones is no ’count anyway. Dey don’ half take

car’ o’ dey husban’s stockin’s and things. ’F you want holes in yer

stockin’s an’ buttons off yer shut collahs, jes’ you marry a young

gal.” The third requisite was that the wife should be a slave, and

the daughter of slaves on both sides. This qualification he insisted

upon, even in the choice of masculine associates. His contempt for

“free niggas” was supreme, almost sublime. He neglected no possible

opportunity of villifying them, and practised no sort of economy in his

expenditure of invective upon them.

Most of the negroes--in Virginia, at least--were very religious.

Naturally their religion was intensely emotional in its

character,--ecstatic, sombre, gloomy,--and quite as naturally it was

largely colored with superstition. But religion of this kind had no

charm for Phil, who, as the reader may possibly have guessed, prided

himself on being strictly logical in all his views and actions.

“Bro’ Ben,” he said to one of his fellows one day, “youse done got

religion, I heah. Anyway, your face is twict as long as it ought to be.

Has yer got religion fo’ sho’?”

“Now, Phil, I don’t want none o’ your wickedness. Bless de Lord, Ise

_got_ religion.”

“Oh, you _is_ got it, is you? Now lemme ax yer a question or two. Youse

got religion, yer say?”

Ben: “Yes, Ise got religion.”

Phil: “Well, den, you’re gwine to heaven after while--when yer dies?”

Ben: “Yes, Ise got de ’surance o’ dat, bro’ Phil.”

Phil: “An’ you’d ’a’ gone to hell, if you hadn’t got de ’surance, as

you calls it, wouldn’t you?”

Ben: “If I’d ’a’ died in my sins, course I’d ’a’ gone to hell.”

Phil: “Well now fo’ a nigga what’s jes’ made his ’rangements to keep

out’n hell an’ git into heaven, youse got de mos’ onaccountable long

face I ever did see, an’ dat’s all about it.”

When Ben had retired in disgust, I remonstrated with Phil.

“What do you tease Ben for, Phil?” I asked. “You know better than to

make fun of religion.”

“Course I do, mastah, an’ dat’s jes’ it. Ben ain’t got no religion, an’

I knows it. He’s jes’ puttin’ on dat solemncholy face to fool de good

Lord wid. Ben’ll steal, mastah, whenever he gits a chaunce. He ain’t

got no mo’ religion ’n a hog. Sho. What he know ’bout religion, goin’

down under de hill to pray, an’ all dat nonsense? Couldn’t git him to

sing a song or whistle a tune now on no account whatsumever, but he

ain’t no better nigga for dat. Didn’t I see? He shouted mighty loud

las’ night, but he shu’ked his wuk dis mawnin’ an’ didn’t half curry

his mules; an’ religion dat don’t make a nigga take good car’ o’ po’

dumb creeters like mules ain’t wuth nuthin’ at all, no way yo’ kin fix

it. When dey keeps de row up jes’ a little better, an’ don’t cover up

no weeds dey ought to cut down, an’ takes good car’ o’ mules, an’ quits

stealin’, den I begins to ’spect ’em o’ havin’ de real religion. But

dey can’t fool Phil wid none o’ dere sham solemncholies.”

Phil was a trifle hard and uncharitable, perhaps, in his judgments

upon his fellows in a matter of this kind; but there was, at any rate,

no hypocrisy in his composition. And what is more singular still, I

was never able to discover any trace of superstition in his conduct.

He laughed to scorn the signs and omens with which the other negroes

were perpetually encouraged or affrighted. Friday was as lucky a day

as any in his calendar. He would even make his fire with the wood of a

lightning-riven tree, and stranger still, was not afraid, as all the

rest were, on the occasion of a funeral, to bring away the shovels used

in the church-yard, without waiting till the moon and stars had shone

upon them.

“How is it, Phil,” I once asked him, “that you don’t believe in any of

the luck signs?”

“Do you b’lieve in ’em, mastah?” he asked in reply.

“No, of course not, but all the black folks do, except you.”

“Mastah, ain’t you foun’ out yit dat niggas is bawn fools? When my

mastah wants de hogs changed from one piece o’ woods to annuder, he

don’t go to makin’ blin’ signs to me, but he comes an’ tells me what he

wants; an’ de good Lord what made de wuld, he ain’t a-goin’ to make no

blin’ signs, nuther. He’s done tole us in de good book an’ in all de

wuld aroun’ us what to do. He’s put sense in our heads to un’erstan’

what he means, an’ he ain’t gwine to govern de univarse wid a lot o’

luck signs, like a nigga would do it. ’Sides, Ise done all de unlucky

things heaps o’ times, an’ ain’t never had no bad luck yit.”

When the war came, Phil was a stanch Southerner in all his feeling,

and firmly held to his faith in the success of his side, even to the

end. The end crushed him completely. When his master explained to the

colored people their new condition of freedom, and proposed to engage

them for wages, Phil stoutly refused.

“De odder folks may do as dey pleases, mastah, but Phil’s gwine to be

your nigga jes’ as he always was. I ain’t gwine to be free nohow. I

ain’t got no free nigga blood in me. I never saw no free nigga what

wasn’t hungry; an’ I don’t know no free nigga what _won’t steal_;

more’n dat, I never know’d a free nigga what wouldn’t sneak up on birds

an’ _shoot ’em on de groun’_. I tell you, I ain’t gwine to be no sich

folks as dem. Ise your nigga, an’ Ise gwine to be jes’ dat. I’ll do my

wuk, an’ I ain’t goin’ to take no wages, an’ you’ll take car’ o’ me

jes’ as you always did, on’y don’t never call me no free nigga. Ise a

slave, I is, an’ Ise got de bes’ mastah in ole Virginy, an’ I ain’t

fool ’nough to want to change de sitiwation.”

His master explained to him the necessity of the case, and showed him

how impossible it was, by any mutual agreement, to alter the fact of

freedom, or to escape its consequences.

“You must accept wages, Phil, for I may die or go into bankruptcy, and

you may grow old or get ill; and if I should be poor or dead, then

there would be nobody to take care of you. You must work for wages and

take care of your money, so that it may take care of you.”

“Mastah, do you mean to tell Phil dat de law makes me a free nigga

whedder or no?”

“Yes, Phil.”

“Den stick yo’ fingers in yo’ years, mastah, ’cause Ise gwine to swear.

_Damn_ de law. Dat’s what I say about dat. An’ now Ise jus’ gwine to

die, an’ dat’s all about it.”

The poor fellow walked away with bowed head and tear-stained face.

The broad, stalwart shoulders were bent beneath the weight of

responsibility for himself. He was a strong man, physically, but the

merest child in character, and the feeling that he no longer had any

one but himself to lean upon, was more than he could bear. The light of

cheerfulness and good humor went out of his face. The joyousness of his

nature disappeared, and before the summer had ripened into autumn, poor

Phil lay down and died of a broken heart.

OLD TIMES IN MIDDLE GEORGIA.

BY

RICHARD MALCOLM JOHNSTON.

Cloth. 12mo. Price, $1.50.

“This is a collection of short stories: they are human nature,

genial, graceful, and truthful, and are simply beautiful pictures

of a real life and full of interest. The reader who dips into one

of these stories does not want to lay aside the book until it is

completed.”--_The Inter-Ocean_, Chicago.

“We predict for Mr. Johnston’s book a popularity hardly equalled by

any Southern production of recent years.”--_The Herald_, Augusta, Me.

“The book will please all readers who love quaint humor and true

pathos and a good literary style.”--_The News_, Tacoma, Wash.

“Short but delightful stories by Richard Malcolm Johnston, each

brimful of its own peculiar flavor of ludicrousness, strangeness, or

novelty in some form, and all seasoned by the strikingly quaint and

expressive vernacular.”--_The Tribune_, Detroit, Mich.

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY,

66 Fifth Avenue, New York.

YANKEE SHIPS AND YANKEE SAILORS: Tales of 1812.

BY

JAMES BARNES,

_Author of “Naval Engagements of the War of 1812,” “A Loyal Traitor,”

“For King and Country,” etc._

With Numerous Illustrations by R. F. ZOGBAUM and CARLTON T. CHAPMAN.

Crown 8vo. Cloth, gilt top. $1.50.

COMMENTS.

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as the work of the best writers of the day; to mariners and those who

love the sea and ships these tales will appeal irresistibly.

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for models of their kind.”--_Seaboard._

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that will quicken the blood and the love of country in every Yankee

heart.”--_New England Magazine._

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ON MANY SEAS.

_THE LIFE AND EXPLOITS OF A YANKEE SAILOR._

BY

FREDERICK BENTON WILLIAMS.

EDITED BY HIS FRIEND

WILLIAM STONE BOOTH.

12mo. Cloth. $1.50.

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AMERICAN HISTORY

TOLD BY CONTEMPORARIES.

BY

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART,

_Harvard University_.

The Set of Four Volumes, $7.00.

Each Volume sold Separately, Price $2.00.

VOL. I. Era of Colonization, 1493-1689.

_Published 1897._

VOL. II. Building of the Nation, 1689-1783.

_Ready shortly._

VOL. III. National Expansion, 1783-1844.

_In Preparation._

VOL. IV. Welding of the Nation, 1845-1897.

_In Preparation._

Professor T. H. WOOD, of Worcester Academy, Worcester, Mass., says of

Volume I.:--

“_The plan and the contents are alike admirable. The set will be a

necessity for libraries and for teachers of American History._”

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY,

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] These notes were originally printed in the great war book of the

Century Company, entitled: “Battles and Leaders of the Civil War.” They

are here reprinted by the courteous and very generous permission of the

Century Company.

[2] This story was first printed in the _Galaxy_ for December, 1875.

It is here reprinted by courteous permission of Colonel William Conant

Church, now of the _Army and Navy Journal_, under whose editorship

the _Galaxy_ was made a conspicuous and honorable factor in American

literature.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:

Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.

Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized.

Archaic or alternate spelling has been retained from the original.

Southern Soldier Stories · 第 11 / 11 段