INTRODUCTION.

Caius Sallustius Crispus, according to the statement of the ancient

chronologer Hieronymus, was born in B. C. 86, at Amiternum, in the

country of the Sabines (to the north-east of Rome), and died four years

before the battle of Actium--that is, in B.C. 34 or 35. After having no

doubt gone through a complete course of law and the art of oratory, he

devoted himself to the service of the Roman republic at a time when Rome

was internally divided by the struggle of the opposite factions of

the _optimates_, or the aristocracy, and the _populares_, or the

democratical party. The optimates supported the power of the senate, and

of the nobility who prevailed in the senate; while the populares were

exerting themselves to bring all public questions of importance before

the popular assembly for decision, and resisted the influence of

illustrious and powerful families, whose privileges, arising from birth

and wealth, they attempted to destroy. Sallust belonged to the latter of

these parties. In B.C. 52 he was tribune of the people, and took an

active part in the disturbances which were caused at Rome in that year by

the open struggles between Annius Milo, one of the optimates, who was

canvassing for the consulship, and P. Clodius, who was trying to obtain

the praetorship. Milo slew Clodius on a public road: he was accused by

the populares, and defended by the optimates; but the judges, who could

not allow such an act of open violence to escape unpunished, condemned,

and sentenced him to exile. Pompey alone, who was then consul for the

third time, was capable of restoring order and tranquillity. The position

of a tribune of the people was a difficult one for Sallust: he was to

some extent opposed to Milo, and consequently also to Cicero, who pleaded

for Milo; but there exists a statement that he gave up his opposition;

and he himself, in the introduction to his 'Catiline,' intimates that his

honest endeavours for the good of the state drew upon him only ill-will

and hatred. Two years later (B.C. 50), he was ejected from the senate by

the censor Appius Claudius, one of the most zealous among the optimates.

The other censor, L. Piso, did not protect either Sallust, or any of the

others who shared the same fate with him, against this act of partiality.

Rome was at that time governed by the most oppressive oligarchy, which

was then mainly directed against Julius Caesar, who, as a reward for

his brilliant achievements in extending the Roman dominion in Gaul,

desired to be allowed to offer himself in his absence as a candidate for

his second consulship--a desire which the people were willing to comply

with, as it was based upon a law which had been passed some years before

in favour of Caesar; but the optimates endeavoured in every way to oppose

him, and drawing Pompey over to their side, they brought about a rupture

between him and Caesar. Sallust was looked upon in the senate as a

partisan of the latter, and this was the principal reason why he was

deprived of his seat in the great council of the republic; and L. Piso,

the father-in-law of Caesar, is said not to have opposed the partiality

of his colleague in the censorship, in order to increase the number of

Caesar's partisans. When, in B. C. 49, Caesar established his right by

force of arms, Sallust went over to him, and was restored not only to his

seat in the senate, but was advanced to the praetorship in the year B. C.

47. Sallust served, both before and during his year of office, in the

capacity of a lieutenant in Caesar's armies. He also accompanied him

to Africa in the war against the Pompeian party there, and after its

successful termination, was left behind as proconsul of Numidia, which

was made a Roman province. In the discharge of his duties, he is said to

have indulged in extorting money from the new subjects of Rome. He was

accused, but acquitted. This is the historical statement of Dion Cassius;

but a hostile writer of doubtful authority mentions that, by paying

12,000 pieces of gold to Caesar (perhaps as damages for the injury done),

he purchased his acquittal.

Hereupon Sallust withdrew from public life, to devote his leisure to

literature, and the composition of works on the history of his native

country; for, as after the murder of Caesar, in B. C. 44, the republic

was again delivered over to a state of military despotism, peaceful

advice was deprived of its influence. It need hardly be mentioned that

Sallust, as he had qualified himself for the highest political career,

and the great offices of the republic, must have been possessed of an

independent property; but the statement, that he afterwards gave himself

up to a life of luxury--that he purchased a villa at Tibur, which had

formerly belonged to Caesar--and that he possessed a splendid mansion,

with a garden laid out with elegant plantations and appropriate

buildings, at Rome, near the Colline gate--is founded on the equivocal

authority of a writer of a late period, who was hostile to him. It is

indeed certain that there existed at Rome _horti Sallustiani_, in

which Augustus frequently resided, and which were afterwards in the

possession of the Roman emperors; but it is doubtful as to whether they

had been acquired and laid out by our historian, or by his nephew, a

Roman eques, and particular favourite of Augustus. The statement that

Sallust married Terentia, the divorced wife of Cicero, is still more

doubtful, and probably altogether fictitious.[1] There is, however, a

statement of a contemporary, the learned friend of Cicero, M. Varro,

which cannot be doubted--that in his earlier years Sallust, in the midst

of the party-strife at Rome, kept up an illicit intercourse with the

wife of Milo; but how much the hostility of party may have had to do with

such a report, cannot be decided. In his writings, Sallust expresses

a strong disgust of the luxurious mode of life, and the avarice and

prodigality, of his contemporaries; and there can be no doubt that these

repeated expressions of a stern morality excited both his contemporaries

and subsequent writers to hunt up and divulge any moral foibles in his

life and character, especially as in his compositions he struck into a

new path, by abandoning the ordinary style, and artificially reviving the

ancient style of composition.

[1] This strange account is found in Hieronymus's first work against

Jovinianus, towards the end; and it becomes still more strange by the

addition, that Terentia was married a third time to the orator

Messalla Corvinus (who was consul with Augustus, B. C. 91):--_Illa_

(Terentia) _interim conjunx egregia, et quae de fontibus Tullianis

hauserat sapientiam, nupsit Sallustio, inimico ejus, et tertio

Messallae Corvino: et quasi per quosdam gradus eloquentiae devoluta

est._ It almost appears as if in this tradition it had been

intended to mark three phases in the style of Roman oratory, for

Sallust was twenty years younger than Cicero, and Messalla nearly

as many years younger than Sallust.

The historical works of Sallust are, _De Bello Catilinae_, _De Bello

Jugurthino_ (or the two _Bella_, as the ancients call them), and

five books of _Historiae_--that is, a history of the Roman republic

during the period of twelve years, from the death of Sulla in B. C. 78,

down to the appointment of Pompey to the supreme command in the war

against Mithridates in B. C. 66. This history was regarded by the

ancients as the principal work of our author; but is now lost, with the

exception of four speeches and two political letters, which some admirer

of oratory copied separately from the context of the history, and which

have thus been preserved to our times. The two _Bella_, which are

preserved entire, form the contents of the present volume.

The work _De Bella Catilinae_ formed the beginning of his historical

compositions, as is clear from the author's own introduction; but it

was not written till after the murder of Caesar in B. C. 44. In it he

describes the conspiracy of L. Sergius Catilina, a man of noble birth and

high rank, but ruined circumstances; its discovery, and the punishment

of the conspirators at Rome in B. C. 63; and its final and complete

suppression in a pitched battle at the beginning of the year B. C. 62.

The _Bellum Jugurthinum_ treats of the life of Jugurtha, who in

B. C. 118, together with his cousins, Adherbal and Hiempsal, governed

Numidia. Having crushed his two cousins by fraud and violence, Jugurtha

afterwards maintained himself in his usurped kingdom for several years

against the Roman armies and generals that were sent out against him,

until in the end, after several defeats sustained at the hands of the

Roman consuls, L. Metullus and C. Marius, his own ally, Bocchus, king of

Mauretania, delivered him up into the hands of the Roman quaestor,

L. Sulla.

In the work on the war of Catiline, Sallust reveals especially the

corruption of what was called the Roman nobility, by tracing the criminal

designs of the conspirators to their sources--avarice, and the love of

pleasure. In the history of the Jugurthine war, he particularly exposes

and condemns the system of bribery in which the leading men of that

age indulged; but on the other hand, he draws a pleasing contrast in

describing the restoration of military discipline by Metullus and Marius.

The difficult campaigns in the extensive and desert country of Numidia,

and the wonderful events of this war, also deserve the attention of the

reader; the more so, as the author has bestowed the greatest care on

giving vivid descriptions of them.

Among the writings of Sallust, which have been transmitted to us in

manuscripts, and are printed in the larger editions of his works, there

are two epistles addressed to Caesar, containing the author's opinions

and advice regarding the new constitution to be given to the republic,

after the defeat of the optimates and their faction by the dictator. They

are written in his own peculiar style: the first contains excellent ideas

and energetic exposures of the general defects and evils in the state,

as well as plans for remedying them; the second adds some proposals

regarding the courts of justice, and the composition of the senate,

the utility and practicability of which appear somewhat doubtful.

The authenticity of these epistles, therefore, is still a matter of

uncertainty. Lastly, there are two Declamations (_declamationes_), the

one purporting to be by M. Cicero against Sallust, and the other by

Sallust against Cicero; but both are evidently unworthy of the character

and style of the men whose names they bear, and are justly considered to

be the production of some wretched rhetorician of the third or fourth

century of the Christian era.[2] Such declaimers made use of all possible

reports that were current respecting the moral weaknesses of the two men,

and respecting an enmity between them, of which history knows nothing,

and which is contradicted by our author himself, by the praise he

bestows, in his 'Catilinarian War,' upon Cicero.

[2] It has indeed been said that Quinctilian, who wrote about the year 95

after Christ, cites passages from these Declamations; but critical

investigation has shown that these passages are interpolations, and

are found only in the worst manuscripts.

Sallust's character as an historian, and his grammatical style, have

been the subjects of contradictory opinions even among the ancients

themselves--both his own contemporaries, and the men of succeeding ages.

Some condemned his introductions, as having nothing to do with the

works themselves; found fault with the minute details of the speeches

introduced in the narrative; and called him a senseless imitator, in

words and expressions, of the earlier Roman historians, especially of

Cato. Others praised him for his vivid delineations of character, the

precision and vigour of his diction, and for the dignity which he had

given to his style by the use of ancient words and phrases which were no

longer employed in the ordinary language of his own day. But however

different these opinions may appear, there is truth both in the censure

and in the praise, though the praise no doubt outweighs the censure;

and the general opinion among the later Romans justly declared _primus

Romana Crispus in historia_. It is obvious that it is altogether unjust

to say that his introductions are unsuitable, and that the speeches he

introduces are inappropriate: for an author must be allowed to write a

preface to make an avowal of his own sentiments; and the speeches are

inseparably connected with the forms of public life in antiquity: they

are certainly not too long, and express most accurately, both in

sentiment and style, the characters of the great men to whom the author

assigns them. We have no hesitation in declaring that the speeches in the

Catiline and Jugurtha, as well as those extracted from the _Historiae_,

are the most precious specimens of the kind that have come down to us

from antiquity.

As regards the grammatical style and the imitation of earlier authors,

for which Sallust has been blamed by some, and praised by others, it must

be observed that he is the first among the classical authors extant in

whose works we perceive a difference between the refined language of

public life, such as we have it in Cicero and Caesar, and a new and

artificially-formed language of literature. Cicero and Caesar wrote just

as a well-educated orator of taste spoke: after the death of Caesar,

oratory began to withdraw from the active scenes of public life; and

there remained few authors who, following the practical vocation of an

orator, though at an unfavourable epoch, yet observed the principle

which is generally correct--that a man ought to write in the same manner

in which well-bred people speak. But most men of talent who devoted

themselves to written composition for the satisfaction of their own

minds, or for the instruction of their contemporaries, created for

themselves a new style, such as was naturally developed in them by

reading the earlier authors, and through their own relations to their

readers and not hearers. Livy clung to the language, style, and the

full-sounding period of the oratorical style, though even he in many

points deviated from the natural refinement of a Caesar and a Cicero;

but Sallust gave up the oratorical period, divided the long-spun,

full-sounding, and well-finished oratorical sentence into several short

sentences; and in this manner he seemed to go back to the ancients, who

had not yet invented the period: but still there was a great difference

between his style, in which the ancient simplicity was artificially

restored, and the genuine ancient sentence formed without any rhetorical

art. He wrote without periods, because he would not write otherwise, and

not because he could not; he divided the rhetorical period into separate

sentences, because it appeared to him advantageous in his animated

description of minute details; and he wrote concisely, because he did

not want the things to fill up his sentences which the orator requires

to give roundness and fulness to his periods. He states in isolated

independent sentences those ideas and thoughts which the orator

distributes among leading and subordinate sentences; but he did all this

consciously, as an artist, and with the conviction that it was conducive

to historical animation. Tacitus was his imitator in this artificial

historical style; and notwithstanding all his well-deserved praise, it

must he admitted that the blame cast upon Sallust attaches in a still

higher degree to Tacitus. It is a fact beyond all doubt, that Sallust

introduced into the language of literature antiquated forms, words, and

expressions; and this arose from a desire to recall with the ancient

language also the ancient vigour and simplicity. But even this revival of

what was ancient is visible only here and there, and all such words and

phrases might be exchanged for others and more customary ones, without

depriving Sallust of his essential characteristics; for these consist in

a vivid perception of the important moments of an action, in placing them

in strong contrasts, to excite his readers, and in the effect produced by

isolated sentences simply put in juxtaposition without the artifice of a

polished and intricate period.

To give our young readers some preparatory information about certain

frequently-recurring peculiarities of Sallust's style, we may remark that

the omission of the personal pronoun in the construction of the

accusative with the infinitive, as well as the omission of the auxiliary

verb _est_, and the frequent use of the infinitive instead of a

dependent clause--for example, _hortatur dicere, res postulat exponere,

conjuravere patriam incendere_, and many similar expressions--arise

from his desire to be brief and concise. Among his antiquated forms of

words, we may mention _die_ for _diei_, the singular _plerusque_, _quis_

for _quibus_, _senati_ for _senatus_; _dicundi, legundi_, &c. for

_dicendi, legendi_; _intellego_ for _intelligo_, _forem_ for _essem_,

_fuere_ for _fuerunt_; the use of the past participles of deponent verbs

in a passive sense--as _adeptus, interpretatus_. Antiquated words, or

words used in an antiquated sense, are--_supplicium_ for _preces_,

_scilicet_ for _scire licet_; antiquated expressions are--_fugam facere_

for _fugere_, _habere vitam_ for _agere vitam_, and other phrases with

_habere_. The frequent use of _mortales_ for _homines_, _aevum_ for

_aetas_, and _subigere_ for _cogere_, gives to his style somewhat of a

poetical colouring. As far as grammatical construction is concerned,

there is a tendency to archaisms in the use of _quippe qui_ with the

indicative; in the frequent application of the indicative in subordinate

sentences in the oratio obliqua; and in some other points which we shall

explain in short notes to the passages where they occur. An intentional

disturbance of rhetorical symmetry is perceptible in the change of

corresponding particles;--for example, instead of _alii_ in the

expression _alii-alii_, we find _pars_ or _partim_; instead of _modo_ in

the expression _modo-modo_, we find _interdum_, and similar variations.

But all these differences from the ordinary language contain in

themselves sufficient grounds of explanation and excuse, and are by no

means so frequent as to render the language of Sallust unworthy of the

merited reputation of being classical.

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