KOREA’S HISTORY IN A NUTSHELL.
In the tenth century Korea assumed its present boundaries, and for nine
hundred years it has remained unchanged in its coast line, and its
northern limits. Except on the north, Korea is surrounded by the sea,
and its northern boundary is marked by the Yalu and the Tiumen rivers,
that almost meet at two of their sources. For convenience in the
recapitulation of Korea’s history—a recapitulation in which everything
else must be sacrificed to brevity—the history of the peninsula may be
divided into three periods: First, the period antecedent to the final
settlement of Korea’s boundaries—a period whose history is in part at
least, conjectural; second, a period reaching from then until modern
times; and third, a period covering Korea’s recent history, and the
comparative opening up of Korea to foreign travellers, and to foreign
influence. We know as much and as little of Korea’s remotest ancestry as
we do of the ancestries of other countries. The Korean family can trace
its pedigree a long way, but at length the pedigree becomes lost in the
mists of remote history and of prehistoric times, and we can form no
conclusive opinion as to who were the first founders of the race.
Korean civilization came chiefly from China, and the Koreans themselves
from the highlands of Manchuria and the Amoor valley.
The kingdom of Korea, and indeed the nation of Korea, was founded by an
ancestor of Confucius. In Latin his name is Kicius, in Japanese it is
Ki-shi, and in Chinese Ki-tsze, which means Viscount of Ki. He was a
faithful vassal of the Chow dynasty of old China, and when the Chows
were overthrown in 1122 B.C. he refused to acknowledge the new power,
and fled with, some say five some say ten thousand followers to the
north-east. Here he founded a kingdom which he called Chosön, and of
which he made himself king. He was welcomed by the people already living
there, and these aborigines and the followers of Ki-tsze are among the
remotest ancestors to which Koreans can prove their claim. Ki-tsze
introduced into his kingdom the study and the practice of medicine,
agriculture, literature, the fine arts, and a dozen other industries in
which China was then most proficient. He founded his kingdom on the
lines of Chinese feudalism, and very much as he founded it the kingdom
endured until the beginning of the Christian era, and the Koreans to-day
call Ki-tsze the father of Chosön, and because of him, and the quality
of his kingdom, claim that their civilization is almost as ancient as
the civilization of China, and older than the civilization of Chaldea.
Just where this first kingdom of Chosön was nobody knows. Some
authorities believe that it lay exactly north-west of the Yalu river,
just beyond the present borders of Korea, and in the present Chinese
province of Shing-king. It seems more probable that the first Chosön was
in the valley of the Sungari river, and some historians, with
considerable show of reason, locate it still further north, in the
valley of the Amoor. Certainly its borders shrank and extended almost
continually, and its entire position seems to have been more or less
changed at several times, and only for a few years was any part of the
Korea we know included within its area. At one time old Chosön certainly
was located north-east of Pekin. It became part of China, politically
and geographically, in the first century.
In the territory taken from the kings of old Chosön, and annexed to
China, lay the kingdom of Kokorai. It lay east; as the old Chinese
historians state, directly east, and slightly north of modern Mukden,
and between the sources of the Yalu and the Sungari rivers. The people
of Kokorai were warlike and able. They seem to have been rather
independent of China as early as 9 A.D.; to have begun in 70 A.D. a
struggle with China, which lasted until the seventh century. During this
long warfare—a warfare in which their country was repeatedly invaded by
the Chinese—these warlike people, instead of being conquered or
exterminated by China, flourished and increased until they had overrun
the peninsula of the present Korea as far as the Han river.
This, then, is the outline of the history of the western and the
northern parts of modern Korea, but before turning to the history of
southern and eastern Korea, it will be interesting to glance a little
more particularly at the history of Kokorai.
Well, north of Kokorai, north of the Sungari river, there existed in
very ancient times (if we may trust Chinese tradition) a little kingdom
called To-li or Ko-rai. While one of the early kings of To-li was out
hunting, a favourite waiting-maid “saw, floating in the atmosphere, a
glistening vapour which entered her bosom. This ray or tiny cloud seemed
to be about as big as an egg. Under its influence she conceived.
“The king, on his return, discovered her condition, and made up his mind
to put her to death. Upon her explanation, however, he agreed to spare
her life, but at once lodged her in prison.
“The child that was born proved to be a boy, which the king promptly
cast among the pigs. But the swine breathed into his nostrils and the
baby lived. He was next put among the horses, but they also nourished
him with their breath, and he lived. Struck by this evident will of
Heaven, that the child should live, the king listened to its mother’s
prayers, and permitted her to nourish and train him in the palace. He
grew up to be a fair youth, full of energy, and skilful in archery. He
was named ‘Light of the East,’ and the king appointed him master of his
stables.
“One day, while out hunting, the king permitted him to give an
exhibition of his skill. This he did, drawing bow with such unerring aim
that the royal jealousy was kindled, and he thought of nothing but how
to compass the destruction of the youth. Knowing that he would be killed
if he remained in the royal service, the young archer fled the kingdom.
He directed his course to the south-east, and came to the borders of a
vast and impassable river, most probably the Sungari. Knowing his
pursuers were not far behind him, he cried out, in a great strait,—
“‘Alas! shall I, who am the child of the Sun, and the grandson of the
Yellow River, be stopped here powerless by this stream?’
“So saying, he shot his arrows at the water.
“Immediately all the fishes of the river assembled together in a thick
shoal, making so dense a mass that their bodies became a floating
bridge. On this the young prince (and according to the Japanese version
of the legend, three others with him) crossed the stream and safely
reached the further side. No sooner did he set foot on land than his
pursuers appeared on the opposite shore, when the bridge of fishes at
once dissolved. His three companions stood ready to act as his guides.
One of the three was dressed in a costume made of seaweeds, a second in
hempen garments, and a third in embroidered robes. Arriving at their
city, he became the king of the tribe and kingdom of Fuyu, which lay in
the fertile and well-watered region between the Sungari River and the
Shan Alyn, or Ever-White Mountains. It extended several hundred miles
east and west of a line drawn southward through Kirin, the larger half
lying on the west.”
Certainly as early as 25 B.C. To-li had attained very considerable
civilization. Millet, sorghum, rice, beans, and wheat grew in abundance,
and were carefully cultivated. Spirits were distilled from rice and
grain, as they still are in Korea, Japan, and China. The people ate from
bowls and with chop-sticks, as the people of modern China eat. The men
were strong, well-built, and fearless. They were skilled in the
manufacture and the use of swords, and lances, and bows and arrows. They
were expert horsemen; were fond of dancing and music; decked themselves
with pearls, and with gems of red jade. They had an elaborate system of
etiquette which was rigidly observed. They had granaries, and well-built
houses of wood, and their cities were surrounded by walls or palisades
of stakes. They had a well-developed and a civilized religion, freer
from superstition and from superstitious rites than many of the
religions of modern Asia. They had a king, a well-defined feudal system,
farms and farmers, nobility and serfs. They had prisons, and their
system of justice was rigid. All this is surprising, for at that time
the people by whom they were surrounded were barbarians, without
literature, without form of government, in brief, without civilization.
And yet these people of Fuyu, who were then far beyond the reach of
Chinese influence, were in the full enjoyment of a civilization which
was apparently of some maturity. From this many historians have inferred
that the old kingdom of Fuyu was the exact site of the kingdom of
Ki-tsze. This may have been. At all events, the people of Fuyu or their
descendants peopled the kingdom of Kokorai, whose people in their turn
populated the northern and the western parts of modern Korea.
Undoubtedly, the peoples of old Ko-rai and of Fuyu were the ancestors of
the Koreans of our time. Very probably they were also the ancestors of
the modern Japanese.
We know little or nothing, and we seem unlikely ever to learn much more
about the early settlers of southern and eastern Korea.
Some time before the beginning of the Christian era Chinese authorities
mention three independent kingdoms or nations that lay upon the shores
of the Japan Sea, and south of the Han River. Early in the sixth century
they had become very considerably civilized. Their literature, their
art, their forms of government, and their social customs they had
adopted from the Chinese. They were Buddhists; and Buddhism was then in
its flower, sound in itself, and comparatively pure, and a powerful
force for good and for culture. These three states were Pe-tsi (called
by the Japanese historians Hiaksi), which was in the west; Sin-lo
(called by the Japanese Shin-ra), which was in the south-east; and in
the north, Ko-rai. They banded themselves together to attack or to repel
the attacks of China and Japan. When this was unnecessary they fought
each other. They fought steadily until the tenth century. Their appetite
for warfare seemed insatiable, and when they could not fight among
themselves they sought foes in China and Japan, and when they could not
fight the Chinese or the Japanese they picked quarrelsome wars with each
other. But this period of national and international strife and of
wholesale bloodshed was one of great mental and artistic activity. The
civilization and the culture, and the learning of China, flowed rapidly
and steadily into Korea, and through Korea into Japan.
Sin-lo, Pe-tsi, and Ko-rai appear in their origins to have had nothing
in common. They were alike in being conquered by at least one alien
race. Each of the three nations was greatly enriched by an influx of,
and intermarriage with, Chinese, Tartars, and several other peoples of
Far Asia. Their rivalry and their warfare lasted for hundreds of years;
then they were united under one monarch, and slowly and surely became
one nation.
The ninth and the tenth centuries were centuries of peace in Korea, and
our knowledge of Korea’s history during these two hundred years is most
meagre. Sin-lo was then, and had been for some time, the dominant
province, but the reigning house of Sin-lo had become enervated and
incapable. In 912 A.D. a Buddhist monk initiated a rebellion which
spread with amazing rapidity, and was entirely successful. The monk
proclaimed himself king, but he in his turn was rebelled against,
conquered by, and slaughtered by a descendant of the kings of old
Ko-rai, whose name was Wang-hien, or Wang-Ken. Wang-hien chose Kai-seng,
which was then called Sunto, as his capital. He became absolute monarch
of the whole peninsula, and gave back to it its ancient name of Ko-rai.
Kai-seng is but a short distance north-east of Söul, and so the first
capital of united, and possibly the last capital of united Korea, are
but a stone’s throw from each other. A war which shortly occurred with
the Kitan Tartars, who lived west of the Yalu River, resulted in a
change of frontier, the Kitans taking and holding most of the
north-western territory of Korea. From that day to this the boundaries
of Korea have practically remained unchanged, and this brings us to the
second period of Korea’s history.
Four hundred years of peace now fell upon Korea. These four were the
most brilliant centuries in Korea’s history. Feudalism gave place to
absolute monarchy, and the peninsula was divided into eight provinces,
over each of which the king placed a governor. Buddhism became the
national religion; temples, pagodas, monasteries, nunneries in the best
forms of Chinese architecture, and in Chinese-like, but better than
Chinese forms of architecture, were built everywhere. The naturally rich
resources of the peninsula were developed, augmented, and made the most
of, and a flourishing trade was driven with both of the rival
kingdoms—China and Japan. But China still remained the fountain-head of
Korean learning and culture. The wealthy and the noble Koreans sent
their sons to China to be educated. This was the period of the Sung
dynasty in China—the wonderful period of Chinese literature and art to
which I referred a chapter or two ago. Korea, which was then more
abjectly the vassal of China in culture, in letters, in art, and in
sociology, than she was politically, followed as fast as she could in
the footsteps of China’s literary and artistic progress. It was then
that Korea first became deeply interested in Chinese classics, and from
then until now a thorough knowledge of the Chinese classics has been,
and is, the supreme test of Korean education and culture. Then the
Koreans first learned to print, printing from raised letters cut in
blocks of wood. Toward the close of these memorable four hundred years
it is said that there were more books, more printed books in Korea than
there were inhabitants. It was then that general education became a
matter of course in the peninsula. It was then, as I have said, that
Korean art was at its best and broadest; and it was then that the Korean
alphabet was invented, or at least became generally used. Many scholars
maintain even now that the Korean is the most beautiful, and the most
sensible alphabetical system that the world has, or ever has had.
Early in the fourteenth century the Mongols had begun their run of
unprecedented conquest. Khublai Khan and Genghis Khan, the mightiest
Mongols of their time, determined to conquer the earth. Their ideas of
the extent of the earth were limited, very limited, but within the
narrow limits of those ideas they very approximately carried out their
bold intentions. Korea was completely subdued.
The history of Korea during the period of the Mongolian supremacy in
China is a history of entire subjection. Toward the decadence of the
power of the Mongols Korea was called upon to conquer Japan, but escaped
from the farce of trying to do so. For the Mongol was already tottering
on his throne. The Mongols most in power were quarrelling among
themselves, and plotting against each other, and the people whom they
ruled had grown dissatisfied enough (as the Chinese once in a very great
while do), to not only contemplate but execute a rebellion. During the
last days of the Mongol’s already shattered power Korea was almost free
from Chinese supervision, and altogether free from Chinese control; for
China had more than she could do at home. At last a Chinese monk, a
Buddhist priest, calling himself Ming, or “Bright,” pushed the
insecurely seated Mongol from his throne. This priest proclaimed
himself, and the people acclaimed him, the Emperor and Deliverer of
China. He married that he might found a dynasty. The first Ming was
indeed a man of might, and the period during which he and his
descendants were supreme in China is peculiarly interesting to the
student of Korean history. For it was during this period that the
Koreans copied the Chinese Mings; assumed the dress in all its details
which they have worn ever since, and many of their most characteristic
customs. When the Mongols fell, the king of Korea, who seems to have
been an exceptionally good sort, wished to give his one-time masters
sanctuary in his hermit kingdom, but a greater than the king—a powerful
courtier named Ni Taijo—disallowed the king’s judgment, dethroned the
king, imprisoned him, and usurped, or at least ascended, the Korean
throne, and established the present Korean dynasty. That was five
hundred, or to be exact, five hundred and three years ago. The name of
the peninsula was again changed, and it was re-named Ta Cho-sun. Söul,
which he called, and which in fact we ought to call, Han-yang, was made
the capital. And it was then that the famous wall of Söul was built, and
then that her imposingly wide streets were laid out and made. Ni Taijo
changed the boundaries of Korea’s eight provinces. Those boundaries have
not been changed since. It was during his reign that the pale blue,
which we carelessly and generally call white, became the colour of every
ordinary Korean dress. It was then that the Korean hat in all its glory
was born. It was then that the Korean top-knot was erected upon Korean
heads. It was then that Buddhism made way for Confucianism; and it was
then that the gaining of office or position of trust was determined
solely by the result of competitive literary examinations. And it was
then that the Koreans invented, as they did invent, in their part of the
world at least, the art of printing by movable and cast metal type.
Again Korea had peace, peace for two hundred years. Then like the Romans
of old the Koreans who, like them, had feasted and lounged too much,
became enervated and thriftless. Japan grew bolder, and for more than a
quarter of a century Korea was constantly ravaged by pirates and
piratical armies from the islands of Japan. In 1592 Konishi and Kato
devastated large tracts of Korea, and it was after their final
expulsion, after the final expulsion of the power of which they were
powerful units, that (as I mentioned before) according to many
historians, religion fell in Korea into the disgrace from which it has
never arisen. Ping-yang was the site of many of the most desperate
struggles that took place between the natives and the invaders. All
through Chosön’s history Ping-yang has been the battlefield of a large
proportion of the most desperate conflicts that have taken place on
Korean soil. In 1597 the Japanese made their second invasion of Korea.
It was during this invasion that the Japanese seized upon vast
quantities of Korean treasure and of art works—works of art which,
transplanted to the fertile soil of Japan, quickly took root, and became
the seed-plants of a considerable portion of Japan’s best art.
During this second Japanese invasion China, in answer to Korean prayers,
sent vast reinforcements to the aid of the Chosönese. For seven years
Korea suffered from fire, from pillage, from war, from pestilence, and
from famine, and her already depleted resources were drained with the
necessity of feeding and sheltering, willy-nilly, two great alien
armies. A million Koreans died during these seven years; a million,
beyond the normal death-rate, of men were killed in battle, or died
after battle, or succumbed to starvation, or one of the dire diseases
bred of war, and in war-time. The sun of Korea’s greatness set then, and
never since have the Koreans been able to say, or to approximately
say,—
‘Now is the sun upon the high-most hill of our national day’s
journey.’
Korea struggled, struggled bravely enough, to retrieve her fallen
fortunes, but before her old wounds were healed new ones were inflicted.
Beyond the mountains that marked, and still mark, her northern
boundaries a mighty race had risen—a race that became supreme in China
as in Korea, and a race that only now seems in danger of extermination
or degradation. The Manchius dwelt where the people of old Fuyu had
dwelt. They conquered Korea, and then they conquered China. In 1627 the
Manchius practically mastered Chosön; and ten years later they so
completely humbled the King of Korea that he acknowledged as his master
the Manchiu Emperor, who was now supreme in Pekin, and the Korean King
covenanted to send four times a year to the Tartar an enormous tribute,
and the Koreans bound themselves to perform to the Tartar and to his
represervatives the kow-tow which has played so ridiculous a part in our
European difficulties with China, and to sing hymns of praise
commemorative of the Manchius’ generosity and graciousness in not having
wiped Korea from off the face of the Asiatic earth. Let me quote a short
paragraph from an historian who never appears over-partial to China:—
“Aside from the entrance at stated times of the imperial envoy to
collect the tribute, and the annual embassy of Korean nobles to Pekin to
do homage to ‘the Great Khan,’ the internal politics of ‘the little
outpost state’ were not interfered with by the Chinese Government.”
Should Japan become the mistress of Korea; should Japan become the
mistress of China—will she, I wonder, be as magnanimous?
Twenty years brought little or no change to the people of Chosön. In
1653 Hamel was wrecked upon the Korean shores, and what I have quoted
from his memoirs indicates, by no means sufficiently, but as
sufficiently as my space will allow me to indicate, the condition of
Korea from then until 1777. And in 1777 begins the history of modern
Korea.
That history affords neither pleasant writing nor pleasant reading to
any one of European or Europeanly-American birth. Korea is hardly enough
placed with China on the one hand and Japan on the other, but for all
that she, perhaps because she has been the weakest and the most exposed
of Oriental countries, has suffered most from—no, I do not mean
suffered, but been most at the mercy of Europe. “Courtesy with the East,
respect to the West, tribute to them both, and no foreigners wanted in
the kingdom,” was Korea’s political creed when Korea ceased to be one of
the intrinsically great nations of the past, and become one of the
unjustly unimportant nations. During the last hundred or hundred and
twenty years Korea has changed but little centrifugally, but
centripetally she has changed, well—considering that she is
Asiatic—enormously. Christianity, in an insidious Portuguese sort of
way, had peeped into Korea many years before, but now Christianity is
forcibly injected into Korea, injected in a way of which, however
admirable it may seem to us, Christ would never have approved.
Christianity, the species of Christianity offered to Korea, has not
flourished there, and the nice, new Occidental civilization which was
offered to Korea a year after the patriarchs of Massachusetts perfumed
the Bay of Boston with tea-leaves, seems to have been rather a failure
in the Land of the Morning Calm.
About the Jesuit fathers who sneaked into Korea under the shelter of the
big hats that Korean widowers wear, and about the American and English
missionaries who laid down their lives, and who have amplified and
luxuriated their lives in Korea, I should like to say a good deal, but
when one cannot say all that one might say and wishes to say, it is
perhaps least stupid to say nothing. But to those who would like to
study Christian missions in the East I would first of all recommend Mr.
Curzon’s “Problems of the Far East,” and then, as far as Korea is
concerned, I would recommend the works of the missionaries Griffis and
Ross.
Korea itself has undergone little change since Hamel escaped from Korea.
Korea has suffered during those years a good deal of change at the hands
of others, a change that is, I think, not altogether to our credit. An
American commodore opened Japan up to the West, and now (so at least
they tell me), Japan is threatening to annihilate the West. Another
American commodore, rather a noisier man, and not blessed with so
fortunate a field of action, opened modern Korea to nineteenth century
Europe and nineteenth century North America. Since then, the history of
Korea has been a history of Korean degeneration, and European and United
States advancement. The King of Korea has become a patron of telephones,
and the hero of innumerable magazine articles—magazines published on
both sides of the Atlantic.
Such is the outline of Korea’s history—hurried, dry, and incomplete; so
incomplete, indeed, that it is not in truth an outline but rather scraps
of outline. But Korea’s history is anything but dry, if we study it in
something like intelligible entirety.
One who reads only English—or even the languages of modern Europe—but
wishes to know Korean history in some detail, will be forced to do
considerable literary browsing. A full and altogether satisfactory
history of Korea has yet to be written in English. Its writing would
involve years of earnest work, and could only be accomplished by one
thoroughly familiar with the Chinese language and Chinese literature. In
the meantime there is much interesting information to be found in
periodicals, in English papers printed in Shanghai, and to be gleaned
from Blue-books.
Both Ross and Griffis have contributed valuably to our literature _re_
Korea. But neither of them are the easiest of reading, and both write
from a sectarian, if not a narrow point of view. No one who is
interested in Korea can afford not to read Curzon’s “Problems of the Far
East,” Lowell’s “Chosön,” Carles’ “Life in Korea,” and almost above all
Dallet’s “_Histoire de l’Église de Corée_.” And don’t forget dear,
quaint old Hamel. There are more to be by-all-means read, but not many,
and in reading one we shall learn the titles of others.
The chapter headed “Korea,” in “The Life of Sir Harry Parkes” is, like
all the other chapters in that admirable work, delightfully written, and
peculiarly interesting. Korea has been rather cruelly used—it seems to
me—but it is pleasant to feel that in connection with Korea, England
has little or no cause to reproach herself.