CHAPTER VI

THE MISSISSIPPI, AND INDEPENDENCE[5]

There was a generation of this down-stream transportation, and it built

up the first splendid, aggressive population of the West—a population

that continued to edge farther outward and farther down-stream. The

settlement at Nashville, the settlements of Kentucky, were at touch with

the Ohio River, the broad highway that led easily down to the yet

broader highway of the Mississippi, that great, mysterious stream so

intimately connected with American history and American progress. It was

easy to get to New Orleans, but hard to get back over the Alleghanies.

Therefore, out of the mere fact that water runs downhill, arose one of

the earliest and most dangerous political problems this country ever

knew.

The riflemen of Sevier and Robertson saved Tennessee and Kentucky to the

Union only that they might well-nigh be lost again to Spain. The Indian

fighters of the West knew little how the scales trembled in the balance

for the weak young government of the United States of America, lately

come into place as an independent power. The authorities at Washington

dared not be too firm with France or Spain, or even, with England.

Diplomacy juggled across seas, while the riflemen of the West fought for

the opening of that Great River which meant everything for them.

The league of Spain and the Cherokees kept up covert warfare against

these early Westerners. The stark, staunch men of Robertson and Sevier

hunted down the red fighters and killed them one by one over all the

Western hunting-grounds and corn-grounds; and then they rebelled against

Washington, and were for setting up a world of their own. They sent in a

petition, a veritable prayer from the wilderness, the first words of

complaint ever wrung from those hardy men.

“We endured almost unconquerable difficulties in settling this Western

country,” they said, “in full confidence that we should be enabled to

send our products to the market through the rivers that water the

country; but we have the mortification not only to be excluded from that

channel of commerce by a foreign nation, but the Indians are rendered

more hostile through the influence of that nation.”

To add to the intricacy of this situation, now came one General James

Wilkinson, late of a quasi-connection with the Continental army, who

early discovered the profit of the trade to the mouth of the

Mississippi. Discovering, likewise, the discontent of the West, which

was almost wholly dependent upon that river for its transportation, he

conceived the pretty idea of handing over this land to Spain, believing

that in the confusion consequent upon such change his own personal

fortunes must necessarily be largely bettered. The archives show the

double dealings of Wilkinson with Spain, Great Britain, and the United

States. He played fast and loose with friend and foe, until at length he

found his own level and met in part his just deserts.

Meantime the stout little government at Washington, knowing well enough

all the dangers that threatened it, continued to work out the problems

crowding upon it. Some breathless, trembling years passed by—years full

of wars and treaties in Europe as well as in America. Then came the end

of all doubts and tremblings. The lying intrigues at the mouth of

America’s great roadway ceased by virtue of that purchase of territory

which gave to America forever this mighty Mississippi, solemn, majestic,

and mysterious stream, perpetual highway, and henceforth to be included

wholly within the borders of the West.

The acquisition of this territory was due not so much to American

statesmanship or foresight as to either the freakishness or wisdom of

Napoleon Bonaparte, then much disturbed by the native revolts in the

West Indies, and harassed by the impending war with England. Whether

England or France would land troops at New Orleans was long a question.

The year that saw the Mississippi made wholly American was one mighty in

the history of America and of the world.

The date of the Louisiana Purchase is significant not more in virtue of

the vast domain added to the West than because of the fact that with

this territory came the means of building it up and holding it together.

It was now that for the first time the solidarity of this New World was

forever assured. We gained a million uninhabited miles—a million miles

of country that will one day support its thousands to the mile. But

still more important, we gained the right and the ability to travel into

it and across it and through it. France had failed to build roads into

that country, and thereafter neither France nor any other foreign power

might ever do so.

We who have the advantage of the retrospect understand the Mississippi

and its tributaries far better than did the statesmen of a hundred years

ago. Indeed, it was then the belief of many of the ablest minds that we

ought not to accept this Louisiana Purchase even as a gift. Josiah

Adams, in discussing the bill for the admission of Louisiana as a state,

said: “I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion that if

this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved; that

the states which compose it are free from their moral obligations; and

that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to

prepare definitely for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if

they must.”

This from Massachusetts, later to be the home of abolition and of

centralization! It may sit ill with the sons of Massachusetts to reflect

that their own state was the first one deliberately to propose

secession. Still more advanced was the attitude of James White, who

painted the following dismal picture of that West which was to be:

“Louisiana must and will be settled if we hold it, and with the very

population that would otherwise occupy part of our present territory.

Thus our citizens will be removed to the immense distance of two or

three thousand miles from the capital of the Union, where they will

scarcely ever feel the rays of the general government; their affections

will become alienated; they will gradually begin to view us as

strangers; they will form other commercial connections, and our

interests will become distinct. These, with other causes that human

wisdom may not now foresee, will in time effect a separation, and I fear

our bounds will be fixed nearer to our houses than the waters of the

Mississippi. We have already territory enough, and when I contemplate

the evils that may arise to these States from this intended

incorporation of Louisiana into the Union, I would rather see it given

to France, to Spain, or to any other nation of the earth, upon the mere

condition that no citizen of the United States should ever settle within

its limits, than to see the territory sold for a hundred million of

dollars and we retain the sovereignty. . . . And I do say that, under

existing circumstances, even supposing that this extent of territory was

a valuable acquisition, fifteen million dollars was a most enormous sum

to give.”

How feeble is our grasp upon the future may be seen from the last

utterance. The sum of fifteen million dollars seemed “enormous.” To-day,

less than a century from that time, one American citizen has in his

lifetime made from the raw resources of this land a fortune held to be

two hundred and sixty-six million dollars.

One Western city, located in that despised territory, during the year

just past showed sales of grain alone amounting to one hundred and

twenty-three million three hundred thousand dollars; of live stock

alone, two hundred and sixty-eight million dollars; of wholesale trade,

seven hundred and eighty-six million two hundred and five thousand

dollars; of manufactures—where manufactures were once held

impossible—the total of seven hundred and forty-one million and

ninety-seven thousand dollars.

It was once four weeks from Maine to Washington; it is now four days

from Oregon. The total wealth of all the cities, all the lands, all the

individuals of that once despised West, runs into figures that surpass

all belief and all comprehension. And this has grown up within less than

a hundred years. The people have outrun all the wisdom of their leaders.

What would Daniel Webster, famous New Englander, doubter and discreditor

of the West, say, were he to know the West to-day?

Yet the men of that day were not so much to blame, for they were in the

infancy of transportation, and as no army is better than its commissary

trains, so is no nation better than its transportation. We were still in

the crude, primitive, down-stream days. Steam had not yet come upon the

great interior waterways. The west-bound mountain roads across the

Alleghanies were still only narrow tracks worn by the feet of

pack-horses that carried mostly salt and bullets. The turnpikes fit for

wagon traffic were Eastern affairs only. The National Road, from

Wheeling to the westward, was restricted in its staging possibilities.

Between the hardy Western population and its earlier home there rose the

high barrier of the Appalachians, to ascend whose streams meant a long,

grievous and dangerous journey, a Journey commercially impracticable.

The first traffic of the old mountain road was in salt and bullets, and

it was a traffic that all went one way. The difficulties of even this

crude commerce led to the establishment, as the very first manufacture

ever begun in the West, of works for the production of salt. Bullitt’s

Lick, on Salt Creek, was one of the earliest, if not the earliest,

manufacturing community west of the Alleghanies, and part of the

downstream trade of the day was in carrying kettles from Louisville down

the Ohio and up Salt Creek to the lick. This route was in hostile Indian

country, and every voyage held its own terrors.

We may note, then, the beginning of the commercial West in the local

necessities of that West. For the first west-bound generation the

problem of transportation had been largely a personal one. The first

adventurers, with little baggage but the rifle and the ax, able to live

on parched corn and jerked venison, with women almost as hardy as men,

neither possessed nor cared for the surplus things of life. They

subsisted on what nature gave them, seeking but little to add to the

productiveness of nature in any way.

But now we must, presently, conceive of our Western man as already shorn

of a trifle of his fringes. His dress was not now so near a parallel to

that of the savage whom he had overcome. There was falling into his mien

somewhat more of staidness and sobriety. This man had so used the ax

that he had a farm, and on this farm he raised more than he himself

could use—first step in the great future of the West as storehouse for

the world. This extra produce could certainly not be taken back over the

Alleghanies, nor could it be traded on the spot for aught else than

merely similar commodities.

Here, then, was a turning-point in Western history. There is no need to

assign to it an exact date. We have the pleasant fashion of learning

history through dates of battles and assassinations. We might do better

in some cases did we learn the time of certain great and significant

happenings.

It was an important time when this first Western farmer, somewhat shorn

of fringe, sought to find market for his crude produce, and found that

the pack-horse would not serve him so well as the broad-horned flat-boat

that supplanted his canoe. The flat-boat ran altogether down-stream.

Hence it led altogether away from home and from the East. The Western

man was relying upon himself, cutting loose from traditions, asking help

of no man; sacrificing, perhaps, a little of sentiment, but doing so out

of necessity, and only because of the one great fact that the waters

would not run back uphill, would not carry him back to the East that was

once his home.

So the homes and the graves in the West grew, and there arose a

civilization distinct and different from that which kept hold upon the

sea and upon the Old World. The Westerner had forgotten the oysters and

shad, the duck and terrapin of the seaboard. He still lived on venison

and corn, the best portable food ever known for hard marching and hard

work. The more dainty Easterners, the timid ones, the stay-at-homes,

said that this new man of the Western territory was a creature “half

horse and half alligator.” It were perhaps more just to accord to him a

certain manhood, either then or now. He prevailed, he conquered, he

survived, and therefore he was right. There grew the aristocracy of

ability.

The government at Washington saw this growing up of a separate kingdom,

and sought to shorten the arc of this common but far-reaching sky; it

sought to mitigate the swiftness of these streams, to soften the

steepness of these eternal hills. Witness Washington’s forgotten canal

from the headwaters of the James River—a canal whose beginning or end

would puzzle the average American of to-day to define without special

study. Witness many other canal and turnpike schemes, feeble efforts at

the solution of the one imperishable problem of a land vast in its

geography.

Prior to the Louisiana Purchase no man could think of a civilization

west of the Mississippi; but there were certain weak attempts made by

the government to bind to itself that part of the new lands that lay in

the eastern half of the Mississippi valley. The “Ordinance of the

Northwest,” done by the hand of Thomas Jefferson himself, makes

interesting reading to-day. This ordinance sought to establish a number

of states in the great valley “as soon as the lands should have been

purchased from the Indians.”

It was proposed that each state should comprehend, from north to south,

“two degrees of latitude, beginning to count from the completion of

thirty-one degrees north of the equator, but any state northwardly of

the forty-seventh degree shall make part of that state next below; and

eastwardly and westwardly they shall be bounded, those on the

Mississippi by that river on one side, and the meridian of the lowest

point on the rapids of the Ohio on the other; those adjoining on the

east by the same meridian on their western side, and on their eastern by

the meridian of the western cape of the mouth of the Great Kanawha; and

the territory eastward of this last meridian between the Ohio, Lake

Erie, and Pennsylvania shall be one state.”

The Ordinance even went so far as to propose names for these future

states, and quaint enough were some of the names suggested for those

that are now Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan. “Sylvania,”

“Cherronesus,” “Asenesipia,” “Metropotamia,” “Pelesipia”—these are

names of Western states that never were born, and in this there is proof

enough of the fact that, though the government at Washington had its eye

on the West, it had established no control over the West, and under the

existing nature of things had no right ever to expect such control. As a

matter of fact, the government never did catch this truant province

until the latter, in its own good time, saw fit to come back home. This

was after the West had solved its own problems of commercial

intercourse.

It may now prove of interest to take a glance at the crude geography of

this Western land at that time when it first began to produce a surplus,

and the time when it had permanently set its face away from the land

east of the Alleghanies. The census map (see Map No. 1) will prove of

the best service, and its little blotches of color will tell much in

brief regarding the West of 1800.

For forty years before this time the fur trade had had its depot at the

city of St. Louis. For a hundred years there had been a settlement on

the Great Lakes. For nearly a hundred years the town of New Orleans had

been established. Here and there, between these foci of adventurers,

there were odd, seemingly unaccountable little dots and specks of

population scattered over all the map, product of that first uncertain

hundred years. Ohio, directly west of the original Pennsylvania hotbed,

was left blank for a long time, and indeed received her first population

from the southward, and not from the East, though the New Englander,

Moses Cleveland, founded the town of Cleveland as early as 1796.

Lower down in the great valley of the Mississippi was a curious,

illogical, and now forgotten little band of settlers who had formed what

was known as the “Mississippi Territory.” Smaller yet, and more

inexplicable, did we not know the story of the old water-trail from

Green Bay to the Mississippi, there was a dot, a smear, a tiny speck of

population high up on the east bank of the Mississippi, where the

Wisconsin emptied.

These valley settlements far outnumbered all the population of the state

of Ohio, which had lain directly in the latitudinal path of the star.

The West was beginning to be the West. The seed sown by Marquette the

Good, by Hennepin the Bad, by La Salle the Bold, by Tonty the Faithful,

seed cultivated by Boone and Kenton, by Sevier and Robertson and scores

and hundreds of stalwart early Westerners—seed despised by an ancient

and corrupt monarchy—had now begun to grow.

Yet, beyond the farthest settlements of the West of that day, there was

still a land so great that no one tried to measure it, or sought to

include it in the plans of family or nation. It was all a matter for the

future, for generations much later. Compared with the movements of the

past, it must be centuries before the West—whatever that term might

mean—could ever be overrun. That it could ever be exhausted was, to be

sure, an utterly unthinkable thing.

There were vague stories among the hardy settlers about new lands

incredibly distant, mythically rich in interest. But who dreamed the

import of the journey of strong-legged Zebulon Pike into the lands of

the Sioux, and who believed all his story of a march from Santa Fé to

Chihuahua, and thence back to the Sabine? What enthusiasm was aroused

for the peaceful settler of the Middle West, whose neighbor was fifty

miles away, by that ancient saga, that heroically done, Homerically

misspelled story of Lewis and Clark? There was still to be room enough

and chance enough in the West for any and all men.

The progress of civilization, accelerated with the passing of each

century, was none the less slow at this epoch. There was an ictus here

in the pilgrimage of humanity. It was as though the Fates wished that

for a brief time the world might see the spectacle of a land of help and

hope, of personal initiative and personal ambition. The slow-moving star

of the West trembled and quivered with a new and unknown light, caught

from these noble lakes and rivers, reflected from these mountains and

these skies.

The stars of a new heaven looked down on another king, a king in

linsey-woolsey. France kicked him forth a peasant, and, born again, he

scorned the petty limitations of her seigniories, and stood on her

rejected empire, the emperor of himself. England rotted him in her mines

and ditches, but before the reversed flags of England were borne home

from her war which did not subjugate, this same man, under another sky,

was offering hospitality, and not obeisance, to her belted earls.

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Footnote 5:

The Century Magazine; Continued.

The Way to the West, and the Lives of Three Early Americans: Boone—Crockett—Carson · 第 6 / 12 章