SECTION I.

[Transcriber's Note: The spelling inconsistencies of the original have

been retained in this etext.]

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,

DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE

PRESENT TIME.

BY

ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. II.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:

AND T. CADELL, LONDON.

MDCCCXXIV.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

PART. I.--(Continued.)

CHAP.

XX. Account of various early Pilgrimages from England to the Holy Land,

between the years 1097, and 1107.

XXI. Discovery of Madeira

XXII. Account of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands

PART II.

General Voyages and Travels, chiefly of Discovery; from the era of Don

Henry Prince of Portugal, in 1412, to that of George III. in 1760.

BOOK I. History of the Discoveries of the Portuguese along the Coast of

Africa, and of their Discovery of and Conquests in India, from 1412 to

1505[A]

[A] This title was omitted to be inserted in its proper

place, and may be supplied in writing on the blank page opposite to

page 23 of this volume.

CHAP.

I. Summary of the Discoveries of the World, from their first original, to

the year 1555, by Antonio Galvano

II. Journey of Ambrose Contarini, Ambassador from the Republic of Venice,

to Uzun-Hassan King of Persia, in the years 1473, 4, 5, and 6; written

by himself

III. Voyages of Discovery by the Portuguese along the Western Coast of

Africa, during the life, and under the direction of Don Henry

IV. Original Journals of the Voyages of Cada Mosto, and Pedro de Cintra,

to the Coast of Africa; the former in the years 1455 and 1406, and the

latter soon afterwards

V. Continuation of the Portuguese Discoveries along the Coast of Africa,

from the death of Don Henry in 1463, to the Discovery of the Cape of

Good Hope in 1486

VI. History of the Discovery and Conquest of India by the Portuguese,

between the years 1497 and 1505, from the original Portuguese of

Hernan Lopez de Castaneda

VII. Letters from Lisbon in the beginning of the Sixteenth Century,

respecting the then recent Discovery of the Route by Sea to India, and

the Indian trade

_Note_. In p. 292 of this volume, 1, 2 and 18, the date of 1525

ought to have been 1505.

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART I.

(CONTINUED.)

CHAP. XX.

_Account of Various early Pilgrimages from England to the Holy Land;

between the years 1097 and 1107_[1].

INTRODUCTION.

The subsequent account of several English pilgrimages to the Holy Land.

[1] Hakluyt, I. p. 44. et sequ.

SECTION I.

_The Voyage of Gutuere, or Godwera, an English Lady, towards the Holy

Land, about 1097._

While the Christian army, under Godfrey of Buillon, was marching through

Asia Minor from Iconium, in Lycaonia, by Heraclea, to Marasia, or

Maresch[1], Gutuere, or Godwera, the wife of Baldwin, the brother of the

Duke of Lorain, who had long laboured under heavy sickness, became so

extremely ill, that the army encamped on her account near Marash, for

three days, when she expired. This lady is said to have been of noble

English parentage, and was honourably interred at Antioch in Syria[2].

[1] Now Konieh, Erekli, and Marash; the two former in Karamania,

the latter in Syria or Room.--E.

[2] For this story, Hakluyt quotes Hist Bel. Sacr. lib. iii. c.

xvii. and Chron. Hierosol. lib. iii c. xxvii.

SECTION II.

_The Voyage of Edgar Aethling to Jerusalem, in 1102_[1].

Edgar, commonly called Aethling, was son of Edward, the son of Edmond

Ironside, who was the brother of Edward the Confessor, to whom

consequently Edgar was nephew; Edgar travelled to Jerusalem in 1102, in

company with Robert, the son of Godwin, most valiant knight. Being

present in Rama, when King Baldwin was there besieged by the Turks, and

not being able to endure the hardships of the siege, he was delivered

from that danger, and escaped through the midst of the hostile camp,

chiefly through the aid of Robert; who, going before him, made a lane

with his sword, slaying numbers of the Turks in his heroic progress.

Towards the close of this chivalric enterprize, and becoming more fierce

and eager as he advanced, Robert unfortunately dropt his sword; and while

stooping to recover his weapon, he was oppressed by the multitude, who

threw themselves upon him, and made him prisoner. From thence, as some

say, Robert was carried to Babylon in Egypt, or Cairo; and refusing to

renounce his faith in CHRIST, he was tied to a stake in the market-place,

and transpierced with arrows. Edgar, having thus lost his valiant knight,

returned towards Europe, and was much honoured with many gifts by the

emperors both of Greece and Germany, both of whom would gladly have

retained him at their courts, on account of his high lineage; but he

despised all things, from regard to his native England, into which he

returned: And, having been subjected to many changes of fortune, as we

have elsewhere related, he _now_ spends his extreme old age in private

obscurity.

[1] Hakluyt. I. 44. W. Malmsb. III. 58.

SECTION III.

_Some Circumstances respecting the Siege of Joppa, about the year_

1102[1].

In the second year of Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, Joppa was besieged by

the Turks of Cairo; and Baldwin embarked from the town of Assur, in a

vessel called a _buss_, commanded by one Goderic an English freebooter,

intending to proceed to the relief of the besieged. Fixing the royal

banner aloft on a spear, that it might be seen of the Christians, they

sailed boldly towards Joppa, with but a small company of armed men. The

king knew that the Christians in Joppa were almost hopeless of his life

and safety, and he feared they might shamefully abandon the defence of

the place, or be constrained to surrender, unless revived by his presence.

On perceiving the approach of the royal banner of King Baldwin, the naval

forces of the Turks, to the number of twenty gallies and thirteen ships,

usually called _Cazh_, endeavoured to surround and capture the single

vessel in which he was embarked. But, by the aid of GOD, the billows of

the sea raged against them, while the kings ship glided easily and

swiftly through the waves, eluding the enemy, and arrived in safety into

the haven of Joppa, to the great joy of the Christians, who had mourned

him as if dead.

While the Saracens continued the siege of Joppa, 200 sail of Christian

vessels arrived there, with pilgrims who wished to perform their

devotions at Jerusalem. Of these, the chief leaders were Bernard Witrazh

of Galatia, Hardin of England, Otho of Roges, Haderwerck, one of the

principal nobles of Westphalia, and others. This power, by the blessing

of God, arrived to succour the distressed Christians then besieged in

Joppa, on the 3d of July 1102, in the second year of Baldwin king of

Jerusalem. When the numerous army of the Saracens saw that the Christians,

thus reinforced, boldly faced them without the walls, they removed their

tents, during the night, above a mile from the town, that they might

consider whether to retreat to Ascalon, or to continue to harass the

citizens of Joppa with frequent assaults. But they confided in their

numbers, and continued to annoy the Christians by severe and repeated

attacks.

Having allowed three days rest and refreshment to this powerful

reinforcement, Baldwin issued out from Joppa early in the morning of the

sixth of July, to the martial sound of trumpets and cornets, with a

strong force, both of foot and horse, marching directly toward the

Saracens, with loud shouts, and attacked their army with great spirit.

The land attack was assisted by the Christian navy, which approached the

shore, making a horrible noise, and distracting the attention of the

Saracens, who feared to be attacked in flank and rear. After a sharp

encounter, the Saracens fled towards Ascalon, many being slain in the

battle and pursuit, and others drowned, by leaping into the sea to avoid

being slain. In this battle 3000 of the Saracens perished, with a very

small loss on the side of the Christians; and the city of Joppa was

delivered from its enemies.

[1] Hakluyt, I.45. Chron. Hierosol. IX. ix. xi. xii.

SECTION IV.

_Of the Transactions of certain English, Danish, and Flemish Pilgrims in

the Holy Land, in 1107_[1].

In the seventh year of King Baldwin, a large fleet from England,

containing above 7000 men, many of whom were soldiers, arrived at the

harbour of Joppa, along with whom came other warriors from Denmark,

Flanders, and Antwerp. Having received permission and safe conduct from

King Baldwin, together with a strong band of armed men as a safeguard,

they arrived in safety at Jerusalem and all the other places of devotion,

free from all assaults and ambushes of the Gentiles; and having paid

their vows unto the Lord in the church of the Holy Sepulchre, they

returned with great joy, and without molestation, to Joppa[2]. Finding

King Baldwin in that place, they made offer to assist him in any military

enterprize; for which offer he gave them great commendations, saying,

That he could not give an immediate answer, without consulting the

patriarch and barons, of his kingdom.

He therefore called together the Lord Patriarch, Hugh of Tabaria, Gunfrid

the governor of the Tower of David, and the other principal officers of

the kingdom of Jerusalem, to consult together in the city of Rames, how

best to employ this proferred assistance of so considerable a body of

volunteers.

In that assembly, it was agreed upon to lay siege to the city of Sagitta,

otherwise called Sidon; upon which, having directed every one of the

nobles to go home, that they might provide armour and all other

necessaries for the siege, he sent messengers to the English, requiring

them not to remove their fleet and army from Joppa, but to wait there for

his farther commands; informing them, that he and his nobles had resolved,

with their aid, to lay siege to the city of Sidon, but it would require

some time to provide the necessary engines and warlike instruments, for

assaulting the walls of that place. The pilgrims answered, that they

would attend his orders at Joppa, promising to be obedient to him in all

things, even unto death. The king went soon afterwards, with the

patriarch and all his attendants to the city of Acre; where, during forty

days, he was busily employed in the construction of engines, and many

different kinds of warlike instruments, and of every thing necessary for

the intended siege.

When this intended expedition came to the knowledge of the inhabitants of

Sidon, and they understood that a powerful army of pilgrims lay in

readiness at Joppa, to assist the king of Jerusalem, they were afraid of

being subdued and destroyed by the Christians, as Caesaria, Assur, Acre,

Cayphas, and Tabaria had already been; and they sent secret emissaries to

the king, offering a large sum of money in gold byzants, and a

considerable yearly tribute, on condition that he would spare their lives

and refrain from the intended siege. After a lengthened negotiation,

during which the inhabitants of Sidon rose considerably in their offers,

the king, being in great straits for means to discharge the pay of his

soldiers, hearkened willingly to the offers of the Sidonians; yet, afraid

of reproach from the Christians, he dared not openly to consent to their

proposals.

In the meantime, Hugh of Tabaria, who was a principal warrior among the

Christians of Palestine, and indefatigable in assaulting the pagans on

all occasions, having gathered together 200 horse and 400 infantry,

suddenly invaded the country of a great Saracen lord, named Suet, on the

frontiers of the territory of Damascus, where he took a rich booty of

gold and silver and many cattle, which would have proved of great

importance in assisting the army at the siege of Sidon. On his return

with this prey by the city of Belinas, otherwise called Caesaria Philippi,

the Turks of Damascus, with the Saracen inhabitants of the country,

gathered together in great numbers, and pursued the troops of Hugh, that

they might recover the booty. Coming up with them in the mountains, over

which the infantry belonging to Hugh of Tabaria were driving their prey,

the Turks prevailed over the Christians, and the plunder was recovered.

On receiving this intelligence, Hugh, who happened to be at some distance,

hastened with his cavalry to succour his footmen, and to recover the

spoil: But happening to fall in with the Turks in a strait and craggy

place, and rushing heedlessly among the enemy, unprovided with his armour,

he was shot in the back by an arrow, which pierced his liver, and he died

on the spot. His soldiers brought back the dead body of Hugh to the city

of Nazareth near Mount Thabor, where he was honourably interred. Gerard,

the brother of Hugh, lay at this time sick of a dangerous illness, and

died within eight days afterwards.

Taking advantage of the death of these two famous princes, King Baldwin

agreed to receive the money which had been offered to him by the city of

Sidon, yet kept his intentions of making peace private, and sent to Joppa,

desiring the chiefs of the English, Danes, and Flemings, to come with

their fleet and army to Acre, as if he had meant to prosecute the siege.

When they arrived, he represented to their chiefs the great loss he had

sustained by the death of two of his chief warriors, on which account, he

was constrained to defer the siege to a more convenient opportunity, and

must now dismiss his army. On this the strangers saluted the king very

respectfully, and, embarking in their ships, returned to their own

countries.

[1] Hakluyt, I. 47. Chron. Hierosol. lib. x.

[2] Though not mentioned in the text, it seems presumable that these

pilgrims deemed it necessary for them to proceed unarmed in execution of

their devotions, under an escort.--E.

SECTION V.

_The Expedition of William Longespee, or Long-sword, Earl of Salisbury,

in the year 1248, under the Banners of St Louis, King of France, against

the Saracens_[1].

When Louis, King of France, went against the Saracens in 1248, William

Earl of Salisbury, with the Bishop of Worcester, and other great men of

the realm of England, accompanied him in the holy warfare[2]. About the

beginning of October 1249, the French king assaulted and took the city of

Damietta, which was esteemed the principal strong-hold of the Saracens in

Egypt; and having provided the place with a sufficient garrison, under

the Duke of Burgundy, he removed his camp, to penetrate farther eastwards.

In this army William Earl of Salisbury served, with a chosen band of

Englishmen under his especial command; but the French entertained a great

dislike to him and his people, whom they flouted upon all occasions,

calling them English _tails_[3], and other opprobrious names, insomuch,

that the King of France had much ado to keep peace between them. This

quarrel originated from the following circumstance: Not far from

Alexandria there was a strong castle belonging to the Saracens[4], in

which they had placed some of their principal ladies, and much treasure;

which fortress the earl and his English followers had the good fortune to

take, more by dexterous policy than by open force of arms, through which

capture he and his people were much enriched; and when the French came to

the knowledge of this exploit, which had not been previously communicated

to them, they were much enraged against the English, and could never

speak well of them afterwards.

Not long after this, the earl got secret intelligence of a rich caravan

of merchants belonging to the Saracens, who were travelling to a certain

fair which was to be held near Alexandria, with a multitude of camels,

asses, and mules, and many carts, all richly laden with silks, precious

jewels, spices, gold, silver, and other commodities, besides provisions

and other matters of which the soldiers were then in great want. Without

giving notice of this to the rest of the Christian army, the earl

gathered all the English troops, and fell by night upon the caravan,

killing many of the people, and making himself master of the whole carts

and baggage cattle with their drivers, which he brought with him to the

Christian camp, losing only one soldier in the skirmish, and eight of his

servants, some of whom were only wounded and brought home to be cured.

When this was known in the camp, the Frenchmen, who had loitered in their

tents while the earl and his people were engaged in the expedition, came

forth and forcibly took to themselves the whole of this spoil, finding

great fault with the earl and the English for leaving the camp without

orders from the general, contrary to the discipline of war; though the

earl insisted that he had done nothing but what he would readily justify,

and that his intentions were to have divided the spoil among the whole

army. But this being of no avail, and very much displeased at being

deprived in so cowardly a manner of what he had so adventurously gained,

he made his complaint to the king; and being successfully opposed there

by the pride of the Count of Artois, the kings brother, who thwarted his

claims with disdainful spite, he declared that he would serve no longer

in their army, and bidding farewell to the king, he and his people broke

up from the army and marched for Achon[5]. Upon their departure, the

Count d'Artois said that the French army was well rid of these tailed

English; which words, spoken in despite, were ill taken by many good men,

even of their own army. But not long after, when the governor of Cairo,

who was offended with the Soldan, offered to deliver that place to the

French king, and even gave him instructions now he might best conduct

himself to accomplish that enterprize, the king sent a message in all

haste to the Earl of Salisbury, requesting him to return to the army,

under promise of redressing all his grievances; on which he came back and

rejoined the French army.

The king of France now marched towards Cairo, and came to the great river

Nile, on the other side of which the Soldan had encamped with his army,

on purpose to dispute the passage. At this time, there was a Saracen in

the service of the Count of Artois, who had been lately converted to the

Christian faith, and who offered to point out a shallow ford in the river,

by which the army might easily cross over. Upon receiving this

intelligence, Artois and the master of the Knights Templars, with about a

third of the army, crossed to the other side, and were followed by

Salisbury and the English. These being all joined, made an assault upon a

part of the Saracen army which remained in the camp, and overthrew them,

the Soldan being then at some distance with the greater part of his army.

After this easy victory, Artois was so puffed up with pride and elated by

success, that he believed nothing could withstand him, and would needs

advance without waiting for the coming up of the main body of the army

under the king of France, vainly believing that he was able with the

power he had to conquer the whole force of the Saracens. The master of

the Templars, and other experienced officers, endeavoured to dissuade him

from this rash conduct; advising him rather to return to the main army,

satisfied with the signal advantage he had already achieved; that thereby

the whole army of the Christians might act in concert, and be the better

able to guard against the danger of any ambushes or other stratagems of

war, that might have been devised for their destruction. They represented

to him that the horses of this vanguard were already tired, and the

troops without food; and besides, that their numbers were utterly unable

to withstand the vastly superior multitude of the enemy; who besides,

having now obviously to fight for their last stake, the capital of their

dominions, might be expected to exert their utmost efforts. To this

salutary counsel, the proud earl arrogantly answered with opprobrious

taunts; reviling the whole Templars as dastardly cowards and betrayers of

their country, and even alleged that the Holy Land of the Cross might

easily be won to Christendom, if it were not for the rebellious spirit of

the Templars and Hospitallers, and their followers: which, indeed, was a

common belief among many. To these contumelious remarks, the master of

the Templars angrily desired him, in his own name and that of his

followers, to display his ensign when and where he dared, and he should

find them as ready to follow as he to lead. The Earl of Salisbury now

remonstrated with Artois, advising him to listen to these experienced

persons, who were much better acquainted with the country and people than

he could be; and endeavoured to convince him that their advice was

discreet and worthy to be followed. He then addressed his discourse to

the master of the Templars, prudently endeavouring to sooth his anger

against the arrogance of the Count of Artois. But Artois cut him short,

exclaiming in anger with many oaths, "Away with these cowardly Englishmen

with tails; the army would be much better rid of these tailed people;"

and many other scandalous and disdainful expressions. To this the English

earl replied, "Well, Earl Robert, wherever you dare set your foot, my

steps shall go as far as yours; and I believe we shall go this day where

you shall not dare to come near the tails of our horses."

And it so happened as Earl William said: For Earl Robert of Artois

persisted to march forward against the Soldan, vainly hoping to win all

the glory to himself, before the coming up of the main body of the host.

His first enterprize was ordering an attack on a small castle, or

fortified village, called Mansor; whence a number of the villagers ran

out, on seeing the approach of the Christians, making a great outcry,

which came to the ears of the Soldan, who was much nearer with his army

than had been supposed. In the mean time, the Christians made an assault

on Mansor with too little precaution, and were repulsed with considerable

loss, many of them being slain by large stones, thrown upon them as they

entered the place; by which the army not only lost a considerable number

of men, but was much dispirited by this unexpected repulse.

Immediately on the back of this discomfiture, the Soldan came in sight

with his whole army; and seeing the Christians in this divided state,

brother separated from brother, joyfully seized the opportunity he had

long wished for, and inclosing them on all sides, that none might escape,

attacked them with great fury. In this situation, the Earl of Artois sore

repented of his headstrong rashness, when it was too late; and, seeing

Earl William Longespee fighting bravely against the chief brunt of the

enemy, he called out to him in a cowardly manner to flee, as God fought

against them. But William bravely answered, "God forbid that my father's

son should flee from the face of a Saracen." Earl Robert turned out of

the fight, and fled away, thinking to escape from death or captivity by

the swiftness of his horse; and taking the river Thafnis[6], sank through

the weight of his armour, and was drowned. On the flight of Earl Robert,

the French troops lost heart, and began to give ground: But William

Longespee, bearing up manfully against the whole force of the enemy,

stood firm as long as he was able, slaying and wounding many of the

Saracens. At length, his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he fell

to the ground; yet he continued to mangle their legs and feet, till at

last he was slain with many wounds, being finally stoned to death by the

Saracens. After his death, the Saracens set upon the remainder of the

army, which they had surrounded on every side, and destroyed them all, so

that scarce a single man remained alive. Of the whole, only two templars,

one hospitaller, and one common soldier escaped, to bring the melancholy

tidings to the king of France. Thus by the imprudent and foolish rashness

of Earl Robert, the French troops were utterly discomfited, and the

valiant English knight overpowered and slain, to the grief of all the

Christians, and the glory of the Saracens; and, as it afterwards fell out,

to the entire ruin of the whole French army.

[1] Hakluyt, I. 70.

[2] Hakluyt dates this expedition in the 32d year of the reign of Henry

III. of England. He mentions, in a former passage, I. p. 59. that the

same Earl of Salisbury, accompanied Richard Earl of Cornwall, in the

23d year of the same kings reign into Syria against the Saracens, with

many other English of note, where they performed good service against

the unbelievers, but gives no relation of particulars.--E.

[3] The meaning of this term of reproach does not appear; unless,

from some after circumstances, it may have proceeded from their horses

having long tails, while those of the French were dockt.--E.

[4] Probably Aboukir.--E.

[5] St John d'Acre.--E.

[6] This is probably meant for that branch of the Nile which

they had previously crossed on their way to Mansor.--E.

* * * * *

CHAP. XXI.

_Discovery of Madeira_[1].

Although the Era of modern discovery certainly commenced under the

auspicious direction of Don Henry of Portugal, who first conceived and

executed the sublime idea of extending the knowledge and commerce of the

globe, by a judicious series of maritime, expeditions expressly for the

purpose of discovery; yet as Madeira is said to have been visited, and

the Canaries were actually discovered and settled before that era, it

appears necessary to give a previous account of these discoveries, before

proceeding to the second part of this work.

Several authors have left accounts of the real or pretended original

discovery of this island of Madeira, all of whom concur in asserting that

it was first discovered by an Englishman. Juan de Barros, the Livy of

Portugal, mentions it briefly in the first decade of his Asia. The

history of this discovery was written in Latin, by Doctor Manoel Clemente,

and dedicated to Pope Clement V. Manoel Tome composed a Latin poem on the

subject, which he intitled _Insulana_. Antonio Galvano mentions it in a

treatise of discoveries, made chiefly by the Spaniards and Portuguese

previously to the year 1550[2]. Manoel de Faria y Sousa, the illustrious

commentator of Camoens, cites Galvano in illustration of the fifth stanza

in the fifth book of the immortal Lusiad, and likewise gives an account

of this discovery in his Portuguese Asia. But the earliest and most

complete relation of this discovery was composed by Francisco Alcaforado,

who was esquire to Don Henry the _infant_ or prince of Portugal, the

first great promoter of maritime discoveries, and to whom he presented

his work. No person was more capable of giving an exact account of that

singular event than Alcaforado, as he was one of those who assisted in

making the second discovery. His work was first published in Portuguese

by Don Francisco Manoel, and was afterwards published in French at Paris

in 1671[3]. From this French edition the following account is extracted,

because the original Portuguese has not come to our knowledge, neither

can we say when that was printed; but as the anonymous French translator

remarked, that "Don Francisco _keeps_ the original MS. with great care,"

it may be concluded, that the Portuguese impression did not long precede

the French translation. The French translator acknowledges that he has

altered the style, which was extremely florid and poetical, and has

expunged several useless and tedious digressions, etymologies,

reflections, and comparisons; but declares that he has strictly presented,

the truth and substance of the history, so as not to vary from it in the

least, or to omit the smallest material circumstance.

It is remarkable that there is no mention whatever in any of the English

histories of Machin, Macham, or Marcham, the supposed author of this

discovery; so that Hakluyt was beholden to Antonio Galvano for the

imperfect account he gives of that transaction[4]. By the following

abstract the complete history becomes our own, and we shall be no longer

strangers to an event which has for several ages, rendered an Englishman

famous in foreign countries, while wholly unknown in his own. It must not,

however, be omitted to observe, that some objections may be stated

against the authenticity of this history, on account of certain

circumstances which do not quadrate with the time assigned for Machin's

voyage by the author. From these it is obvious, either that the relation

given by Alcaforado is not genuine, or that it has been interpolated. How

far this objection may be admitted, without prejudice to the authority of

the whole story, must be left to the judgment of our readers; we shall

only add, that so far as relates to Macham it agrees with the tradition

of the inhabitants of Madeira.

According to Alcaforada, Juan Gonsalvo Zarco, a gentleman of the

household of Don Henry, being sent out by that prince upon an expedition

of discovery to the coast of Africa, made prize, in the year 1420, of a

Spanish vessel filled with redeemed captives, on their way from Morocco

to Spain. In this vessel there was one John de Morales, an experienced

and able pilot, whom he detained as an acceptable present to his master

Don Henry, and set all the rest at liberty. Morales on being made

acquainted with the cause of his detention, entered freely into the

service of the prince, and gave an account to Gonsalvo of the adventures

of Machin, and the situation and land-marks of the new discovered island,

all of which he had learnt from certain English captives in the jails of

Morocco, who had accompanied Macham, or Machin, in his expedition.

The year of this extraordinary adventure is not mentioned by Galvano, who

only says, that in 1344, Pedro IV. reigning in Arragon, the chronicles of

his age reported, that about this time the island of Madeira was

discovered by one Macham, an Englishman. It must be confessed that an

objection arises against this history which is not easily removed. We are

told that, immediately after the death of Macham, his companions sailed

over to Morocco, and that Morales was in prison when they arrived.

Supposing the discovery by Macham to have been made about 1344, as

related by Galvano, from the Castilian chronicles, Morales must have been

no less than seventy-six years a prisoner when redeemed, and when he was

detained by Gonsalvo in 1420. Herbert places the adventure of Macham in

1328, which would increase the captivity of Morales to ninety-two years.

Alcaforado places the event in the reign of Edward III. of England, which

began in 1327 and ended in 1378; Even supposing it to have happened in

the last year of Edward, Morales must have remained forty-two years in

captivity; which is not only highly improbable, but is even contrary to

the sense of the historian, who supposes but a small space to have

elapsed between the two events; besides, the records quoted by Galvano

are said expressly to assert that Macham went himself into Africa, whence

he was sent to the king of Castile. This last circumstance may have been

invented by the Spaniards, to give them a better title to the island of

Madeira: But the former objection remains in full force, and can only be

obviated by supposing that either Morales advanced a falsehood in

asserting, that he had the account of this discovery from the English

themselves, instead of learning it from the other slaves, among whom the

tradition might have been current for many years after the event; or

Alcaforado may have mistaken the report of Morales in this particular.

The following is the substance of the narrative, as given by Alcaforado.

In the glorious reign of Edward III. Robert a Machin, of Macham, a

gentleman of the second degree of nobility, whose genius was only

equalled by his gallantry and courage, beheld and loved the beautiful

Anna d'Arfet[5]. Their attachment was mutual, but the pleasing indulgence

of ardent hope gratified and betrayed the secret of their passion. The

pride of the illustrious family of d'Arfet was insensible to the

happiness of their daughter, and they preferred the indulgence of their

own ambition to the voice of love. The feudal tyranny of the age was

friendly to their cruelty, and a royal warrant seemed to justify the

vanity of her parent. The consolation of an ingenious mind supported

Machin under confinement, and enabled him to seek after redress without

yielding to despondency. On his releasement from prison, he learned that

the beloved cause of his persecution had been forced to marry a nobleman,

whose name he could not discover, but who had carried her to his castle

near Bristol. The friends of Machin made his misfortune their own, and

one of them had the address to get introduced into the service of the

afflicted Anna under the character of a groom. The prospect of the ocean

during their rides, suggested or matured the plan of escape and the hope

of a secure asylum counteracted the imagined dangers of a passage to the

coast of France. Under pretence of deriving benefit from the sea air, the

victim of parental ambition was enabled to elude suspicion, and embarked

without delay, in a vessel procured for the purpose, along with her lover.

In the successful completion of this anxious design, Machin was alike

insensible to the unfavourable season of the year, and to the portentous

signs of an approaching storm, which in a calmer moment he would have

duly observed. The gradual rising of a gale of wind, rendered the

astonished fugitives sensible of their rashness; and, as the tempest

continued to augment, the thick darkness of night completed the horrors

of their situation. In their confusion, the intended port was missed, or

could not be attained, and their vessel drove at the mercy of the winds

and waves. In the morning they found themselves in the midst of an

unknown ocean, without skill to determine their situation, and destitute

of knowledge or experience to direct their course towards any known land.

At length, after twelve anxious mornings had dawned without sight of land,

with the earliest streaks of day an object dimly appeared to their eager

watchfulness in the distant horizon, and when the grey haze, which had

alternately filled them with hope and despondency was dissipated by the

rising sun, the certainty of having discovered land was welcomed by a

general burst of joy. A great luxuriancy of trees of unknown species,

was soon observed to overspread the land, whence unknown birds of

beautiful plumage came off in flocks to the vessel, and gave the

appearance of a pleasing dream to their unexpected deliverance.

[Illustration: Chart of North Western Africa]

The boat was hoisted out to examine the new found island, and returned

with a favourable account. Machin and his friends accompanied their

trembling charge on shore, leaving the mariners to secure the vessel at

an anchor. The wilderness and rich scenery of the adjacent country

possessed great charms to these thankful guests, just escaped from

apparently inevitable destruction. An opening in the extensive woods,

which was encircled with laurels and other flowering shrubs, presented a

delightful retreat to the tempest-worn voyagers; a venerable tree, of

ancient growth, offered its welcome shade on an adjoining eminence, and

the first moments of liberty were employed in forming a romantic

residence, with the abundant materials which nature supplied all around.

The novelty of every object they beheld, induced curiosity to explore

their new discovery, and they spent three days in wandering about the

woods, when the survey was interrupted by an alarming hurricane, which

came on during the night, and rendered them extremely anxious for the

safety of their companions, who had been left in charge of the vessel.

The ensuing morning destroyed all prospect of being ever enabled to get

away from the island; the vessel had broke from her moorings by the

violence of the storm, and was wrecked on the coast of Morocco, where all

on board were immediately seized as slaves.

The afflicted Machin found this last calamity too severe for his

terrified and afflicted companion to endure. Her susceptible mind and

tender frame, overcome by the severity of the scenes she had gone through,

and oppressed by consciousness of having deviated from her duty, sunk

under her afflictive situation. From the moment it was reported that the

vessel had disappeared, she became dumb with sorrow, and expired after a

few days of silent despair. This heavy stroke was too much for the

inconsolable lover to support; though watched over with the utmost

solicitude by his afflicted friends, all attempts to administer

consolation were entirely fruitless, and he expired on the fifth day

after the death of his beloved mistress. With his parting breath, he

earnestly enjoined his surviving companions, to deposit his body in the

same grave, under the venerable tree, which they had so recently made for

the victim of his temerity; and where the altar which had been raised to

celebrate their deliverance, would now mark their untimely tomb.

Having performed this painful duty, the surviving companions of these

unfortunate lovers fixed a large wooden cross over the grave, on which

they carved the inscription which Machin had composed to record their

melancholy adventures; and added a request, that if any Christians should

hereafter visit the spot, they might erect a church in the same place,

and dedicate it to Christ. Having thus accomplished the dictates of

friendship and humanity, the survivors fitted out the boat, which had

remained ashore from their first landing, and put to sea with the

intention of returning if possible to England; but either from want of

skill, or owing to the currents and unfavourable winds, they likewise

were driven on the coast of Morocco, and rejoined their former shipmates

in slavery among the Moors.

This story is reported in a somewhat different manner by Galvano already

mentioned. According to him, one Macham, an Englishman, fled from his

country, about the year 1344, with a woman of whom he was enamoured,

meaning to retire into Spain; but the vessel in which the lovers were

embarked, was driven by a storm to the island of Madeira, then

altogether unknown and uninhabited. The port in which Macham took

shelter is still called Machico. His mistress being sea-sick, Macham

landed with her and some of the people, and the ship putting to sea,

deserted them. Oppressed with sickness and grief at seeing herself in

this hopeless state of exile, the lady died; and Macham, who was

extremely fond of her, constructed a chapel or hermitage dedicated to

Jesus the Saviour, in which he deposited her remains, and engraved both

their names, and the cause of their arrival, on a rude monument which he

erected to her memory. He afterwards constructed a boat or canoe, which

he hollowed out from the trunk of a large tree, in which he, and those of

his companions who had been left on shore along with him, passed over to

the opposite coast of Africa, without the aid of oars, sails, or rudder.

He was made prisoner by the Moors, who presented him to their king, by

whom he was sent to the king of Castile.

Madeira, in the Portuguese language, or Madera in Spanish, signifies

_wood_; and this island derived its name from the immense quantity of

thick and tall trees with which it was covered when first discovered. One

of the two capitanias, or provinces, into which this island is divided,

is named Machico, as is likewise the principal town of that district,

supposed to have originated from the traditionary story of the misfortunes

of Macham; the other capitania, with its principal town, the capital of

the island, is named Funchal, from _Funcho_, the Portuguese term for

Fennel, which abounds on the adjoining rocks.

[1] Astley, I. 11. and 586. Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 167.

Although in our opinion a mere romance, we have inserted this story,

because already admitted into other general collections.--E.

[2] This work was printed in 1560, and was translated by Hakluyt: There is

an abstract of it in Purchas his Pilgrims, II. 1671, and it will be

found at the commencement of the second part of this Collection.--E.

[3] In small duodecimo and large print, under the title of Relation

Historique de la Decouverte de l'Isle de Madere: containing 185 pages,

besides twelve pages of preface.--Clarke.

[4] Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 167.

[5] In a note, Mr Clarke says the name of this lady has been supposed by

some writers to have been Dorset, corrupted by a foreign orthography

into D'Orset, and thence into D'Arfet. It may have been D' Arcy.--E.

* * * * *

CHAP. XXI.

_Account of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands_[1].

The island of Nivaria, and others mentioned by Pliny, as known to Juba

king of Mauritania, were most probably Teneriffe and the other Canary

Islands; for Pliny notices that the summit of Nivaria was generally

covered with snow, which is frequently the case with the peak of

Teneriffe, and from this circumstance the name of Nivaria is obviously

derived. They appear likewise to have been known in the middle ages to

the Arabs of Morocco; as the Nubian geographer mentions two islands,

under the names of Mastahan and Lacos, as among the six fortunate islands

described by Ptolemy; these probably were Lancerota and Fuertaventura,

the latter of which may be seen in clear weather from the nearest coast

of Africa. All knowledge, however, of these islands had ceased in Europe,

till some time between the years 1326 and 1334, when a French ship

happened to be driven among them by a storm. Upon this discovery, Don

Luis de la Cerda, count of Claramonte, whose father, Don Alonzo, had been

deprived of his right to the inheritance of the crown of Castile,

procured a grant of these islands, with the title of king, from Pope

Clement VI., on condition of causing the gospel to be preached to the

natives[2]. Don Luis equipped a fleet from some of the ports of the

Spanish kingdom of Arragon, in order to take possession of his new

kingdom, but the design failed, and he died soon after.

In 1385, some Biscayners and inhabitants of Seville joined in the

equipment of five ships at Cadiz, in order to make descents for the sake

of plunder upon the Canary islands, and the adjacent coast of Africa.

After coasting along the African shore, they sailed westwards, and fell

in with the island now called Lancerota, where they landed; and after a

skirmish with the natives, plundered the town, front which they carried

off a large booty of goat-skins, tallow, and sheep, and 170 of the

inhabitants, whom they sold into slavery. Among these were Guanareme,

king of the island, and his wife Tingua-faya. A similar expedition in

quest of plunder and captives was made to Lancerota from Seville in 1393.

In the year 1400, John de Betancour, a gentleman of Normandy, and Gadifer

de Sala, a person of considerable fortune, fitted out three small vessels

from Rochelle in France, containing 200 persons, exclusive of the

mariners, and made a descent upon Lancerota, where they erected a fort at

a harbour, to which they gave the name of Rubicon. Leaving there a small

garrison, they passed over to the island of Fuertaventura; but being

opposed by the natives, they prudently retired without fighting.

Betancour afterwards applied to Don Henry III. king of Arragon, for

assistance to enable him to make a conquest of these islands; who made

him a grant of them in due form, with the title of king, and supplied him

with money to defray the expence of an armament to accomplish their

subjugation. He easily effected the conquest of Lancerota, and divided

its lands among the French and Spanish adventurers who had assisted him

in the expedition.

After the death of John de Betancour, his nephew, Mason de Betancour,

sold the Canary Islands to Don Henry de Guzman, Count of Niebla; who

afterwards conveyed them to Guillen Paraza, and from whom they fell by

inheritance to Diego de Herrera, who died in 1485. In 1487, the

sovereignty was resumed by the crown of Castile, with the title of a

kingdom[3].

[1] Glas. Disc. and Conqu. passim.

[2] The Author of the History of the Canaries, omits the date of this

grant. Clement VI. was Pope from 1343 to 1352, between which years the

papal grant must have been made.--E.

[3] A more extended account or these islands will be found in Part III. of

this work.--E.

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART II.

GENERAL VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, CHIEFLY OF DISCOVERY FROM THE ERA OF DON

HENRY, PRINCE OF PORTUGAL, IN 1412, TO THAT OF GEORGE III. IN 1760.

CHAP. I.

_Summary Deduction of the Discoveries of the World, from their first

Original, to the year 1555, by Antonio Galvano_[1].

INTRODUCTION.

This treatise was written in the Portuguese language, by Antonio Galvano,

who had been governor of Ternate, the chief of the Molucca Islands, and

was first translated into English by the celebrated Richard Hakluyt, who

dedicated it to Sir Robert Cecil, Principal Secretary of State to Queen

Elizabeth. It was afterwards inserted in Osbornes, or the Oxford

Collection of Voyages and Travels, and forms an appendix to the first

volume of Clarke's Progress of Maritime Discovery; and from these sources

the present edition has been carefully prepared. Of Richard Hakluyt, the

original translator, the following notice is worthy of being preserved.

"The _great_ Richard Hakluyt was descended from an ancient family at

Yetton in Herefordshire, and was educated at Westminster School, from

whence he was elected a student of Christ Church, in the University of

Oxford, where he took the degrees of Bachelor and Master of Arts.

Entering into holy orders, he was first made a prebendary of Bristol, and

afterwards of Westminster, and rector of Witheringset in Suffolk. Besides

this translation, he illustrated the eight decades of Peter Martyr

Angelericus _de Novo Orbe_ with curious notes. He also translated from

the Portuguese, _Virginia_, richly valued by the description of Florida,

her next neighbour; and wrote notes of certain commodities, in good

request in the East Indies, Molucca, and China; but what has most

deservedly perpetuated his name, is his great pains, and judgment, in

collecting _English Voyages, Navigations, Trafficks, and Discoveries_[2]."

Both from the nature of this treatise on the origin and progress of

maritime discovery, and from respect to the memory of Hakluyt, the father

of our English collections of voyages and travels, it has been selected

for insertion in this place, as an appropriate introduction to the

_Second Part_ of our arrangement; because its author may be considered as

almost an original authority for the early discoveries of the Portuguese

and Spaniards. Although it may be considered in some measure as not

precisely conformable with our plan, yet one portion of this summary is

directly in point; and, the whole being curious, and in no respect

tedious, it is here given entire; changing the antiquated English of

Hakluyt into modern language. Although said in its title to extend to the

year 1555, the chronological series of Galvano properly ends in 1545; and

the only subsequent incident, is a very slight notice of the voyage of

Sir Hugh Willoughby and Richard Chancellor, towards the White Sea, in

1553. In the original translation, and in the Oxford collection, this

treatise is preceded by a dedication from Hakluyt to _Sir Robert Cecil_;

and another dedication from the Portuguese editor, Francis de Sousa

Tavares, to Don John, Duke of Aveira; both of which are here omitted, as

having no directly useful tendency, except so much of the latter as

refers to the history of Galvano. Besides the present discourse, Galvano

composed a history of the Molucca Islands, of which he had been governor,

which work has unfortunately been lost, or at least is unknown in this

country. He is likewise said to have published at Lisbon in 1555, an

account of the different routes by which the merchandize of India had

been conveyed into Europe at different periods.

Antonio Galvano, the author of the following Summary of the Discoveries

of the World, was a Portuguese gentleman, who was several years governor

of the Molucca Islands, and performed signal service to his country in

that honourable station, by dissipating a formidable league, which had

been entered into by the native princes of these islands, for the

expulsion of the Portuguese; and, though possessing very inadequate

resources for the protection of so important a commercial establishment,

he confirmed and extended the dominion and influence of Portugal in these

islands. When first appointed to the command in the Moluccas, Galvano

carried with him a private fortune of 10,000 crusadoes, all of which he

expended in the public service. Though he added a clear revenue to the

crown of 500,000 crusadoes, in consequence of his successful, vigilant,

and pure administration, he was so zealous in patronizing the propagation

of the Christian religion among the islands belonging to his government,

that, on his return to Lisbon in 1540, he was reduced to such extreme

poverty, as to be under the necessity of taking refuge in the _hospital_,

where he died in 1557.

Francis de Sousa Tavares, the original Portuguese editor of this treatise,

in a dedication of the work to Don John Duke of Aveira, gives the

following account of the work, and of its author:

"Antonio Galvano, when on his death-bed, left me this book, along with

his other papers, by his testament; and, as I am certain he designed that

it should be presented to your highness, I have thought proper to fulfil

his intentions in that respect. It was fitting that this treatise should

be written by a native of Portugal, as it treats of the various ways in

which the spiceries and other commodities of India were formerly brought

to our part of the world, and gives an account of all the navigations and

discoveries of the ancients and moderns, in both of which things the

Portuguese have laboured above all other nations. In this treatise, and

in nine or ten other books, concerning India and the Moluccas, this true

Portuguese described the unfortunate and sorrowful times, before our day,

in which he had been engaged. When he was appointed to the command of the

islands and fortresses of the Moluccas, all the kings and chiefs of these

islands had agreed to make war against our nation, and to drive them out

of the country. Yet he fought against them all in Tidore, though he had

only 130 Portuguese soldiers, against their whole united power, and gave

them a signal overthrow, in which their king, and one Ternate, the

principal author of the war, were both slain; besides which, he conquered

their fortresses, and compelled them all to submit to the obedience and

service of our sovereign. In this war, two great and wonderful events

took place: the _first_, that all the chiefs and kings of these islands

united against us, who used ever to be at variance among themselves; and

_secondly_, that Galvano, with only the ordinary garrison, should obtain

the victory against so great a combination. It has happened to other

governors of the Moluccas, with an extraordinary number of European

troops, and assisted by all the other native lords, to go to war with one

king only, and to come back with loss; whereas he, with a small and

inadequate force, successfully waged war against a confederacy of all the

lords of these islands.

"Three brilliant exploits have been performed in India, beyond all others.

The capture of Muar by Emanuel Falcon; the winning of Bitam by Peter

Mascarenas; and this victory obtained by Galvano. Besides this great

exploit, his father and four brothers were all slain in the kings service;

and he, being the last of his lineage, carried with him about 10,000

crusadoes into the Moluccas, all of which he expended in propagating our

holy faith, and in preserving these valuable islands, using all his power

and influence to bring all the cloves into the kings coffers, by which he

added 500,000 crusadoes yearly to the royal revenue. Had he gathered

cloves on his own account, as other governors of the Moluccas have done,

he might have come home very rich; but returning poor, and, in the

simplicity of his nature, expecting to be rewarded for his honest

services, he was entirely neglected, and had to take refuge in an

hospital, where he remained seventeen years, till his death, when he was

2000 crusadoes in debt; partly for demands upon him from India, and

partly borrowed from his friends to maintain him in the hospital. After

his death, the cardinal desired me to give his other writings to Damien

de Goes, promising to content me for them, which otherwise I should not

have done; yet hitherto I have not received any thing with which to

execute his will. Yet, for all this, as in the prosperity of his

victories he made no boast, so, in his adversity, he always preserved an

unabated spirit. Your grace, therefore, may perceive, that this treatise,

and his other works, were written under great afflictions; yet was he not

willing to use the remedy of Zelim, the son of the great Turk Mahomet,

who took Constantinople, and died in Rome, who used to make himself drunk,

that he might forget the high estate from which he had fallen. Neither

would he follow the councils of many of his friends, in withdrawing from

the kingdom; saying, he had rather resemble Timocles the Athenian, than

the Roman Coriolanus. For all which, this treatise ought to receive

favour from your grace, allowing for any oversights of the author, if

there be any such, as I am unfit to detect or correct then. God prosper

your grace with long life, and increase of honour."

[1] Oxford Collection, II. 353. Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. App 1.

[2] Oxford Collection, I. viii.

SECTION I.

_Epitome of the Ancient and Modern Discoveries of the World, chiefly by

means of Navigation, from the Flood to the close of the Fifteenth

Century._

When I first desired to compose an account of the ancient and modern

discoveries by sea and land, with their true dates and situations, these

two principal circumstances seemed involved in such difficulty and

confusion, that I had almost desisted from the attempt. Even in regard to

the date of the flood, the Hebrews reckon that event to have happened

1656 years after the creation: while the seventy interpreters make it

2242; and St Augustine extends the time to 2262 years[1]. In regard to

geographical situations, likewise, there are many differences; for there

never sailed ten or an hundred pilots in one fleet, but they made their

reckonings in almost as many different longitudes. But considering that

all these difficulties might be surmounted, by just comparison, and the

exercise of judgment, I at length resolved to persist in my undertaking.

Some allege that the world was fully known in ancient times; for, as it

was peopled and inhabited, it must have been navigable and frequented;

and because the ancient people were of longer lives, and had all one law

and one language, they could not fail to be acquainted with the whole

world. Others again believe, that though the world might be once

universally known by mankind, yet, by the wickedness of man, and the want

of justice among nations, that knowledge has been lost. But as all the

most important discoveries have been made by sea, and that chiefly in our

own times, it were desirable to learn who were the first discoverers

since the flood. Some allege the Greeks, others the Phenicians, while

others say the Egyptians. The inhabitants of India, on the contrary,

pretend that they were the first navigators; particularly the Tabencos,

whom we now call Chinese; and allege in proof of this, that they were

lords of all the Indies, even to Cape Bona Speranca, and the island of St

Lawrence[2], which is inhabited by them; as likewise all the coasts of

the Indian seas, also the Javas, Timores, Celebes, Macassar, the Moluccas,

Borneo, Mindanao, Luçones, Lequeos, the Japans, and many other islands;

also the countries of Cochin-China, Laos, Bramas[3], Pegu, Arracones[4],

till you come quite to Bengala. Besides all these, New Spain, Peru,

Brazil, the Antilles, and all the adjoining lands, are possessed by the

same race, as appears by the fashions and manners both of the men and

women, who have small eyes, flat noses, with other proportions resembling

the Chinese. And to this day, many of these islands and countries are

called by such names, as Bato-China, Bocho-China, and the like,

indicating the countries of, or belonging to China.

It farther appears, that the ark of Noah rested upon the north part of

the mountains of Armenia, in 40 degrees of latitude or upwards; and that

Scythia, being a high land, and the first that appeared out of the

universal deluge, was first peopled. And as the province or country of

the Tabencos, or Chinese, is one of the chiefest of all Tartary, its

inhabitants may be considered as the most ancient nation, and the oldest

navigators. Their seas are calm; and, as lying between the tropics, their

days and nights are nearly equal, and their seasons differ little in

temperature; and as no outrageous winds swell their seas into storms,

navigation among them is safe and easy. Their small barks called

catamorans have only a large bough of a tree set up in the middle,

serving as mast and sail; the master steers only with an oar, and the

passengers sit on poles fastened to the bark.

It is said that the people of China were anciently lords of almost all

Scythia, and were in use to sail along that coast, which reaches from

east to west, in seventy degrees of north latitude. Cornelius Nepos says,

that, in the time when Metellus, the colleague of Afranius, was proconsul

of Gaul, the king of the Suevi sent to him certain Indians, who came to

his country in a ship by the north and the flats of Germany[5]. These

people probably came from China; as in that country, in the latitudes of

20, 30, and 40 degrees, they have strong and well-fastened ships, which

can bear the seas and encounter the severity of the northern climate.

Cambaia also has ships, and its inhabitants are said to have long used

the seas; but it is not likely they should have gone to Gaul; for they

only trade to Cairo, and are indeed a people of little trade and less

clothing.

Those who escaped from the flood kept the hills, not daring for a long

time to descend into the plains and low countries; and Nimrod, an hundred

and thirty years afterwards, built the tower of Babel, intending it as a

refuge in case of any future deluge[6]. Upon the whole, it seems probable

that the inhabitants of China and the east were the first sailors; though

others think the inhabitants of the west, particularly of Syria, were the

first to use the sea[7]. This contest about the antiquity of navigation,

I leave to the Scythians and Egyptians, who each challenge the honour to

themselves. But leaving all contested points in this matter, I now apply

to my proposed deduction, resting only upon what has been recorded in

authentic histories. Ancient history says that Tubal, in the hundred and

forty-third year after the flood, came by sea into Spain[8]; whence it

appears that in these early times navigation was usual from Ethiopia to

our parts of western Europe. It is also said, that Semiramis invaded the

country on the river Indus, whence the Indians derive their name, and

gave battle to king Stabrobates, in which he lost a thousand ships[9]; by

which it clearly appears there were then many ships in those parts; and

that the seas were much frequented.

In the six hundred and fiftieth year after the flood, there was a king in

Spain named Hesperus[10]; and Gonsalvo Fernandez de Oviedo, the

chronicler of antiquities[11], affirms that he made discoveries by sea as

far as Cape Verde and the Isle of St Thomas, of which he was prince, and

that in his time the islands of the West Indies were discovered, and

called the Hesperides, after his name. He alleges many reasons in proof

of this assertion, and even says particularly, that these early

navigators sailed in forty days from Cape Verde to these islands. Others

say, that the islands of St Thomas and de Principe are the Hesperides,

and not the Antilles; which is the more probable, as these ancient

navigators only sailed along the coast, not daring to pass through the

main ocean, having no compass, nor any means of taking altitudes for

their guidance. It is not to be denied that many countries, islands,

capes, isthmuses, and points, the names of which are found in histories,

are now unknown; because, in course of ages, the force of the waters has

wasted and consumed them, and has separated countries from each other

formerly joined, both in Europe, Asia, Africa, New Spain, Peru, and other

places.

In his dialogue called Timaeus, Plato says there was anciently a great

country and large islands in the Atlantic, named Atlantides, greater than

Europe and Africa, and that the kings of these parts were lords of a

great part of Spain; but that, by the force of great tempests, the sea

had overflowed the country, leaving nothing but banks of mud and gravel,

so that no ships could pass that way for long after. It is also recorded

by Pliny[12], that close by the island of Cadiz, there was a well

inhabited island called Aphrodisias, towards the Straits of Gibraltar,

abounding in gardens and orchards; but we have now no knowledge of this

island, except from the bare mention of it in ancient authors. The Isle

of Cadiz is said to have been anciently so large as to join the continent

of Spain. The Açores are held to have been a continuation of the

mountains of Estrella, which join the sea coast beside the town of Cintra;

and the Sierra Verde, or Green-mountains, which reach the coast, near the

city of _Sasin_ in the land of _Cucu_, or the island of Moudim in which

Algarbe is situated, are supposed to have reached to Porto Santo and

Madeira. For it is considered as an indubitable fact, that all islands

derive their roots from the firm land or continent, however distant, as

otherwise they could not stand firm. Other authors say, that from Spain

to Ceuta in Barbary, people sometimes travelled on foot on dry land; that

the islands of Corsica and Sardinia were once joined; that Sicily was

united with Italy, and the Negropont with Greece[13]. We read also of the

hulls of ships, iron anchors, and other remnants of shipping, having been

found on the mountains of Susa, far inland, where there is now no

appearance of the sea having ever been. Many writers affirm, that in

India and Malabar, which now abounds in people, the sea once reached the

foot of the mountains; and that Cape Comorin and the island of Ceylon

were once united; also that Sumatra once joined with Malacca, by the

shoals of Caypasia; and not far from thence there is a small island which,

only a few years ago, was joined to the opposite coast. Ptolemy advances

the point of Malacca three or four degrees to the south of the line;

whereas its most southerly point, now called Jentana, is in one degree of

north latitude, by which people pass daily the straits of Cincapura to

the coasts of Siam and China; and the island of Aynan is said to have

formerly joined the land of China; the southern extremity of which

Ptolomey placed far to the south of the line, though it now only reaches

to twentieth degree of north latitude.

It may even have been that Malacca and China, as Ptolemy sets forth,

extended beyond the line to the south; as Malacca might join with the

land called Jentana, and the islands of Bintam, Banca, and Salistres, and

the land might be all slime and ouze; likewise China might be united with

the Luçones, Borneo, Lequeuo, Mindanao, and others. Some are of opinion,

that Sumatra joined with Java, across what is now the Straits of Sunda;

and that Java also joined with the islands of Bali, Anjave, Cambava,

Solor, Hogalcao, Maulva, Vintara, Rosalaguin, and others in that range,

all of which are so near as to appear continuous, when seen from a small

distance; and they still are so near together, that in passing through

the channels which divide them, the boughs of the trees on each side may

be touched by the hands. It is not long since several of the islands of

Banda in the east were drowned by the sea overflowing them; and in China,

about 180 miles of firm land are said to have become a lake. All these

things are to be considered as coming within the limits of probability,

especially when we take into account what has been related of similar

events by Ptolemy and others, but which I here omit to return to my

subject.

About 800 years after the deluge, the city of Troy was built by the

Dardanians; and even before that time, spices, drugs, and many other

kinds of merchandize, which were then more abundant than now, were

brought from India to Europe, by the Red Sea. Hence, if credit can be

given to these accounts, we may conclude, that the sea of old was much

frequented, those of the east bringing their commodities to the haven of

Arsinoe in the Arabian Gulf, now called Suez[14], in lat. 30° N. and at

the northern extremity of the Arabian Gulf; from whence the goods were

carried by caravans, upon camels, asses, and mules, to Cassou, a city on

the coast of the Levant sea, in lat. 32° N. Allowing seventeen leagues

and a half to every degree of latitude, these two cities are said to have

been 35 leagues, or 105[15] miles distant from each other. On account of

the heat, these caravans, or great companies of carriers, travelled only

in the night, directing themselves by the stars, and by land-marks fixed

in the ground for that purpose. But finding this journey attended with

many inconveniencies, the course was twice altered in search of a more

commodious route[16]. About nine hundred years after the flood, and

previous to the destruction of Troy, Egypt was ruled by a king named

Sesostris, who caused a canal to be cut from the Red Sea to that arm of

the Nile which flows past the city of Heroum, that ships might pass and

repass between India and Europe, to avoid the expence and trouble of

carrying merchandize by land across the isthmus of Suez; and Sesostris

had large caraks or ships built for this purpose[17]. This enterprize,

however, did not completely succeed; for, if it had, Africa would have

been converted into an island, as there are even now only twenty leagues

or sixty miles of land between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean.

About this time the Grecians gathered a fleet and army, called the

Argonautic expedition, under the command of Jason and Alceus[18]. Some

say they sailed from Crete, and others from Greece; but they passed

through the Propontis and the _sleeve_ of St George into the Euxine,

where some of the vessels perished, and Jason returned back to Greece.

Alceus reported that he was driven by a tempest to the Palus Maeotis,

where he was deserted by all his company; and those who escaped had to

travel by land to the German ocean, where they procured shipping; and

sailing past the coasts of Saxony, Friesland, Holland, Flanders, France,

Spain, and Italy, returned to the Peloponnesus and Greece, after

discovering a great portion of the coast of Europe.

Strabo, on the authority of Aristonicus the grammarian, says, that king

Menelaus, after the destruction of Troy, sailed from the Grecian sea to

the Atlantic, coasted along Africa and Guinea, doubled the Cape Bona

Sperança, and arrived in India[19]; concerning which voyage many other

particulars might be collected from the writings of the ancients. This

Mediterranean Sea was sometimes called the Adriatic, the Aegean, and the

Herculean Sea; and had other names, according to the lands, coasts, and

islands, which it skirted, till, running through the Straits of Hercules,

between Spain and Africa, it communicated with the great Atlantic Ocean.

Thirteen hundred years after the flood, Solomon caused a navy to be

constructed at Ezion-geber on the Red Sea, which sailed to Tharsis and

Ophir, which some believe to have been islands in the East Indies. This

fleet was three years on its voyage, and on its return brought gold,

silver, cypress-wood, and other commodities[20]. The islands to which the

navy of Solomon traded were probably those we now call the Luçones, the

Lequeos, and China; for we know of few other places whence some of the

things mentioned as forming their cargoes can be had, or where navigation

has been so long practised.

Necho, one of the kings of Egypt, was desirous to have joined the Red Sea

with the Mediterranean, and is said in history to have commanded some

Phenicians to sail from the Red Sea by the Straits of Mecca, and to

endeavour to return to Egypt by the Mediterranean[21]. This they

accomplished, and sailed along the coast of Melinda, Quiloa, and Sofala,

till they reached the Cape of Good Hope, which they doubled; and,

continuing their course to the north, they sailed along the coast of

Guinea all the way to the Mediterranean, and returned to Egypt after two

years absence, being the first who had circumnavigated Africa.

In the year 590 before the Incarnation, a fleet belonging to Carthaginian

merchants sailed from Cadiz through the ocean, to the west, in search of

land[22]. They proceeded so far that they came to the islands now called

the Antilles, and to New Spain[23]. This is given on the authority of

Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, in his General History, who says that these

countries were then discovered; and that Christopher Columbus, by his

voyages in after times, only acquired more exact knowledge of them, and

hath left us a more precise notice of their situation, and of the way to

them. But all those historians who formerly wrote concerning the Antilles,

as of doubtful and uncertain existence, now plainly allow them to be the

same with New Spain and the West Indies. In the year 520 before Christ,

Cambyses, king of Persia, conquered Egypt, and was succeeded by Darius,

the son of Hystaspes. This latter prince determined upon completing the

projects of Sesostris and Necho, by digging a canal between the Red Sea

and the Nile: But, being assured that the Red Sea was higher than the

Nile, and that its salt water would overflow and ruin the whole land of

Egypt, he abandoned his purpose, lest that fine province should be

destroyed by famine and the want of fresh water[24]; for the fresh water

of the Nile overflows the whole country, and the inhabitants have no

other water to drink.

It may not be too great a digression from the subject, to say a few words

concerning Egypt. The natives allege that they have in their country

certain animals, of which one half of their bodies seem earth, and the

other like rats, one species of which keeps continually in the water,

while another species lives on the land. In my opinion, it is these

animals which break the serpents eggs, of which there are many in the

Nile, but which serpents are also called crocodiles. It is said, that in

ancient times these animals were inchanted, so that they could not do

harm to any one: But since they have been freed from the power of

inchantment, by the arts and learning of the Egyptians decaying, they

have done much hurt, by killing people, wild beasts, and cattle, more

especially those which live in the water and come often on land. Those

that live continually on the land become strongly venomous[25]. The

people beyond the city of Cairo used to catch these animals, and even to

eat them, setting up their heads on the walls of the city. Concerning

these crocodiles, it is related[26] that they often lie along the shores

of the river with their mouths wide open; on which occasion, certain

white birds, little larger than our thrushes, fly into the mouths of the

crocodiles, and pick out the filth from between his teeth, to the great

delight of the crocodile; which, however, would surely close his mouth

and devour the bird, had not nature provided the bird with a sharp sting,

growing from the top of his head, which pricks the roof of the crocodiles

mouth, and forces him to gape, so that the bird flies away unhurt. In

this manner, by means of a succession of these birds, the crocodiles get

their teeth cleansed. In this same river, there are many beasts

resembling horses; and upon the land, there are certain birds like our

cranes, which continually make war upon the serpents, which come thither

out of Arabia: Which birds, and likewise the rats, which eat the eggs of

the crocodiles, are held in great reverence and estimation, by the

Egyptians.

But now, to return to my subject of discoveries. In the year 485 before

Christ, Xerxes, king of Persia, sent his nephew Sataspis to discover

India; who sailed from the Mediterranean through the Straits of Hercules,

and passed the promontory of Africa, which we now call the Cape of Good

Hope; but, wearying of the length of the voyage, he returned back again,

as Bartholomew Diaz did in our days[27]. In 443 A. C. Hamilco and Hanno,

two Carthaginian commanders who governed that part of Spain now called

Andalusia, sailed from thence with two squadrons. Hamilco, sailing

towards the north, discovered the coasts of Spain, France, England,

Flanders, and Germany; and some allege that he sailed to Gothland, and

even to Thule or Iceland, standing under the Arctic circle, in 64 degrees

north, and continued his voyage during two years, till he came to that

northern island, where the day in June continues for twenty-two hours,

and the nights in December are of a similar length; on account of which

it is there wonderfully cold. His brother, Hanno, took his course to the

south, along the coast of Africa and Guinea, and discovered the Fortunate

Islands, now the Canaries, and the Orcades, Hesperides, and Gorgades, now

called the Cape de Verde islands. Proceeding onwards, Hanno doubled the

Cape of Good Hope, and went along the eastern coast of Africa to another

cape, called Aromaticum, now called Gardafu, and thence to the coast of

Arabia, and was five years employed in this voyage before his return to

Spain[28]. Others allege, that Hanno proceeded no farther than Sierra

Leona, which he colonized, and afterwards discovered as far as the

equinoctial line; but it would rather appear, from the length of time he

employed, that he must have accomplished the more extended navigation.

It is reported that the inhabitants of the country at the Cape of Good

Hope are great witches, and by inchantment bring certain serpents so much

under command, that they preserve their churches, churchyards, gardens,

orchards, barns, and cattle, both from wild beasts and thieves. When

these serpents see any person doing or intending to do harm, they wind

themselves in such a manner around them as to make them prisoners, and

then command their young ones to give notice to their masters, that they

may come and secure the thieves. But if the thieves be numerous, or the

wild beasts of too much strength, so that the serpents dare not encounter

them, they go to their masters house, and if it happen to be in the

night, they give many strokes with their tails, so as to awaken their

masters, that they may provide for their defence[29].

A certain Italian, named Aloisius Cadamosta, relates, that when he was

upon the discovery of Guinea, and resided in the house of Bisboral, the

grandson of king Budomel, he heard one night, when in bed, a great noise

and many blows given about the house, upon which Bisboral arose and went

out; and, upon his return, Cadamosta demanded of him where he had been,

and he answered that he had been with his cobras or snakes, which called

him[30]. In the Indies there are many snakes, and some of them very full

of poison; yet the Indians carry them about their necks, and put them in

their bosoms, and under their arms, without fear or injury; and at

certain sounds, the snakes will dance, and do many other strange things

at command.

I was informed by a certain Portuguese, who had been beyond the Cape of

Good Hope, towards Sofala, Quiloa, and Melinda, that there were certain

birds in that country, which would come to the negroes on a call, and as

the negroes moved on through the woods, the birds would do the same from

tree to tree, till at length they would alight on a tree whence they

would not remove: And, on examining that tree, the negroes were sure to

find wax and honey, but knew not whether it grew there naturally or

not[31]. In the same country, they find much wax and honey in ant-holes,

made by the ants, but somewhat bitter. In the seas of that coast, there

are certain fish, known to the fishermen, which commonly swim upright in

the water, having the faces and breasts of women[32].

In the year 355 before Christ, the Spaniards are said to have gone by sea

to the flats of India, Arabia, and the adjoining coasts, to which they

carried various merchandizes in great ships; and sailing to the north-

west they came to certain flats which are covered by the tide, and left

bare by the ebb, where they caught many _tunnies_ of great size; which

fishing turned out to their great profit, as they were very abundant and

much esteemed[33].

Alexander, who flourished 324 years before Christ, travelled from Europe

into Asia and Africa, passed through Armenia, Assyria, Persia, and

Bactria; whence he descended by the mountains of Imaus and the vallies of

Parapomissus, into India, and prepared a navy on the river Indus, with

which he passed into the ocean. He there turned by the lands of Gedrosia,

Caramania, and Persia, to the great city of Babylon, leaving the command

of his fleet to Onesicratus and Nearchus, who sailed through the straits

of the Persian Sea and up the river Euphrates, discovering the whole

coast between the Indus and that river.

After the death of Alexander, Ptolemy became king of Egypt, who by some

was reputed to have been the bastard son of Philip, the father of

Alexander: He, imitating the before named kings, Sesostris and Darius,

caused dig a canal from the branch of the Nile which passed by Pelusium,

now by the city of Damieta[34]. This canal of Ptolemy was an hundred feet

broad and thirty feet deep, and extended ten or twelve leagues in length,

till it came to the _bitter wells_. He meant to have continued it to the

Red Sea; but desisted on the idea that the Red Sea was three cubits

higher than the land of Egypt, and would have overflowed all the country,

to its entire ruin.

Ptolemy Philadelphus, in the year 277 before Christ, changed the

direction of the Indian traffic. The goods from Europe, by his orders,

were carried up the Nile from Alexandria to the city of Coptus, and

conveyed across the desert from thence to the sea-port of Myos-Hormos on

the Red-sea[35]. To avoid the excessive heat, the caravans travelled only

in the night, directing their course by the stars; and water being very

scarce in the desert, they had to carry a sufficient quantity with them

for the journey. Afterwards, to avoid this trouble, deep wells were dug

at certain intervals; and in other places large cisterns or reservoirs

were constructed for the reception of rain water. Still later, in

consideration of the dangers attending the port of Myos-Hormos, on

account of flats and islands, Philadelphus sent an army into Troglodytica,

where he constructed a haven called Berenice, in which the ships engaged

in the Indian commerce took shelter, as a place of greater security. From

thence the goods were transported to the city of Coptus, and afterwards

to Alexandria, which became rich and famous, through its trade with India,

beyond any other city in the world; insomuch that it is asserted that the

customs of Alexandria yielded every year to Ptolemy Auletes, the father

of Cleopatra, seven millions and a half of gold, though the traffic had

then scarcely subsisted in that direction for twenty years[36]. After the

reduction of Egypt and Alexandria under the power of the Romans, the

customs are said to have advanced to double that amount; and the trade

was so great, that 120 ships used to be sent yearly from Myos-Hormos to

India. The ships set sail every year from Myos-Hormos about the middle of

July, and returned back within the year[37]. The merchandize they carried

amounted to the value of one million two hundred thousand crowns; and the

returns were an hundred for one; and through this prodigious increase of

wealth, the matrons and noble ladies of those days in Alexandria, were

exceedingly profuse in decorating themselves with purple, pearls, and

precious stones, and in the use of musk, amber, and other rich perfumes

of various kinds; of all which the historians and other writers of that

age treat at great length[38].

Pliny[39], on the authority of Cornelius Nepos, says that one Eudoxus,

flying from Ptolemy Lathyrus, passed by sea through the gulf of Arabia,

and sailing along the eastern coast of Africa, doubled the cape of Bona

Sperança arrived by the Atlantic at Cadiz; and it would appear that this

navigation was as often used in those days as it now is. Caius Caesar,

the son of Augustus, going into Arabia, found in the Red Sea certain

pieces of the ships which had gone thither from Spain.

Long after these days it was usual to pass to India by land. This was

done by the kings of the Sogdians, the princes of Bactria, and other

famous captains and many merchants, who travelled thither and into

Scythia by land. Marcus Paulus Venetus writes largely of these countries;

and though his book at first was reckoned fabulous, yet what he and

others have reported is now found true, by the experience of travellers,

and merchants who have since been to the same parts.

It is reported that the Romans sent an army by sea to India, against the

great khan of Cathaia, 200 years before the Incarnation; which, passing

through the Straits of Gibraltar, and running to the north-west, found

ten islands opposite to Cape Finisterre; producing large quantities of

tin, which perhaps may have been those afterwards called the Cassiterides.

Being come to 50 degrees of latitude, they found a strait passing to the

west, through which they arrived in India, and gave battle to the king of

Cathaia, after which they returned to Rome. Whether this story may appear

possible or not, true or false, I can only say that I give it as I found

it written in the histories of these times.

In the year 100 after the incarnation of Christ, the emperor Trajan

fitted out a fleet on the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, whence he sailed

to the islands of Zyzara; and passing the straits of Persia, entered

into the ocean, by which he sailed along the coast to India, till he came

to the place where Alexander had been. He there took some ships which

came from Bengal, and learned the state of the country from the mariners.

But being in years, and weary of the sea, and because he found it

difficult to procure necessaries for his army, he returned back to

Assyria[40].

After the Romans had subdued most part of the world, many notable

discoveries were made. But then came the Goths, Moors, and other

barbarous nations, who destroyed all A.D. 412, the Goths took the city

of Rome. Thereafter the Vandals went out of Spain, and conquered Africa.

In 450, Attila destroyed many cities in Italy, at which time Venice began;

and in this age the Franks and Vandals entered into France. In 474, the

empire of Rome was lost, and fell from the Romans to the Goths. In 560,

the Lombards came into Italy. About this time the sect of the Arians

prevailed greatly, and Merlin the English prophet flourished. In 611,

the Mahometan sect sprung up, and the Moresco government, which invaded

both Africa and Spain. By this it may appear that all the world was in a

state of war, and all places so very tumultuous, that traffic and

merchandize ceased, no nation daring to trade with another by sea or

land; nothing remaining stedfast, neither in kingdoms, signories,

religions, laws, arts, sciences, or navigation. Even the records and

writings of these things were burnt and destroyed by the barbarous power

of the Goths, who proposed to themselves to begin a new world, and to

root out the memory and knowledge of all other nations.

Those who succeeded in the government of Europe, perceiving the great

losses of the Christian world by want of traffic and the stoppage of

navigation, began to devise a way of passing into India, quite different

from the route of the Nile and the Red Sea, and much longer and more

costly[41]. The goods of India were brought up the river Indus as far as

it was navigable. They were then carried by land in caravans through the

country of Parapomissus into the province of Bactria, and shipped on the

river Oxus, which falls into the Caspian, and thence across that sea to

the haven of Citracan, or Astracan, on the river Rha, or Volga. Thence up

that river, and to the city of Novogrod, in the province of Resan, which

now belongs to the great duke of Muscovy, in lat. 54° N. The goods were

carried thence overland to the province of Sarmatia and the river Tanais

or Don, which is the division between Europe and Asia. Being there loaded

in barks, they were carried down the stream of that river into the Paulus

Maeotis to the city of Caffa, anciently called Theodosia, which then

belonged to the Genoese, who came thither by sea in _galliasses_, or

great ships, and distributed Indian commodities through Europe.

In the reign of Commodita, emperor of Armenia, a better course was

provided for this traffic: The goods being transported by land from the

Caspian, through the country of Hiberia, now Georgia, and thence by the

Phasis into the Euxine, and to the city of Trebisond, they were thence

shipped for the various parts of Europe[42]. It is recorded that

Demetrius Nicanor determined, or actually began, to open a canal of

above 120 miles in length between the Caspian and Euxine, for the greater

convenience of the Indian trade. But he was slain by Ptolemy Ceraunos,

and this famous enterprize fell to nothing[43].

All other ways being lost, by reason of the wars of the Turks, the

spiceries of the Indian Islands, particularly of Java, Sumatra, and the

city of Malacca, were carried up the river Ganges, in Bengal, to the city

of Agra; thence they were carried by land to another city near the Indus,

named Boghar, where they were discharged, because the city of Cabor, or

Laor, the principal city of the Mogores, stands too far within the land.

From thence they were carried to the great city of Samarcand in Bactria,

in which the merchants of India, Persia, and Turkey met together with

their several commodities, as cloth of gold, velvets, camblets, scarlet

and woollen cloths, which were carried to Cathay and the great kingdom of

China; whence they brought back gold, silver, precious stones, pearls,

silk, musk, rhubarb, and many other things of great value.

In after times these merchandizes, drugs, and spiceries, were carried in

ships from India to the Straits of Ormus, and the rivers Euphrates and

Tigris, and were unladen at the city of Basora; from whence they were

carried overland to Aleppo, Damascus, and Barutti; and there the Venetian

galliasses, which transported pilgrims to the Holy Land, came and

received the goods.

In the year 1153, in the time of the emperor Frederick Barbarossa, it is

said there came to the city of Lubeck, in Germany, a canoe like a long

barge, with certain Indians, who were supposed to have come from the

coast of Baccalaos[44], which is in the same latitude with Lubeck. The

Germans greatly wondered to see such a boat and strange people, not

knowing whence they came, nor being able to understand their language,

especially as there was then no knowledge of their country. Although the

boat was small in comparison with the seas it had to cross, it is yet

possible that it might have been conveyed by the winds and waves; for in

our days the _almadias_ of the negroes, which are very small boats,

venture to navigate from Quiloa, Mosambique, and Sofala, around the

Cape of Good Hope, even to the island of St Helena, a very small spot in

the ocean, at a great distance from land.

In the year 1300 after Christ, the great soldan of Cairo restored the

trade of spiceries, drugs, and merchandize from India, by the Red Sea; at

which time they unloaded the goods at the port of Judea[45], and carried

them to Mecca; whence they were distributed by the Mahometan pilgrims[46],

so that each prince endeavoured to increase the honour and profit of

his own country. The soldans translated this trade to their own city of

Cairo; whence the goods were carried to the countries of Egypt, Lybia,

Africa, Tunis, Tremessen, Fez, Morocco, and Suz; and some of them were

carried beyond the mountains of Atlas, to the city of Tombuto, and the

kingdom of the Jalophos; till afterwards the Portuguese brought the

Indian trade round the Cape of Good Hope to Lisbon, as we propose to shew

more at large in a convenient place.

A.D. 1344, Peter IV. reigned in Arragon, and the chronicles of his reign

report that Don Lewis de Cerda, grandson of Don John de Corda, requested

his aid to go and conquer the Canary Islands, which had been gifted to

him by Pope Clement VI. a Frenchman. About this time, too, the island of

Madeira is said to have been discovered by an Englishman named Macham;

who, sailing from England into Spain with a lady whom he loved, was

driven out of his course by a tempest, and arrived in a harbour of that

island, now called Machico, after his name. The lady being oppressed

with seasickness, Macham landed with her on the island, accompanied by

some of his people; but in the mean time the ship weighed anchor and

stood to sea, leaving them behind. On this the lady died of grief, and

Macham, who was passionately fond of her, erected a chapel or hermitage

on the island, which he named the chapel of Jesus, and there deposited

her remains, engraving both their names and the cause of their coming to

this place on a monumental stone. After this, he and his companions made

a boat or canoe out of a large tree, and putting to sea without sails or

oars, got over to the coast of Africa. The Moors among whom he arrived,

considering their passage as miraculous, sent him to their king, who

transmitted both him and his company to the king of Castile.

In 1395, while Henry III. reigned in Castile, in consequence of

information given by Macham respecting this island, many persons of

France and Castile were induced to attempt its discovery, and that of the

Grand Canary. Those who went on this expedition were principally from

Andalusia, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, who carried thither many men and

horses; but I know not whether this was done at their own charge, or that

of the king. But however that might be, these people seem to have been

the first discoverers of the Canaries; where they took 150 of the

islanders prisoners. There is some difference among authors respecting

the time of this discovery, as some affirm that it did not take place

till the year 1405.

[1] August. de Civit. Dic. I. 15. c. 20.

[2] The Cape of Good Hope, and the island of Madagascar--E.

[3] Birmahs

[4] Arracan

[5] Pompon. Mela, I. 3. Plin. I. 2. c. 67.

[6] Joseph: Ant. Jud. I. 1. c. 5.

[7] Justin, I. 1.

[8] Berosus.

[9] Diod. Sic. I. 2. c. 5.

[10] Berosus.

[11] Gons. Fern. I. 2. c. 3. Plin. I. 6. c. 31.

[12] Plin. I. 4. c. 22.

[13] Eratosth. ap. Strab. I. 1. p. 26.

[14] Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

[15] The miles here used are three to the league; but the league of the

text is nearly equal to four English miles, and the assumed distance

of these two ports 140 of our miles--E.

[16] Strab. I. 17. p. 560.

[17] Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

[18] Diod. Sic. I. 4. c. 4.

[19] Strab. I. 1. p. 26.

[20] Kings, I. 9. Chron. II. 8.

[21] Herodot. I. 4.

[22] Arist. de Mirand.

[23] Gonz. Fern. Ovied. I. 2. c. 3.

[24] Plin. I. 9. c. 58. de Maribus Nili.

[25] Joan. Leo Afric. I. 9. de Nilo.--Our author has got into a strange

dilemma, by confounding crocodiles and serpents under one denomination.

--E.

[26] Plin. and Leo, ub. cit.

[27] Plin. I. 2. c. 67.

[28] Plin. I. 6. c. 31. This subject will be discussed in the _Fifth_ Part

of our work; being much too extensive to admit of elucidation in a

note.--E.

[29] Hasty readers will have the justice to give the honour of this story

to Galvano.--E.

[30] This story will be found hereafter very differently related by Cada

Mosto himself, but with a sufficient spice of the marvellous.--E.

[31] The Honey-guide, or Cuculus Indicator, will be noticed more

particularly in the Travels through the Colony of the Cape.--E.

[32] The Philosophers of the _nineteenth_ century have _fortunately_

rediscovered the _Mermaid_ in the north of Scotland! Hitherto,

wonderful things used to be confined to barbarous regions and ignorant

ages.--E.

[33] Arist. de Mirand. Strabo, I. 2. p. 68.

[34] Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

[35] Strabo, I. 17. p. 560, 561.

[36] Strab. I. 17. p. 549.

[37] Plin. I. 6. c. 23.

[38] Id. I. 12. c. 18.

[39] Id. I. 2. c. 67.

[40] Ziphilin. in vit. Traj.

[41] Ramusio, V. f. 372. p. 2

[42] Strabo, I. 11.

[43] Plin. I. 6. c. 11.

[44] Newfoundland?

[45] Jidda.

[46] Leo Afric. Ramus. v. 1. f. 373.

SECTION II.

_Summary of Portuguese Discoveries, from the Commencement of the

Fifteenth Century, to the Discovery of America by Columbus_[1].

According to the chronicles of Portugal, John I. went from Lisbon in 1415,

attended by his sons Don Duarte, or Edward, Don Peter, and Don Henry, and

other lords and nobles of his realm, into Africa, where he took the great

city of Ceuta, which was one of the principal causes of extending the

dominions of Portugal. After their return, Don Henry, the king's

_third_[2] son, being then in Algarve, and desirous to enlarge the

kingdom by the discovery of unknown regions, gave directions for

discovering the coast of Mauritania; for in those days none of the

Portuguese had ever gone beyond Cape Non, in lat. 29°. N.[3]. For the

better accomplishment of this purpose, Don Henry prepared a fleet, and

commanded the officers whom he employed to proceed in making discoveries

to the south of that cape, which they did; but when they came to another

cape, named Bajador, none of them dared for a long time to go beyond it,

at which cowardice the prince was much displeased.

In 1417, in the reign of John II. of Castile, and while his mother the

lady Catharine was regent of the kingdom, Ruben de Bracamonte, the

admiral of France, craved a grant of the Canary Islands, and the title of

king, for his kinsman John de Betancourt; which being conceded, he

departed from Seville with an armament to attempt the conquest. The

principal motive of this enterprize was to make a perfect discovery of

Madeira, of which Macham had before given so much information; yet he

went to the Canaries, where he carried a friar named Mendo as bishop, who

had received that dignity from Pope Martin V. He reduced Lançerota,

Fuerteventura, Gomera, and Ferro; whence he sent into Spain many slaves,

and considerable quantities of honey, wax, camphire, hides, orchill, figs,

dragons-blood, and other merchandize, of which he made good profit. This

armament is said to have likewise discovered Porto Santo. The island

first occupied by Betancourt was Lançerota, where he built a castle of

stone for the better defence of the new settlers.

In the year 1418, John Gonzales Zarco, and Tristram Vaz Teixera,

gentlemen of the household to Don Henry, perceiving the great desire of

their master to discover new countries, requested and obtained a bark to

proceed to the coast of Africa; where they were overtaken by a violent

tempest, and driven into a haven of the island now called Porto Santo,

where they remained two years. In 1420, they discovered the island of

Madeira, where they found the chapel, tomb, and stone on which Macham had

engraved his name. Others write, that a Castilian had informed Don Henry

of having made the discovery of Porto Santo; and that he sent

Bartholomew Perestrello, John Gonzales Zarco, and Tristram Vaz Teixera,

purposely in search of that island, according to the signs and directions

indicated by the Castilian; and that these persons afterwards discovered

Madeira in 1420, where they found the memorial and monument left by

Macham the Englishman.

Betancourt, who begun the conquest of the Canaries, was slain in a war

with the natives, leaving one Menante his heir; who afterwards sold the

islands to one Peter Barba of Seville. But others say, that John de

Betancourt went to France to procure reinforcements, to enable him to

complete his conquests, and left the command of Lançerota with his

nephew; who, hearing nothing of his uncle, and being unable to continue

the contest with the natives, sold the Canaries to Don Henry, for an

estate in the island of Madeira.

It is related that, in 1424, Don Henry sent a squadron with some land

forces, under Don Ferdinando de Castro, on purpose to make a conquest of

these islands; but, being repulsed by the bravery of the natives, de

Castro prudently desisted from the enterprize and returned home; and

that Don Henry afterwards resigned his claim to these islands in favour

of the crown of Castile. The Castilian writers, however, assert that both

Don Henry and the king of Portugal refused to give up these islands,

until the dispute was ended by the judgment of Pope Eugenius IV. who

awarded them to the king of Castile. These islands, anciently called the

Insulae Fortunatae, or Fortunate Islands, are seven in number, in lat.

28° N. where the longest day is thirteen hours, and the longest night the

same. They are 200 leagues distant from the coast of Spain, and 18

leagues from the coast of Africa. The people were idolaters, and eat raw

flesh for want of fire. They had no iron, but raised or tilled the ground

with the horns of oxen and goats, for want of better implements of

husbandry. Every island spoke a separate language, and many pagan customs

prevailed among the natives; but now the Christian religion is planted

among them. The commodities of these islands are wheat, barley, sugar,

wine, and Canary-birds, which are much esteemed for the sweetness and

variety of their song. In the island of Ferro they have no water but what

proceeds in the night from a tree, encompassed by a cloud, whence water

issues, and serves the whole inhabitants and cattle of the island[4].

In the year 1428, Don Pedro, the king's _eldest_[5] son, who was a great

traveller, went into England, France, and Germany, and thence into the

Holy Land and other places, and came home by Italy, through Rome and

Venice. He is said to have brought a map of the world home with him, in

which all parts of the earth were described, by which the enterprizes of

Don Henry for discovery were much assisted. In this map the Straits of

Magellan are called the _Dragons-tail_, and the Cape of Good Hope the

_Front of Africa_, and so of the rest[6]. I was informed by Francis de

Sosa Tavares, that in the year 1528, Don Fernando, the king's eldest son,

shewed him a map which had been made 120 years before, and was found in

the study of Alcobaza, which exhibited all the navigation of the East

Indies, with the cape of Bona Sperança, as in our latter maps; by which

it appears that there was as much discovered, or more, in ancient times

as now[7].

Though attended with much trouble and expence, Don Henry was unwearied in

prosecuting his plan of discoveries. At length Gilianes, one of his

servants, passed Cape Bojador, a place terrible to all former navigators,

and brought word that it was by no means so dangerous as had been

represented, he having landed on its farther side, where he set up a

wooden cross in memorial of his discovery.

In the year 1433 died John king of Portugal, and was succeeded by his

eldest son Duarte or Edward. In 1434, Don Henry sent Alphonso Gonzales

Balduja and Gillianes, who penetrated from Cape Bajador to another cape,

where they found the country to be inhabited, and went forward to another

point of land, whence they returned to Portugal. In 1438 king Duarte died,

and his son Alphonso being young, the kingdom was governed during his

minority by his uncle Don Pedro. In 1441, Don Henry sent out two ships

under Tristan and Antonio Gonzales, who took a prize on the coast, and

sailed to Cape Blanco, or the White Cape in lat. 20° N.[8]. From thence

they brought home some Moors, from whom Don Henry learned the state of

the country. Don Henry sent an account of these discoveries to Pope

Martin, by one Fernan Lopez de Savado; and the Pope granted indulgences

and everlasting pardon of sins to all who should die in attempting the

discovery of the land of the infidels. In the year 1443, Don Henry

commanded Antonio Gonzales to carry back the Moors to their own country,

where they were ransomed for black Moors with curled hair, or negroes,

and some gold; owing to which that place is now called Rio de Oro, or the

Golden River, that thereby the desire of discovery might be the more

increased. He sent soon afterward one named Nunnez Tristan, who

discovered the islands of Arguin, who brought more slaves from thence to

Portugal in 1444. One Lancarote, a groom of Don Henrys chamber, and

three others, armed certain ships, with which they sailed along the coast

to the islands of Garze, where they took 200 slaves, which were the first

that were brought from thence to Portugal.

In 1445, Gonsalvo de Syntra, an esquire belonging to Don Henry, went

captain of a bark into these parts; and landing on the coast, was taken

by the natives, with six or seven of his people The place where he was

cut off got the name of Angra de Gonsalvo de Syntra from him; and this

was the first loss sustained by the Portuguese in their discoveries. In

1446, three caravels were sent out under Antonio Gonsales, Diego Aloizio,

and Gomes Perez; who were ordered to refrain from going to Rio de Oro, to

carry themselves peaceably to the natives, to traffic with them peaceably,

and to endeavour to convert as many infidels as possible to Christianity;

but in this they had no success. In the same year, Dennis Fernandes of

Lisbon, an esquire to the king, entered upon these discoveries, more to

acquire fame than for profit. In the course of his voyage he discovered

the river _Sanaga_ or Senegal, between 15 and 16 degrees of latitude[9];

and proceeding onwards, discovered Cape Verde, in 14 degrees[10], upon

which he erected a wooden cross, and then returned, much elated at the

success of his voyage. In 1447 Nunnez Tristan passed beyond Cape Verde to

Rio Grande, and went beyond that river to another in twelve degrees[11].

He was here taken and slain, with eighteen other Portuguese, and the ship

was brought home in safety by four or five of the crew who escaped the

hands of the negroes.

In this year 1447, a Portuguese ship, in coming through the Straits of

Gibraltar, was forced a great way to the westwards by a violent tempest,

and came to an island having seven cities, the inhabitants of which spoke

the Portuguese language, and they inquired of our mariners if the Moors

still infested Spain, whence their ancestors had fled to avoid the

distresses which occurred subsequent to the death of Don Roderigo, king

of Spain. The boatswain of this ship brought home some of the sand from

this island, and sold it to a goldsmith in Lisbon, who procured from it a

good quantity of gold. Don Pedro, who then governed the realm, being made

acquainted with this circumstance, caused the whole to be recorded in the

house of justice[12]. Some think that this island belonged to what is now

called the Antilles or New Spain; but though their reasons for this

opinion are good, I omit them here, as not connected with my present

purpose.

In the year 1449, King Alphonso granted license to his uncle, Don Henry,

to colonize the Açores, which had been formerly discovered. In the year

1458, this king went into Africa, where he took the town of Alcaçer; and

in the year 1461, he commanded Signior Mendez to build the castle of

Arguin, in the island of that name, on the coast of Africa. In the year

1462, three Genoese gentlemen, of whom Antonio de Noli was the chief, the

others being his brother and nephew, got permission from Don Henry to

take possession of the Cape de Verde islands, which some believe to be

those called Gorgades, Hesperides, and Dorcades, by the ancients. But

they named them Mayo, Saint Jago, and Saint Philip, because discovered on

the days of those saints. Some call them the islands of Antonio. In the

year following, 1463, that excellent prince, Don Henry, died; having

discovered, by his exertions, the whole coast of Africa, from Cape Non to

the mountain of Sierra Liona, which is on this side of the line, in lat.

8° 30' N. where no man had been before.

In 1469, the king of Portugal let out the trade of Guinea, afterwards

called the Minas, to Fernan Gomez, for five years, at the yearly rent of

200,000 rees[13]; and under the express condition that he was every year

to discover 100 leagues farther along the coast of Africa to the south.

In 1470, this king went into Africa, accompanied by his son Prince John,

where he took the town of Arzila; and the inhabitants of Tangier having

fled from fear, he took possession of it also. In the year 1471, John de

St Aren and John de Scovar, under the orders of Fernan Gomez, continued

the discovery of the coast of Guinea as far as St George del Mina, in lat.

5° N. and 2° W. long.; the coast from Cape Verde to Cape Palmas trending

S.E. after which it goes to the east, with even a small northerly

inclination for about twelve degrees of longitude. In 1472, one Fernando

da Poo discovered the island now called after his name, beyond Cape

Formosa, in lat. 3° 40' N. and about the same time the islands del

Principe and St Thomas were discovered, the latter of which is situated

under the equinoctial line. The firm land also was explored at the same

time, all the way from the kingdom of Benin to Cape St Catherina, in lat.

1° 40' S. This last discovery was made by Sequetra, a person in the king's

immediate service. Many suppose that then were these countries and

islands discovered which had never been before known since the flood.

In the year 1480, the valiant King Don Alphonzo died, and was succeeded

by his son Don John II. who, in 1481, gave orders to Diego d'Azambuxa to

construct the castle of St George del Mina, on the African coast. In 1484,

Diego Caon, a knight belonging to the court, discovered the coast as far

as the river Congo, on the south side of the line, in seven or eight

degrees of latitude[14], where he erected a stone pillar, with the royal

arms and titles of Portugal, with the date of his discovery. He proceeded

southwards from thence along the coast, all the way to a river near the

tropic of Capricorn, setting up similar stone pillars in convenient

places. He afterwards returned to Congo, the king of which country sent

ambassadors by his ship into Portugal. In the next year, or the year

following, John Alonzo d'Aveiro brought home from Benin pepper with a

tail[15], being the first of the kind ever seen in Portugal.

In 1487, King John sent Pedro de Covillan and Alphonzo de Payva, both of

whom could speak Arabic, to discover India by land. They left Lisbon in

the month of May, and took shipping in the same year at Naples for the

island of Rhodes, and lodged there in the hotel of the Knights of St John

of Jerusalem, belonging to Portugal. From thence they went to Alexandria

and Cairo, and then along with a caravan of Moors to the haven of Toro.

There they embarked on the Red Sea, and proceeded to Aden, where they

separated; de Payva going into Ethiopia, while Covillan proceeded to

India. Covillan went to the cities of Cananor and Calicut, and thence to

Goa, where he took shipping for Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa.

He thence sailed to Mosambique, and the cities of Quiloa, Mombaza, and

Melinda, returning back to Aden, where he and Payva had formerly

separated. Thence he proceeded to Cairo, where he hoped to have rejoined

his companion; but he here learnt by letter from the king his master,

that de Payva was dead, and he was farther enjoined by the king to travel

into the country of Abyssinia[16] He returned therefore, from Cairo to

Toro, and thence to Aden; and hearing of the fame of Ormuz, he proceeded

along the coast of Arabia by Cape Razalgate to Ormuz. Returning from the

Gulf of Persia to the Red Sea, he passed over to the realm of the

Abyssinians, which is commonly called the kingdom of Presbyter John, or

Ethiopia, where he was detained till 1520, when the ambassador, Don

Roderigo de Lima, arrived in that country. This Pedro de Covillan was the

first of the Portuguese who had ever visited the Indies and the adjacent

seas and islands.

In the year 1490, the king sent Gonzalo de Sosa to Congo with three ships,

carrying back with him the ambassador of the king of Congo, who had been

brought over to Portugal in 1484, by Diego Caon. During his residence in

Portugal, this ambassador and others of his company had been instructed

in the Christian religion, and baptized. Gonzalo de Sosa died during the

outward-bound voyage; and Ruy de Sosa, his nephew, was chosen to the

command of the expedition in his stead. Arriving in Congo, the king of

that country received them with much joy, and soon yielded himself and

the greater part of his subjects to be baptized; to the infinite

satisfaction of the Portuguese, who by these means converted so many

infidels from paganism to Christianity.

[1] The only quotations used in this Section in the original translation

by Hakluyt, are from the Asia of John de Barros, Decade 1. which it

has not been deemed necessary to refer to here more particularly.--E.

[2] It is singular that a Portuguese should not be more correct. Henry was

the _fifth_ son.--Clarke.

[3] More accurately 28° 40'.--E.

[4] Opportunities will occur hereafter, in particular voyages, to discuss

the circumstances of this wonderful tree.

[5] Galvano is again mistaken. Edward or Duarte was the _eldest_ son;

Pedro the _third_.--Clarke.

[6] Dr Vincent, in his Periplus, considers this as a copy of the map of

Marco Polo, which was exhibited in the church of St Michael de Murano,

at Venice.--Clarke.

[7] Even if this were fact, it proves nothing, as the Cape of Good Hope

must have been inserted merely by the fancy of the draughtsman.--

Clarke.--It may be added, that in 1528, it was no difficult matter to

wrong date a forged map, on purpose to detract from the merit of the

actual discoverers.--E.

[8] More correctly in lat. 20° 54' N. There is another Cape Blanco in

Morocco in lat. 33° 10' N. and this more southerly cape on the great

desert is named Branca in our best charts.--E.

[9] The mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 15° 45' N.--E.

[10] More correctly, 14° 45' N.--E.

[11] It is difficult to ascertain these two rivers: The Rio Grande here

meant is properly named Gambia. The river in 12° N. may be the

Casamansa, the Santa Anna, or the St Dominico: which last is exactly

in 12° N. the two others a little farther north, and nearer the Gambia.

--E.

[12] This is one of the many palpable and clumsy fables which were

advanced to defraud Columbus of the honour of having discovered the

new world, and is even more ridiculous, if possible, than the voyages

of Zeno, adverted to in our _First_ Part.--E.

[13] Equal to L.138: 17: 9-1/4 d. English money.--Halk.

[14] Only 6° 45' S.--E.

[15] Mr Clarke explains this as _long pepper_; but besides that this by no

means answers the descriptive name in the text, long pepper certainly

is the production of the East Indies. The article here indicated was

probably one of the many species, or varieties of the Capsicum; called

Guinea pepper, Cayenne pepper, Bird pepper, and various other names.

--E.

[16] In the original this is called the country of Prester or Presbyter

John. We have formerly, in the _First_ Part of this work, had occasion

to notice the strange idea of a Christian prince and priest, who was

supposed to have ruled among the pagan nations of eastern Tartary.

Driven from this false notion, by a more thorough knowledge of Asia,

the European nations fondly transferred the title of Prester John to

the half Christian prince or Negus of the semi-barbarous Abyssinians.

--E.

SECTION III.

_Summary of Discoveries made by the Spaniards and Portuguese, from the Era

of Columbus, in 1492, to the year 1555_.

In the year 1492, when Don Ferdinand king of Castile[1] was engaged in

the siege of Granada, he sent _one_ Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, with

three ships, for the discovery of Nova Spagna. This Columbus had first

offered his service lot a western discovery to John king of Portugal, who

refused to employ him. Being sufficiently furnished for his enterprize,

Columbus set out from the town of Palos on the third of August 1492,

having with him, as captains and pilots, Martin Alionzo Pinzon, Francis

Martinez Pinzori, Vincent Yannes Pinzon, and Bartholomew Columbus his

brother[2] with an hundred and twenty other persons in the three ships.

Some persons affirm, that this was the first voyage which was ever

conducted by the observation of latitudes[3]. They took the Canaries in

their way, whence shaping their course for Cipango, or towards Japan,

they were much amazed to find the sea all full of weeds, and with great

fear arrived at the Antilles on the tenth day of October; the first

island they descried, called Guanahany by the natives, they named San

Salvador. This island is in 25° N. latitude. After that they found many

islands, which they called the Princes. The savages of those parts call

these islands by the name of Lucaios, having indeed several names for

them, and they stand on the north side of the line, almost under the

tropic of Cancer. The island of St James, or Jamaica, lies between the

16th and 17th degrees of northern latitude[4]. Thence they went to the

island which the natives call Cuba, named Ferdinando by the Spaniards,

after the king, which is in 22 degrees; from whence they were conducted

by the Indians to another island called Hayti, named Isabella by the

Spaniards, in honour of the queen of Castile, and afterwards Hispaniola,

or Little Spain.

In that island the admirals ship was wrecked, and Columbus caused a fort

to be constructed of her timbers and planks, in which he left Roderigo de

Arana with a garrison of thirty-eight men, to learn the language and

customs of the country. Columbus then returned to Spain, carrying with

him samples of gold and pearls, and other productions of the country,

with ten Indians, six of whom died on the voyage; the rest were brought

to Spain and baptized. On their way home, Columbus touched at the Açores;

and on the fourth of March 1493, entered the port of Lisbon. This

discovery gave much discontent to the king of Portugal. Immediately on

his arrival, Columbus went into Castile, where he informed the king of

his discoveries and of the dissatisfaction of the king of Portugal. On

this he and his queen Isabella sent word of the recent discovery to Pope

Alexander VI, at which information he and all the Italians were much

astonished, as they marvelled that there should be any land besides what

had been known to the Romans. Alexander made a grant of all these

countries to the crowns of Castile and Leon, under condition that they

should labour to extirpate idolatry, and establish the holy faith of

Christ among the natives.

On the report of this discovery, so universal a desire of travelling

arose among the Spaniards, that they were ready as it were to leap into

the sea, that they might swim if possible to the newly discovered islands.

After receiving the authority of the Pope, King Ferdinando sent Columbus

a second time to the newly-discovered country, of which he made him

admiral, giving him many other honours, and a particular coat of arms,

having this motto,

For Castile and for Leon

A new world discovered Colon[A].

[A] Gomara, I. 1. c. 15.

Columbus set out on his second voyage to the Antilles on the 25th October

1493, taking his course from Cadiz, with seventeen ships and fifteen

hundred men, accompanied by his brothers Bartholomew and Diego Columbus,

with many other knights, gentlemen of the law, and priests; having

chalices, crosses, and other rich religious ornaments, and with great

power and dignity from the Pope. The tenth day after commencing their

voyage, they reached the Canaries; and from thence, in twenty-five or

thirty days, they sailed to the Antilles, the first island they saw being

in 14° N. due west from Cape de Verd in Africa. They called this island

Deseada[5], or the _desired island_, which is said to be 800 leagues from

the Canaries. They afterwards discovered many more islands, which they

called the Virgins, but which are named the Caribbee islands by the

natives, from a nation of that name, who are bold warriors, and excellent

marksmen with bows and arrows. They poison their arrows with the juice of

a certain herb, and whoever is wounded with these is sure to die, biting

himself like a mad dog. From thence they went to the principal island in

these parts, named Boriquen by the natives, and St John by the Spaniards;

and thence to Hispaniola, or Isabella, where they found all the men dead

whom they had left on returning from the former voyage. Columbus left

most of his people here to establish a colony, under the command of his

brothers; and went with two ships to continue his discovery of Cuba and

Jamaica. All these islands are between 16 and 20 degrees of northern

latitude[6]. While the admiral was sailing in quest of discoveries, his

brethren and those who were left in Hispaniola, were much incommoded by

an insurrection among the savages; and Columbus went back to Spain, to

give an account of his proceedings to the king and queen.

In January 1494, a congress of ambassadors from Spain and Portugal was

held at Tordesillas, for the settlement of all disputes between the two

countries respecting the new discoveries. The plenipotentiaries from

Spain were Don Henry Henriques, Don John de Cardenas, and the Doctor

Maldonado; those from Portugal, Ruy de Sosa, his son Don John, and the

doctor Ayres de Almada. After some conference, these plenipotentiaries

divided the world between the two crowns, by a meridian line drawn from

north to south, 300 leagues to the west of the islands of Cape Verd, all

to the east of this line being appropriated to Portugal, and all to the

west to Spain; leaving, however, the liberty of navigation equally to

both[7]. In 1495, John II. King of Portugal, died, and was succeeded by

his cousin Emanuel.

In the year 1496, a Venetian named John Cabota, or Gabota, went to

England; and having acquired a knowledge of the new discoveries, and

perceiving by the globe that the islands of the Antilles were almost in

the same latitude with his own country, and lay much nearer to England

than Spain and Portugal, he acquainted Henry VII. with this circumstance,

and offered his services to make discoveries for the crown of England.

Henry was much pleased with the proposal, and furnished him with two

ships and three hundred men, with which he set sail in the spring of that

year, and sailed west till he came in sight of land, in lat. 45°N. Whence

he sailed northwards till he came into the latitude of 60 degrees, where

the day is 18 hours long, and the night is very clear and bright. He

there found the air very cold, with great islands of ice, and found no

bottom with a line of 100 fathoms. From thence, finding the land turn

eastwards, he coasted along it, discovering all the bay and river named

Deseado[8], to see if it passed on to the other side of the land. Cabot

afterwards sailed down the coast to the lat. of 38°N. though some people

allege that he reached Cape Florida, in 25°N.

In the year 1497, Columbus was again sent out on discovery, with six

ships furnished by the crown of Spain, and two others fitted out at his

own expence. Sending his brother before, he sailed from Cadiz, taking his

son Don Diego along with him. It was then reported, that he meant to take

the island of Madeira, because he distrusted the Frenchmen, and therefore

sent three ships thither; others say, that his object was for the

Canaries. However this may be, he went with four ships to the Cape de

Verd islands, whence he ran along a parallel, finding great rains and

calms, and the first land he came to in the Antilles was an island in

nine degrees of north latitude, called Trinidada,[9] which lies close to

the main land. Here he entered the Gulf of Paria, and came out by the

Bocca de Dragone, or Dragons-mouth. Holding his course westwards along

the coast of Paria, he came to the islands called Los Testigos, or the

Witnesses, beyond which is the island of Cubagua, where there is a great

fishing for pearl-muscles, and where also there is a well of rock oil.

Beyond that he came to the Frailes islands, named Roques, Aruba, and

Curaçoa, and other small islands, along the coast of the main land, and

to the point of land named Cabo de Vela, having discovered 200 leagues of

coast. He thence crossed over the Caribbean Sea, directly north for

Hispaniola, passing by the island Beata.

In this same year[10] 1497, on the 20th day of June[11], King Emanuel

sent a squadron of three ships for India, commanded by one Vasques de

Gama, having under his command his brother Paulus de Gama and Nicolas

Coello, as captains of the other two ships, the whole having a complement

of 120 men. They were accompanied by a fourth ship laden with provisions.

In fourteen days they reached the island of St Jago, one of the Cape

Verds, whence they went along the coast beyond the Cape of Good Hope,

erecting pillars of stone in proper places, as marks of discovery and

possession, and came to Mosambique in lat. 15° S. After staying only a

short time there, de Gama went to Mombaza and Melinda, the king of which

last place gave him pilots, who conducted him to India, in which passage

he discovered Los Baxos do Padua, or the Flats of Padua. In the month of

May 1498, de Gama came to anchor before the city of Calicut, _and

Panama_[12], where they remained till the first day of September, when

they sailed towards the north, discovering all the coast till they came to

the island of Angediva, on the western side of India, in 15° N. where they

came to an anchor in the beginning of October. They remained here till

February 1499, when they departed on their voyage homewards; coming first

to Melinda, and so by Mosambique and along the coast to the Cape of Good

Hope, and by the islands of Cape de Verd, and lastly to the city of Lisbon,

in September of that year, having been absent on their voyage for twenty-

six months.

On the 13th of November 1499, Vincent Yannez Pinzon, who had sailed with

Columbus in his first voyage of discovery, and his nephew Aries Pinzon,

departed from the port of Palos with four well appointed ships, fitted

out at their own cost, having a license from the king of Spain to

prosecute discoveries in the new world, but with express orders not to

touch anywhere that had been visited by Columbus. Going first to the

islands of Cape de Verd, they passed the line and stood over towards the

new world, which they fell in with at Cape St Augustine, in lat. 8° 30' S.

where they carved on the barks of trees the date of their arrival, and

the names of the king and queen of Spain. They had several skirmishes

with the inhabitants of Brazil, but got no advantage. Following the coast

westwards[13], they entered the river named Maria Tambal, by which time

they had made above thirty prisoners. The chief places where they touched

were Cape St Augustine, Cape St Luke, Tierra de los Humos; the rivers of

Marannon and of the Amazons, and the Rio Dolce, or Sweet river[14], and

other places along the coast. At last, being come to 10° N. they lost two

of their ships with their crews, and returned home, after having employed

ten months and fifteen days in their voyage.

In March 1500, Pedro Alvarez Cabral sailed from Lisbon with thirteen

ships for India, being ordered not to go near the coast of Africa, that

he might shorten the voyage. Losing sight of one of his ships, he

deviated from his course in hopes to rejoin it, and sailed till he

unexpectedly fell in with the coast of Brazil, where he sent a bark in,

search of a safe harbour, which they found in 17° S. and called it Puerto

Seguro. From thence they made sail for the Cape of Good Hope and Melinda,

whence they crossed over to the river of Cochin, which was not before

known. Here they loaded with pepper; and on their return Sancho de Thovar

discovered the city of Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa.

It is reported, that in the year 1500, one Gaspar Cortereal got a general

license from King Emanuel to make discoveries in the new world. He fitted

out two stout ships at his own cost, from the island of Tercera, and

sailed to that part of the new world which is in 50° N. which has been

since known by his name, and came home in safety to Lisbon. In a second

voyage, his own immediate vessel was lost, and the other came home. Upon

this, his brother Michael Cortereal went to seek him with three ships,

fitted out at his own charges; and finding many creeks and rivers on the

coast, the ships divided for the more effectual search, agreeing that

they should all meet again at an appointed time and place. The other two

ships did so; but after waiting a reasonable rime for Michael Cortereal,

it was concluded that he was also lost, on which the other two ships

returned to Lisbon, and no news was ever afterwards heard of the two

brothers; but the country where they were lost is still called the land

of Cortereal[15].

In March 1501, John de Nova sailed from Lisbon with four ships for India.

In his outward-bound voyage he discovered an island in the Atlantic, in

lat. 8° S. to which he gave the name of Ascension[16]. On his return from

India, he fell in with another island in the Atlantic in 17° S. called St

Helena, which, though very small, is yet of great importance from its

situation. In the month of May of the same year 1501, three ships were

sent from Lisbon by King Emanuel, to make a discovery of the coast of

Brazil, which had been accidentally fallen in with, by Cabral: Passing by

the Canaries, they stopped for refreshments at the town of Bezequiche in

the Cape Verds; and passing southwards from thence beyond the line, they

fell in with Brazil in five degrees of south latitude, at Cape St Roquo,

and sailed along the coast southwards, till they reckoned themselves to

have reached 32° S. Finding the weather cold and tempestuous, they turned

back in the month of April 1502, and got to Lisbon In September of that

year, having been out fifteen months on their voyage.

In the same year 1502, Alfonso Hojeda went to discover the Terra Firma,

and followed its coast till he came to the province of Uraba I7. In 1503,

Roderigo Bastidas of Seville went with two caravels at his own cost, to

the Antilles, where he first came to the Isla Verde, or the Green island,

close by Guadaloupe; whence he sailed westwards to Santa Martha and Cape

do la Vela, and to the Rio Grande or Great river. He afterwards

discovered the haven of Zamba, the Coradas, Carthagena, the islands of S.

Bernard de Baru, the Islas de Arenas, Isla Fuerta, and the Point of

Caribana, at the end of the Gulf of Uraba, where he had sight of the

Farrallones, close by the river of Darien. From Cape de la Vela to this

last place, which is in lat. 9° 40' N. is 200 leagues. From thence he

stood over to Jamaica for refreshments. In Hispaniola he had to lay his

ships on the ground to repair their bottoms, because a certain species of

worms had eaten many holes in the planks. In this voyage Bastidas

procured _four hundred marks_[18] of gold; though the people were very

warlike, and used poisoned arrows.

In the same year 1502, Columbus entered upon his fourth voyage of

discovery, with four ships, taking with him his son Don Ferdinando. The

particular object of this voyage, by command of King Ferdinand, was to look

out for the strait which was supposed to penetrate across the continent

of the new world, and by which a route to India by the west was expected

to be discovered. He sailed by Hispaniola and Jamaica to the river Azua,

Cape Higueras, the Gamares islands, and to Cape Honduras, which signifies

the Cape of the Depths. From thence he sailed eastwards to Cape Garcias a

Dios, and discovered the province and river of Veragua, the Rio Grande,

and others, which the Indians call Hienra. Thence to the river of

Crocodiles, now called Rio de Chagres, which rises near the South Sea,

within four leagues of Panama, and runs into the Caribbean Sea. He went

next to the Isle of Bastimentos, or of Provisions, and after that to

Porto Bello; thence to Nombre de Dios and Rio Francisco, and the harbour

of Retreat. Then to the Gulf of Cabesa Cattiva, the islands of Caperosa

and Cape Marmora; having discovered two hundred leagues along the coast.

He thence returned to the island of Cuba, and from that to Jamaica, where

he laid his ships aground, on account of their bottoms being much eaten

by the worms.

On the tenth of February 1S02, Don Vasques de Gama, now admiral, sailed

from Lisbon for India, with nineteen or twenty caravels. On the last day

of February he reached Cape de Verd, whence he went to Mosambique, and

was the first who crossed over from thence to India. In this passage he

discovered the islands of Amirante, in four degrees of south latitude.

Having taken in a cargo of pepper and drugs, de Gama returned to Lisbon,

leaving Vincent Sodre to keep the coast of India, with four stout ships.

These were the first of the Portuguese who navigated the coast of Arabia

Felix, which is so barren, that the inhabitants are forced to support

their camels and other cattle on dried fish. The sea on that coast is so

abundant in fish, that the cats are in use to take them. One Antonio de

Saldania is reported to have discovered Socotora, formerly named Coradis,

and the Cape of Guardafu in 1503.

In 1504, Roderigo de Bastidas, formerly mentioned, with the aid of John

de Ledesma, and others of Seville, fitted out two ships, and taking John

de Cosa as his pilot, went on discovery to the Terra Firma of America,

where Carthagena now stands. He is said to have here met with Lewis de la

Guerra, and they in conjunction landed in the island of Codego, where

they made prisoners of 600 savages. Going a little farther along the

coast, they entered the Gulf of Uraba, where they found sand mingled with

gold, being the first of that kind which was brought to Spain. From

thence they sailed for St Domingo, loaded with slaves, but almost

famished for want of victuals, as the natives refused to traffic with

them for any. In the end of this year Isabella, queen of Castile, died.

While she lived, no subject of Arragon, Catalonia, Valencia, or any other

of the provinces, depending on her husband King Ferdinand, was allowed to

sail to any of the newly-discovered countries; but only her own subjects

of Castile and Biscay, by whom all these lands were discovered; excepting

only such of her husbands subjects as might be in a servile capacity to

her own, or a few that could procure special licenses.

In 1505, on the twenty-fifth of March, Francisco de Almeida, the viceroy

of India, sailed from Lisbon with a fleet of twenty-two sail. On his way

to India, he stopped at Quiloa, where he built a fort, appointing Peter

Fereira to command it. From beyond Melinda he passed over to the island

of Anguediva, of which he appointed Emanuel Passavia to be captain. He

built a fort also at Cananor, of which he gave the command to Laurence de

Brito; and one at Cochin, which was given in charge to Alphonso de

Noronha. This year likewise, Peter de Anahay built a fort at Sofala, of

which he was made captain. In the latter end of this year the viceroy

commanded his son Laurenço to go to the islands of Maldivia. Beating up

against contrary winds, he arrived at these islands which in ancient

times were called Traganæ[19], but Ytterubenero by the Moors, and by us

Ceilan. Here he went on shore, and entered into treaty with the people,

and returned to Cochin. In the middle of this island there is a high rock,

having the print of a mans foot, said to have been that of Adam when he

ascended to heaven, which the Indians hold in great reverence.

In 1506, after the death of Isabella, King Philip and Queen Joan came to

take possession of the crown of Castile, and. King Ferdinand retired into

his own dominions of Arragon. In that same year Philip died, and

Ferdinand resumed the government, giving license to all Spaniards to go

to the new discovered countries; but not allowing the Portuguese to go

there. In this year, likewise, Christopher Columbus died, in the month of

May, and was succeeded in his dignities by his son Don Diego.

In March 1506, Tristan de Acunha and Alphonso de Albuquerque went to

India with fourteen ships, and refreshed by the way at Bezequiche, in the

Cape de Verd islands. Before reaching the Cape of Good Hope they

discovered certain islands, in 37° S. which are now called the islands of

Tristan de Acunha. During this voyage, the fleet was dispersed by a

tempest, and Alvaro Teliz ran so far that he came to Sumatra, whence he

returned to Cape Guardafu, having discovered many islands, seas, and

countries, not known before that time to the Portuguese. At the same time,

Emanuel Telez de Meneses was driven on the outside of the great island of

St Lawrence, or Madagascar, and having surveyed its coasts, came to

Mosambique, where he met with Tristan de Acunha, who was the first

captain that wintered there. Meneses, having reported that there was

plenty of ginger, cloves, and silver in Madagascar, was sent back there,

and traversed a considerable part of the island; but not finding any

thing of value, returned to Mosambique, whence he went to Melinda, and

Brava, and thence to Socotora, where he built a fort, of which he

appointed one Antonio de Noronha to be captain. In 1507, Tristan de

Acunha returned to Europe, and Alphonso de Albuquerque remained in India

with five or six ships, to keep the command of the sea. In the course of

that year or the next, Albuquerque stood over to discover the coast of

Arabia, which he explored, and doubled the Cape of Rosalgate, which is

under the tropic of Cancer.

In 1509, Diego Lopez de Sequiera went from Lisbon for India with four

ships; and stopping at the island of Madagascar was almost a year on his

voyage. Arriving at Cochin in the month of May, the viceroy gave him

another ship, in which he went to Malacca in September passing between

the islands of Nicubar and many others. He went also to Sumatra; to the

cities of Pedir and Pacem; and all along that coast to the island of

Puloreira, and the fiats of Capacia; thence he stood over to the city of

Malacca, in lat. 2° N. where the people took and slew some of his men.

After this he returned to Cochin, having discovered five hundred leagues

in this voyage. The island of Sumatra is the first land in which we knew

of mens flesh being eaten, by certain people in the mountains called

Bacas, who gild their teeth. In their opinion the flesh of the blacks is

sweeter than that of the whites. The flesh of the oxen, kine, and hens in

that country is as black as ink. A people is said to dwell in that

country, called _Daraqui-Dara_, having tails like sheep[20]. There are

likewise springs of rock oil or bitumen. In the kingdom of Pedir,

likewise, there is said to be a river of oil; which is not to be wondered

at, as we are assured there is also a well of oil in Bactria. It is

further said that there is a tree in that country, the juice of which is

a strong poison if it touch a mans blood; but if drank, it is a sovereign

antidote against poison. They have here also certain gold coins, called

drachms, brought, as they say, into their country by the Romans[21],

which seems to have some resemblance to truth, because beyond that

country there are no gold coins.

In 1508, Alphonso de Hojeda went with the license of King Ferdinand, but

at his own charges, to conquer the province of Darien, in the Terra Firma

of the new world. Landing in the country of Uraba, he called it Castilia

del Oro, or Golden Castile, because of the gold found in the sand along

its coast. He went first from the city of San Domingo, in Hispaniola,

with four ships and three hundred soldiers, leaving behind him the

bachelor Anciso, who afterwards compiled a book of these discoveries. He

was followed by a fourth ship with provisions and ammunition, and a

reinforcement of 150 Spaniards. Hojeda landed at Carthagena, where the

natives took, slew, and devoured seventy of his men, by which his force

was much weakened. Some time after but in the same year, Diego de Niquesa

fitted out seven ships in the port of Beata, intending to go to Veragua

with 800 men; but coming to Carthegana, where he found Hojeda much

weakened by his losses, they joined their forces, and avenged themselves

of the natives. In this voyage Niquesa discovered the coast called Nombre

de Dios, and went into the sound of Darien, on the river Pito, which he

named Puerto de Misas. Coming to Veragua, Hojeda went on shore with his

soldiers, and built there the town of Caribana, as a defence against the

Caribbees; being the first town built by the Spaniards on the continent

of the new world. He also built another at Nombre de Dios, and called it

Nuestra Seniora de la Antigua. A town was built at Uraba, in which

Francis Pisarro was left with the command, who was there much annoyed by

the natives. They likewise built other towns, the names of which I omit.

In this enterprize the Spaniards did not meet with the success they

expected.

In 1509, Don Diego Columbus, the second admiral of New Spain, went to the

island of Hispaniola with his wife and household; and she, being a noble

woman, carried with her many ladies of good families, who were there

married; by which means the Spaniards began to multiply in their new

colony, and Hispaniola became famous and much frequented. Columbus

likewise reduced Cuba into order, and took measures for its colonization,

where he placed one Diego Velasques as his lieutenant, who had

accompanied his father in his second voyage of discovery.

In April 1511, Alphonso de Albuquerque went to Malacca from Cochin; and

finding certain Chinese about to return from Malacca into their own

country, he sent a Portuguese along with them, named Duarte Fernandes,

with letters for the king of the Mantias, now called Siam. They passed

through the Straits of Cincapura, and sailed northwards along the coast

of Patane to the city of Cuy, and thence to Odia, the chief city of the

kingdom, in 14° N.[22]. The king of this country received Duarte with

great honour, as he was the first Portuguese who had been in these parts,

and sent back ambassadors along with him to Albuquerque. They travelled

overland to the westwards, till they came to Tanacerim, on the Bay of

Bengal, in 12° N. where they embarked in two ships and sailed to Malacca.

The inhabitants of Siam, through which they travelled, eat of all kinds

of beasts, and even of what we repute to be vermin. The people of this

country are reputed the most virtuous and honest of any in those parts of

the world, and pride themselves much on their poverty and chastity; yet

have a strange practice of carrying round bells within their foreskins,

which is not permitted to the king and priests. They do not rear any

poultry or pigeons about their houses. The kingdom is 250 leagues in

length and 80 in breadth[23].

Elephants are so numerous in this country, that on going to war, the king

is said to carry 30,000 into the field, besides others which are left in

the several garrisons. This king has great pride in the possession of a

white elephant, having red eyes, which glare like a flame of fire. In

this country there is a certain species of small vermin, which attaches

itself to the trunks of the elephants, to suck their blood, by which many

elephants die. The skull of this insect[24] is so hard as to be

impenetrable to a musket shot. They have on their livers the figures of

men and women, which the natives call Toketa, resembling a mandrake; and

it is affirmed, that whoever has one of these about him cannot be killed

by an iron weapon. They have also wild kine in this country, in the heads

of which certain stones are found, which have the virtue to bring good

fortune to merchants.

After the return of Duarte Fernandes from Siam, Albuquerque sent a knight

named Ruy Nunnez de Acunha, as ambassador to the king of the Sequies, the

country we now call Pegu. He went in a junk of the country, passing Cape

Rachado, and thence to the city of Pera, on the river Salano, on which

river are many other villages, where Duarte had been before; and he

afterwards went by Tanaçerim to the city of Martavan, in 15° N. and the

city of Pegu in 17° N. This was the first Portuguese who travelled in

that kingdom, and who brought back a good account of the country and

people.

In the end of 1511, Albuquerque sent three ships to the islands of Banda

and Molucca, under command of Antonio de Breu and Francis Serrano, with

an hundred and twenty men. Passing through the Straits of Saban, and

along the island of Sumatra, and other islands on their left, named the

Salites, they came to the islands of Palimbang and Lu-Suparam, whence

they sailed by the noble island of Java, and eastwards between it and the

island of Madura. In this last island the men are strong and warlike, and

care little for their lives, even their women going out to war. These

people are almost continually engaged in war and mutual slaughter, like

the Mocos, and seem to place their only delight in bloodshed. Beyond Java

they came to another island called Bali, and afterwards to Avajave,

Sambaba, Solor, Galao, Malva, Vitara, Rosalanguin, and Arus; whence are

brought beautiful birds, in much estimation on account of their

feathers[25]. Beyond these islands they came to numbers of others, lying

in 7 or 8 degrees of south latitude, all so close together as to appear

like one entire mainland, and stretching near 500 leagues in length. The

ancient cosmographers describe all these islands by one general name, the

_Javos_; but more recent knowledge has found that they have all separate

names. Beyond these, and more to the north, there are other islands, which

are inhabited by a whiter people, clothed in shirts, doublets, and

trowsers, something like the Portuguese dress, and who also have silver

money. Their magistrates carry red staves in their hands, as badges of

command, and seem to have some affinity in this respect with the people of

China. There are other islands in these parts, or which the inhabitants

are red; and it is reported they are the same people with the Chinese.

De Breu went northwards to the small island of Gumnape or Ternate, from

the highest part of which flakes or streams like fire fell continually

into the sea. He went thence to the islands of Burro and Amboyna, and

came to anchor in the haven of Guliguli, where, in a village near a river,

they found dead men hanging up in the houses, as the people are cannibals.

Here they burnt the ship of Serrano, as she was old and rotten; and going

to a place on the other side of the island, in 8° S. they loaded cloves,

nutmegs, and mace, in a junk or barque, which Serrano bought. It is said,

that in an island not far from Banda, there are immense quantities of

snakes, especially in a cave in the centre of the island. The same is

said of Formentera, in the Mediterranean, anciently Ophiusa, between

Majorca and Minorca. On their return from Banda towards Malacca, in 1512,

Francis Serrano perished with his junk on the flats called Baxos de

Luçapinho, nine or ten of the Portuguese crew escaping to the island of

Mindanao, who were sent for by the kings of the Moluccas. These were the

first of the Portuguese who came to the Islands of Cloves, which are in

lat. 1° N. and they remained there seven or eight years. Some Portuguese

and princes of the Moors once endeavoured to go near that part of the

isle of Ternate which throws out fire, but could not accomplish it. But

Antonio Galvano accomplished this enterprise, and found a spring so cold

that he could not bear his hand in the water, nor suffer any of it in his

mouth, though almost directly under the line.

In these Molucca islands, there are certain men who have spurs on their

ancles like cocks; and I was told by the king of Tidore, that in the

islands of Batochina, there are people with tails, who have a lactiferous

nipple on the scrotum. There are small hens also in these parts, many of

which are black in the flesh, and lay their eggs, larger than those of

ducks, in holes above nine feet under ground. They have likewise hogs

with horns, and excellent talking parrots, which they call _Noris_. There

is also a river so very hot that it takes off the skin of any living

creature that bathes in its waters, and yet contains living fish. Their

crabs are very sweet to eat, yet their claws are so strong that they will

break the iron of a pickax; and there are small hairy crabs in the sea

which are rank poison, as whoever eats of them immediately dies. In these

seas are certain oysters, called _Bras_, having shells of so great size,

that they might serve as fonts for baptizing children. In these seas

there are certain living stones, which grow and increase like plants, of

which excellent lime may be made by burning in the usual manner, when

taken fresh from the sea; but, if allowed to remain long in the air, it

loses all its strength, and will not afterwards burn into line. There is

a tree which bears flowers only at sunset, which fell off immediately

when blown. There is likewise a certain fruit, whereof if a woman who has

conceived shall eat, the child by and by moves. There is, farther, a

certain herb which followeth the sun, and removes after it, which is a

strange and marvellous thing.

In 1512, while on the voyage from Malacca to Goa, the ship in which

Albuquerque embarked was lost. Simon de Andrada and a few Portuguese were

driven among the Maldivia islands, where they remained till they learnt

the fate of the viceroy. These islands are low, small, and very numerous,

and are full of palm trees, or _Cocoas_, which are good against all kinds

of poison.

In this year 1512, John de Solis, a native of Lisbon, and chief pilot to

King Ferdinand, went from Spain by license to discover the coast of

Brazil. Following the course of the Pinsons, he went to Cape St Augustine,

and thence sailed along the whole coast to the harbour of De Lagoa; and

in lat. 35° S. he discovered a river called Parana-guaçu, or the Great

River, and from signs of silver he gave it the name of Rio de la Plata,

or the River of Silver. It is even said that he went farther at this time;

and returning into Spain, gave an account of his discovery to King

Ferdinand, from whom he demanded and obtained leave to colonize the

country, and received the appointment of governor. On this he provided

three ships, and returned to that country in 1515, but was slain by the

natives. The family of de Solis produced several great discoveries in

these parts[26].

In the same year 1512, John Ponce de Leon, who had been governor of the

island of St John in the Antilles, armed two ships, with which he went in

search of the island of Boyuca, where it was reported there was a spring

which made old men young again; but after searching for six months he

could not find it. In 25° N. he discovered a point of the continent upon

Easter-day, which he called the country of Florida; and because he

expected the land would yield gold and silver, he begged it from King

Ferdinand, but died in the discovery of the country, as many had done

before.

In the year 1513, Vasco Nunnes de Valboa, or Balboa, hearing of the

_South Seas_, determined to go thither; and being a man of courage,

though strongly dissuaded by several of his company, he marched on the

enterprize with 290 men. Leaving Darien on the first of September, and

taking some Indians along with him as guides, he marched directly across

the isthmus, sometimes without opposition, and having at other times to

fight his way. In a certain place called Careca, he found some negroes

with curled hair, who were captives among the Indians. At length, on the

25th of the same month of September, being the festival of St Michael, he

came in sight of the South Sea: He there embarked in a canoe, much

against the will of _Chiapes_, the cacique of that part of the coast, who

endeavoured to persuade him that the navigation was very dangerous; but

he persisted in his design, that he might be the first who had navigated

this new discovered sea, and came back in safety. He returned thence to

Darien, bringing with him a good store of gold, silver, and pearls, which

he had taken during the march; and for this good service, he was much

honoured and favoured by King Ferdinand.

In February 1513, Alphonsus de Albuquerque went from Goa towards the

Straits of Mecca with twenty ships, and arriving at the city of Aden,

battered it with his cannon, and passing the Straits entered the Red Sea,

and wintered at the island of Camaran. This was the _first_ Portuguese

captain who gave an account of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, which

are of great importance in regard to trade.

In May 1514, Pedro Arias de Avila was sent out from St Lucar, as governor

of Castilia del Oro, or the Golden Castile, for so the Spaniards named

the countries of Darien, Carthagena, and Uraba. He carried with him

fifteen hundred men and seven ships; and Vasco Nunnes de Balboa, who

discovered the South Seas, was sent out at the same time as admiral of

the coasts of that newly discovered sea. In the beginning of the year

1515, de Avila sent Gaspar Morales with 150 men to the Gulf of St Michael,

to discover the islands of Tararequi[27], Chiapes, and Tumaccus. A

cacique, the friend of Balboa, gave him many canoes, or boats made of one

tree, with which they passed to the Isle of Pearls, where they were at

first resisted; but Chiapes and Tumaccus pacified the cacique of that

island, who submitted himself, and received baptism, taking the name of

the governor, Pedro Arias, and presented Morales with a basket of pearls

weighing 110 pounds, some of which were as large as hazel nuts, weighing

20, 25, 26, and even 31 carats, each of four grains; and one of these

pearls was sold for 1200 ducats. In March 1515, de Avila sent Gonsalva de

Badajos, with 80 soldiers, to discover new lands, who went to Nombre de

Dios, where he was joined by Lewis de Mercado with a reinforcement of 50

men. They resolved to proceed to the south, as the richest country; and

taking some Indians as guides, they found some slaves along the coast

marked with the irons used by the Portuguese. They marched a considerable

way through the country with much difficulty, but made a considerable

booty in gold, and took forty serviceable slaves. But a caçique, named

Pariza, attacked them and slew or took most of the party. After this the

governor sent out his son, John Arias de Avila, to be revenged and to

explore the country. This party went westwards to Cape de Guerra, in

little more than 6° N. and thence to Punta de Borica, and to Cape Blanco,

in 8° 30' N. having, as they affirm, discovered 250 leagues; and besides

this they founded the city of Panama.

In the month of May 1515, Alphonsus de Albuquerque, the Portuguese

viceroy of India, sent Fernando Gomes de Limos from Ormus, as ambassador

to the Xec or Shah Ismael, king of Persia; and it is said they travelled

300 leagues through a country as pleasant as France. This Xec, or Shah

Ismael, went much a-hunting, and was fond of trout fishing, which are

abundant in the rivers of his kingdom. The women of Persia are the most

beautiful in the world; insomuch that Alexander the Great used to call

them the _golden-eyed women_. In this year died the viceroy Alphonsus de

Albuquerque, who was succeeded by Lopez Suares.

In 1516, Fernando Perez de Andrada was commanded by the king of Portugal

to pass to the great kingdom of China and likewise to Bengala, with a

dispatch to John Coelo, who was the first Portuguese who drank of the

waters of the Ganges. In April 1517, Andrada took in a loading of pepper

at Cochin, as the principal merchandize for sale in China, for which

country he sailed with eight ships, four Portuguese and four Malayans. On

his arrival in China, finding he could not be allowed to land without an

embassy, he dispatched Thomas Perez, with instructions for that purpose,

from the city of Canton, where they came to anchor. The embassy travelled

400 leagues by land to the city of Pekin, where the king resided; for

China is the largest kingdom in the world. From Sailana in the south,

which is in 20° N. it reaches to the latitude almost of 50° N. which must

be 500 leagues in length, and it is said to be 300 leagues in breadth[28].

Fernando Perez was fourteen months in the isle of Veniaga, endeavouring

to acquire as much knowledge as he could of the country; and although one

Raphael Perestrello had formerly been there, in a junk belonging to some

merchants of Malacca, yet Perez certainly deserves the merit of this

discovery; as well because he acted by the command of the king his master,

as in discovering so much by land by means of Thomas Perez, and by sea

through George Mascarenhas, who sailed to the city of Foquiam, in 24° N.

In the year 1517, in which Charles, afterwards emperor, came into Spain,

Francis Fernandes de Cordova, Christopher Morantes, and Lopez Ochoa,

armed three ships from Cuba, at their own expence, having also with them

a barque belonging to the governor Diego Velasques, with which they came

to land in Jucutan, in 20° N. at a place which they called Punta de las

Duennas, which was the first place in which temples and houses of stone

and lime had been seen in the new world. The people here, who were better

clothed than in any other place, had crosses which they worshipped, and

set upon the tombs of their dead, whence it appeared as if they had

formerly been in the faith of Christ; and some suppose that this had been

the situation of the _seven cities_. In this expedition they were upon

the north coast of Jucutan, being the first discovery of New Spain, or

Mexico; and they returned thence to Cuba with some samples of gold, and

some prisoners.

In the year 1518[29], Lopez Suares commanded Don John de Silveira to go

and make peace with the Maldive islands, which he did accordingly. From

thence Silveira went to the city of Chatigam, or Chittigong, on one of

the mouths of the Ganges, under the tropic of Cancer; for it is to be

noted, that this river, and the Indus, which lies 100 leagues beyond Diu,

and the river of Canton in China, all fall into the sea under one

parallel of latitude. Although, before this period, Fernando Perez had

been commanded to sail to Bengal, yet Silveira must be looked upon as the

actual discoverer of that country; for he went as captain-general, and

remained there long, making himself acquainted with the manners of the

people, and the commodities of the country.

In the same year 1518[30], Diego Velasquez, governor of the island of

Cuba, dispatched his nephew, John de Grisalva, on the first of May, with

four ships and two hundred soldiers, to discover Jucutan. On the 3d of

May, he fell in with the island of Cozumel, in 19° north latitude, which

he named Santa Cruz, because discovered on the 3d of May, being the

anniversary of the holy cross. Grisalva coasted along the land, on the

west side of the bay of Honduras, and came to an island, which he named

Ascension, because discovered on Ascension day. They went unto the end of

that island, in 16° of latitude, whence they came back, finding no

passage[31], and proceeded to a river in lat. 17° N. which they called

the river of Grisalva. They were boldly opposed by the people on this

coast; yet they brought thence some gold, silver, and feathers, and

returned to Cuba. In the same year, Francis Garay fitted out three ships

from Jamaica at his own expence, and went to Cape Florida, in lat. 25° N.

which seemed a most pleasant island; and thinking it better to people

islands than the firm land, because more easily conquered and kept under

subjection, he went on land; but the inhabitants of Florida killed a

great many of his people, and he was forced to re-embark and go away.

Sailing from thence he came to the river of Panuco, 500 leagues from Cape

Florida, sailing all the way along the coast, and endeavouring to land in

various places, but the natives repulsed him in every place. Many of his

people were killed and eaten by the savages in Chila, the natives hanging

up their skins in the temples of their gods, as a memorial of their own

valour. Yet Garay visited this place next year, as he had seen some

indications of gold and silver, and even applied to the emperor to be

appointed governor of the coast he had discovered. In February 1519[32],

Fernando Cortez sailed from Cuba for the country now called New Spain,

with eleven ships and 550 Spaniards. He landed first in the island of

Cozumel, where he immediately destroyed all the idols, and planted

crosses and images of the Virgin on all the altars. From thence he went

to the Cabo de las Duennas, on the peninsula of Yucatan, and thence to

the river of Tabasco, where he attacked a city called Potoncion. This

place was surrounded with wood; the houses were built of stone and lime,

and roofed with tiles, and the people resisted the assailants manfully;

but St James appeared on horseback to the assistance of the Spaniards,

and they took the place. This, as the first town subdued by them on the

continent, they named Vittoria. From thence they went to a place named St

Juan de Vilhua, said to be 60 or 70 leagues from Mexico, where one

Tendilli was governor for King Muteçuma. Though the Spaniards and he

could not understand each other, yet Tendilli gave them good

entertainment. Cortes had twenty women along with his expedition, one of

whom, named Marine, was born in the country of the Indians, and was the

first native of New Spain who received baptism. She and Anguilar served

as interpreters between Cortes and the natives. Tendilli sent immediate

intelligence to Muteçuma, that there had arrived in his country a bearded

people, for so they called the Castilians. On the reception of this news,

Muteçuma was greatly troubled, for his gods, or devils rather, had

revealed that a people of the description of these Spaniards was to

overthrow his law and dominion, and to become lords of the country;

wherefore Muteçuma sent gifts to the value of twenty thousand ducats to

Cortes, but refused any interview.

As the ships could not ride in safety at St Juan de Vilhua, Cortes sent

Francis de Montejo, and the pilot Antonio Alaminos, in two brigantines,

to look out for a safe anchorage. They went to Panuco, in lat. 23° N.

whence they came back to Culvacan as a safer harbour. But Cortes went by

land westwards to a city named Zempoallan, where he was well received.

From thence he went to Chiavitztlan, with the lord of which town, and of

all the surrounding country, he entered into a league against Muteçuma.

On the arrival of his ships at the appointed haven, he went there and

built a town, which he named _Villa rica de la Vera Cruz_. From thence he

sent a vessel to Spain with presents, and a letter to the Emperor Charles

V. giving an account of his proceedings, and of his determination to

visit Muteçuma, and soliciting a commission as governor of the

country[33].

Before proceeding on his march to Mexico, Cortes destroyed all his ships,

lest his men might mutiny, as they seemed disposed; and leaving 150

Spaniards in Vera Cruz, with as many Indians to serve them, he began his

march. Going first to Zempoallan, he learnt that Francis Garay was on the

coast with four ships, and he contrived to inveigle nine of his men, from

whom he understood that Garay, who had been in Florida, was now at the

river Panuco, where he had got some gold, and meant to remain and build a

town, now called Almeria. Cortes destroyed the idols of Zempoallan, and

overthrew the tombs of their kings, whom the people worshipped as gods,

and exhorted them to worship the true God. He set out from Zempoallan for

Mexico on the 16th of August 1519, and after three days march came to the

city of Zalapan, and thence to another named Sicuchimatl; at both of

which places he was well received, and was offered to be conducted to

Mexico, such being the orders of Muteçuma. Going from thence he ascended

a hill three leagues high, on which vines were seen growing; and in

another place he saw above a thousand load of wood ready cut. Beyond this

he passed a plain country, which he named Nombre de Dios. At the foot of

this mountain, he rested his troops at a place called Teuhixuacan; whence,

through a desert country, he came to another mountain, which was covered

with snow and excessively cold, and where the troops rested in a town

named Zacotlan. Marching thus from town to town, he arrived at a

territory called Tlaxcallan, which was at war with Muteçuma; and as the

people were valiant, they fought against Cortes; but at length they

agreed, and formed a league with him against the Mexicans.

Thus, from country to country, he came at length within sight of Mexico;

and Muteçuma, being afraid, received him kindly, giving him and all his

people lodgings in the capital, and all things necessary. After a time,

fearing to be slain, Cortes made Muteçuma prisoner, and brought him to

his own quarters, keeping him under a secure guard. Cortes inquired at

Muteçuma the extent of his dominions, where the mines of gold and silver

were, and the number of kings who dwelt in the land. And joining eight

intelligent Spaniards with an equal number of Indians, he sent them, in

four companies, to travel into four separate countries, Zucolla,

Malinaltepec, Tenich, and Tututepec. The messengers to Zucolla had 80

leagues to travel, and those who went to Malinaltepec 70; both of which

provinces were under subjection to Muteçuma: they found both of these

countries fertile and well peopled, and they brought back samples of gold,

which the natives found in the rivers. The country of Tenich was at war

with Muteçuma, and would not admit the Mexicans into their country; but

they sent ambassadors to Cortes with presents, offering him their amity,

at which Muteçuma was much displeased. Those who went to Tututepec, near

the South Sea, brought back samples of gold, and praised the pleasantness

of the country; reporting that there were many good harbours on the coast,

and they presented to Cortes a beautiful cloth of cotton, on which the

coast, with all its harbours and creeks, was distinctly represented. But

at this time, by the coming of Pamphilus de Narvaez, the whole kingdom of

Mexico was thrown into confusion.

On the 10th August 1519, Fernando de Magellanes went from Seville with

five ships, on a voyage for the islands of, Malacca[34]. Going along the

coast of Brazil, he came to the Rio Plata, which had been previously

discovered by the Spaniards. Thence prosecuting his voyage of discovery,

he came to Port St Julians, in lat. 49° S. where he lost one of his ships.

With the remaining four he came to the straits named after himself, in

52° 80' S. and wintered in that place, where he and his people endured

much distress from snow and ice, and extreme cold. They found the people

of the country of extraordinary stature and great strength, insomuch that

they took men by the legs, and rent them asunder as easily as one of us

could tear a hen in two. These people, named _Pataganes_, but called

_Morcas_ by the Brazilians, live on fruits and by the produce of the

chase. In the beginning of September of the following year, 1520, the

weather became somewhat temperate, and leaving Port St Julian, Magellanes

went to the straits which now bear his name; whence one of the ships

returned to Spain, of which Stephen de Porto, a Portuguese, was captain

and pilot. The other three passed through into a vast sea called the

_Pacific_; where they found no inhabited land till they arrived in lat.

13° N. when they came to certain islands named _Los Jardines_. They

sailed thence to the archipelago of St Lazarus, where, in an island named

_Matan_, Magellanes was slain and his ship burnt. The remaining two ships

went to Borneo, and thence to the Moluccas, leaving many others

discovered, which I do not mention, because I have not seen any exact

account of this voyage[35].

About this time Pope Leo X. sent Paulus Centurio on an embassy to the

great duke of Muscovy, requiring him to send an army along the coast of

Tartary into India; and the duke was almost persuaded to have made the

attempt, if certain inconveniencies had not hindered[36].

In February 1520, Diego Lopez de Sequeira, governor of India, sailed by

the strait of Mecca[37], carrying with him the ambassador of Prester John

and Roderigo de Lima, who was sent ambassador to that prince. They came

to the island of Maçua or Massoua, on the African shore of the Red Sea,

in lat. 17° N. where the ambassadors and their Portuguese attendants were

set on shore. Peter de Covillan had been sent there formerly by John II.

of Portugal; but the best account of that country was furnished by

Francis Alvarez.

In this year 1520, the licentiate Lucas Vasques de Aillon, and others of

St Domingo, sent two ships to procure slaves at the Lucayos or Bahama

islands; but finding none there, they passed on along the continent,

beyond Florida, to certain countries called Chicora and Gualdape, and to

the river Jordan and Cape St Helena, in lat. 32° N.[38]. The Spaniards

landed here, and were hospitably received by the natives, who furnished

them with every thing they needed: but, having inveigled many of the

unsuspecting natives on board their ships, they carried them away for

slaves. In their way back to St Domingo, one of these vessels was lost,

and the other was in great danger. On learning the news of this discovery,

the licentiate Aillon made application to the emperor for the government

of that country, where he expected to find much wealth, and received the

appointment.

About this time, learning the success of Cortes in Mexico, and that he

had applied to the emperor for the commission of governor, Diego

Velasques, governor of Cuba, who considered that it ought to belong to

him, fitted out an armament of eighteen ships, under the command of

Pamphilus de Narvaez, already mentioned, with a thousand men and eighty

horses, whom he sent to Mexico in order to supersede Cortes. Landing in

the neighbourhood of Vera Cruz, he sent an order to the garrison to

receive him as governor; but they made his messenger prisoner, and sent

him to Cortes, then at Mexico. On this Cortes wrote to Narvaez, desiring

him not to raise any disturbance in the country, and offering to submit

to his authority if he held a commission from the emperor. But Narvaez

corrupted the people of the country; upon which Cortes went from Mexico,

and took Narvaez prisoner in the town of Zempoallan, putting out one of

his eyes. After this the soldiers of Narvaez submitted to Cortes; who

detached two hundred soldiers to the river of Garay or Panuco, and a

similar detachment under John Vasquez de Leon to Cosualco. He sent

likewise a messenger to Mexico with an account of his victory; but the

natives, having risen in rebellion, killed his messenger.

Cortes now set forwards on his return to Mexico, with one thousand foot

soldiers and two thousand horsemen, and found Peter de Alvarado and the

garrison he had left in Mexico in charge of Muteçuma, in safety. But the

Mexicans continued their insurrection, and on one occasion Muteçuma was

killed by a stone thrown by one of his own subjects. They then elected

another king, and the Spaniards were forced to evacuate the city with

great difficulty and danger. Driven out of Mexico, and having only 504

footmen and 40 horse remaining, Cortes retired with much difficulty to

Tlaxcallan, where he was well received. He here mustered a force of 900

Spanish infantry and 80 cavalry, and gathered 200,000 Indians among the

friends and allies whom he had secured, enemies of the Mexicans, and

marched back to Mexico, which he took in August 1521[39].

In October 1521, Cortes sent 200 foot and 35 horse, with a number of his

Indian allies, under the command of Gonsalo de Sandoval, against

Tochtepec and Coazacoalco, which had rebelled, and which Sandoval reduced

to obedience. To retain this country under subjection, he built a town

called _Medelin_, 120 leagues from Mexico, and another named _Santo

Spirito_, on a river four leagues from the sea[40]. In this year 1521,

died Emanuel, king of Portugal, and was succeeded by his son, John III.

In this same year, one of Magellan's ships sailed from Malacca with a

loading of cloves. They victualled at the island of Burro, and went from

thence to Timor, in lat. 11° S.[41]. Beyond this island, about 100

leagues, they came to other islands, all inhabited, one of which was

called _Eude_. Passing on the outside of Sumatra, they found no land till

they arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where they took in wood and water;

and sailing thence by the islands of Cabo Verde, they arrived at Seville,

where they were received with great honour, both on account of their

valuable cargo of cloves, and because they had circumnavigated the whole

world[42].

In January 1522, Gil Gonzales fitted out four ships from Tararequi, on

the South Sea, intending to discover the coast of Nicaragua, and

especially to search for a strait or passage, which was said to

communicate between the South and North Seas. Sailing along the coast, he

came to a harbour which he named St Vincent, where he landed with 100

Spaniards, some of whom had horses, and penetrated 200 leagues inland,

whence he brought back to the value of 200 pesoes in gold. On his return

to the harbour of St Vincent, he found his pilot, Andrew Nigno, who had

been to Tecoantepec, in lat. 16° N. and had sailed 300 leagues. From

thence Gonzales returned to Panama, and so overland to Hispaniola[43].

In April 1522, the Trinity, commanded by Gonzala Gomez de Espinosa,

another of the ships of Magellan, sailed from Tidore for New Spain. And,

as the wind was scanty, they steered towards the N. E. in lat. 16° N.

where they found two islands, which they named the Islands of St John. In

lat. 20° N. they came to another island, which they called _la Griega_,

where some of the simple natives came on board, whom they kept to shew in

New Spain. Continuing their course to the N. E. for four months, they

came into lat. 42° N. where they saw numbers of seals, and tunnies; and

the climate appeared to them so cold and inhospitable, that partly on

that account, and partly owing to contrary winds, they returned towards

Tidore, having been the first Spaniards who had been in so high a

northern latitude in these seas. On their return to Tidore, they found

one Antonio de Britto employed in building a fortress, who took their

goods from them, and sent forty-eight of them prisoners to Malacca[44].

In the same year 1522, Cortes was desirous to possess some harbours on

the South Sea, on purpose to open a trade with Malacca, Banda, Java, and

the other spice islands. For this purpose he sent four Spaniards with

Indian guides to Tecoantepec, Quahatemallan, and other harbours, where

they were well received, and whence they brought back some of the natives

to Mexico. These people were much caressed by Cortes; who afterwards sent

ten pilots to examine the coast, but they could find no good harbour,

after a survey of seventy leagues. A cacique, named; Cuchadaquir, used

them hospitably, and sent two hundred of his people to Cortes with

presents of gold and silver; and the people of Tecoantepec did the same.

Not long afterwards, this friendly cacique sent to Cortes, requesting aid

against his neighbours, who warred against him. Cortes accordingly, in

the year 1523, sent Peter de Alvarado to his assistance, with 200 foot

and 40 horse, who built a town called St Jago, in which he left a

garrison. The caciques of Tecoantepec and Quahutemallan inquired at

Alvarado concerning certain _sea monsters_ that had been on their coast

the year before; meaning the ships of Gil Gonzales de Avila, at which

they had been much amazed; and they wondered still more on being informed

that Cortes had many such, and much larger than those they had seen. They

displayed a painting of a mighty carak, having six masts, with sails and

shrouds, and having armed horsemen on board[45]. In May 1523, Antonio de

Britto, the Portuguese governor of the Molucca isles, sent Simon de Bru

to discover the passage from thence by the island of Borneo to Malacca.

They came in sight of the islands of Manada and Panguensara, and thence

through the strait of Treminao and Taquy to the islands of St Michael, in

7° S. and then to the island of Borneo, where they came in sight of

_Pedra Branca_, or the _white stone_; whence, passing through the strait

of Cincapura, they came to the city of Malacca[46].

In the same year 1523, Cortes went with 300 Spanish foot, 150 horse, and

20,000 Mexicans, to make a complete discovery and conquest of Panuco, and

to punish the inhabitants for having killed and devoured the soldiers of

Francis Garay. The natives resisted him, but were overthrown; and to keep

the country under subjection, he built a town on the river, near Chila,

which he named Santo Stephano del Puerta, in which he left a garrison of

100 foot and 30 horse, under the command of Peter de Valleia. In this

expedition he lost many of his people, both Spaniards and Mexicans, and

several horses[47].

In this same year 1523, Francis de Garay, having a commission from the

emperor as governor of all the coast he had discovered from Florida to

Panuco, fitted out nine ships and two brigantines, with 850 soldiers and

150 horses, on purpose to take possession of his government. Some men

joined him from Jamaica, where he had furnished his squadron with warlike

ammunition; and sailing thence to the harbour of Xagua, in the island of

Cuba, he there learnt that Cortes had taken possession of the coast of

Panuco. That he ought not meet with the fate of Narvaez, he sent the

doctor Zuazo to Mexico, to endeavour to enter into treaty with Cortes.

Garay arrived in the Rio de las Palmas on St Jameses day, and sent

Gonçalo de Ocampo up the river to explore the country, who reported, on

his return, that the country was bad and desert. Yet Garay landed with

400 foot soldiers and some horse, and commanded John de Grijalva, to

explore the coast, while he marched by land to Panuco, in which march he

crossed a river to which he gave the name of Rio Montalto. In this march

he came to a large town, in which he found much poultry, to the great

refreshment of his troops. Here, likewise, he took some of the

inhabitants of Chila, whom he employed as messengers to different places.

After a long and difficult march, he arrived at Panuco, but found no

provisions; the country having been exhausted in the war with Cortes, and

by being plundered by the soldiers. From this place he sent Gonçalo de

Ocampo to St Stephano, or Istevan del Puerto, to inquire if the garrison

would submit to his authority. They sent him a favourable answer; but, by

means of an ambush, they made forty of his cavalry prisoners, alleging

that they had come unwarrantably to usurp the government which belonged

to another. Besides this misfortune, Garay lost four of his ships, by

which he was greatly disheartened. While Cortes was preparing an

expedition to Panuco, to resist Garay, Francis de las Casas and Roderigo

de la Paz, brought letters-patent to Mexico, by which the emperor gave

him the government of New Spain, including Panuco. On this he desisted

from going personally on the expedition, but sent Pedro de Alvarado with

a respectable force, both of infantry and cavalry, to defend his

government against aggression, and dispatched Diego de Ocampo to

communicate the letters-patent to Garay; who thought it better for him to

yield himself to Cortes, and went accordingly to Mexico[48].

In the same year, 1523, Gil Gonçales de Avila, discovered and peopled a

town called _San Gil da Buena-vista_, in lat. 14° N. almost in the bottom

of the bay of Ascension or Honduras[49]. Likewise, on the 6th December of

this year, Peter de Alvarado was sent by Cortes from Mexico with 300 foot,

170 horse, four field-pieces, and some Mexican nobles, to discover and

conquer Quahutemallan, Utlatlan, Chiassa, Xochnuxco, and other towns

towards the South Sea. After a most fatiguing march of 400 leagues,

passing by Tecoantepec to Xochnuxco, he discovered and conquered the

whole of that country, where he built a city called St Jago de

Quahutemallan, now Guatimala, of which and of the country he subdued, he

is said to have got the government. In this expedition they passed some

rivers, the water of which was so hot that they could scarce endure to

wade them. They found likewise certain hills which produced alum, and one

out of which a liquor like oil distilled; likewise sulphur in great

abundance, from which the Spaniards made excellent gunpowder[50]. On the

8th December of the same year, Cortes sent Diego de Godoy, with a hundred

foot, thirty horse, two field-pieces, and many friendly Indians, to

Spiritu Santo; where, joining the captain of that town, they went to

Chamolla, the capital of a province of the same name, which they reduced

under subjection[51].

In February 1524, Cortes sent Roderigo Rangel, with 150 Spaniards, and

many Tlaxcallans and Mexicans, against the Zapotecas and Nixtecas, and

other provinces not yet well discovered. They were at first resisted, but

soon defeated the natives, and reduced the country to subjection. In the

same year, Roderigo de Bastidas was sent to discover and reduce the

country of Santa Martha; but refusing to allow the soldiers to plunder a

certain town, he was assassinated in his bed by Peter Villaforte,

formerly his fast friend, who joined in the conspiracy against him. Pedro

de Lugo and his son Don Alfonso were afterward governors of that place,

where they conducted themselves as covetous tyrants, and became much

disliked[52]. In the same year, the licentiate Lucas Vasques de Aillon

obtained the government of Chicora from the emperor, on which he fitted

out some vessels from St Domingo, and proceeded to explore and colonize

that country; but he was lost with all his people. I know not how it

should have happened, except by the righteous judgment of God, that so

little should now remain of all the gold and precious stones which were

got in the Antilles by the Spaniards; but much the greater part has been

dissipated to little purpose, and nothing great or valuable has ensued

from the discovery[53].

In this same year, 1524, Cortes sent a fleet under the command of

Christopher de Olid, to Cuba, to transport provisions and ammunition to

Mexico, which had been purchased there by Alonso de Contreras; and Olid

had orders to discover and colonize the country about Cape Higueras, and

the Coast of Honduras, and likewise to send Diego Hartado de Mendoça by

sea, in search of a strait towards Darien, which was reported to pass

that way into the South Sea, which object of research had been commanded

by the emperor to be attended to. He sent also two ships from Panuco, to

explore the coast from thence to Florida; and he commanded other vessels

to examine the coast of the South Sea, between Zacatullan and Panama. On

the arrival of Olid at Cuba, he entered into a league with Diego

Velasquez against Cortes: and, instead of prosecuting the orders he had

received, he set sail for Puerto de Cavallos, in lat. 10° N. 54, near

which he built a town, which he named _Triumpho de la Cruz_. He made Gil

Gonzales de Avila prisoner, and killed his nephew, and all the Spaniards

who were with him, except one child; thus acting in direct opposition to

Cortes, who had expended, in fitting out the present expedition, the sum

of 80,000 castellans of gold, entirely to gratify Olid[55]. On learning

this treachery, Cortes went by land from Mexico in the month of October

1524, to take revenge on Olid, carrying with him a force of 300 Spaniards,

part foot, and part horse, and accompanied by Quahutimoc, king of Mexico,

and many of the chief Mexican nobles. On coming to the town of Spiritu

Santo, he procured ten guides from the caciques of Tavasco and Xicalanco,

who likewise gave him a map painted on cotton cloth, delineating the

situation of the whole country, from Xicalanco to Naco and Nito, and even

as far as Nicaragua, with their mountains, hills, fields, meadows, rivers,

cities, and towns; and Cortes ordered three ships from the harbour of

Medellin to follow him along the coast[56]. When he had reached the city

of Izancanac, Cortes learned that King Quahutimoc and his Mexicans had

conspired to betray or destroy him and his Spaniards; wherefore he hanged

the king and two of his principal nobles. Cortes then proceeded to

Mazatlan; and from thence to Piaca, which stands in the middle of a lake,

and is the chief city of a province of the same name, and hereabout he

began to learn tidings of the Spaniards under Olid, of whom he was in

search. From thence he proceeded to Zuzullin, and came at length to Nito;

from whence he went to a bay on the coast, called St Andre, where,

finding a good haven, he built a town called Natividad de nuestra Sennora.

He went thence to Truxillo, on the coast of Honduras, where he was well

received by the Spanish settlers. While here, a ship brought intelligence

of an insurrection having broke out in Mexico during his absence; on

which, he ordered Gonsalo de Sandoval to march with his company by land,

from Naco to Mexico, by the ordinary and safest road of Quahutemallan, or

Guatimala, towards the South Sea; and, leaving his cousin Férdinando de

Saavedra to command in Truxillo, he went himself by sea along the coast

of Yucutan to Chalchicocca, now called St Juan de Ullhua, and thence to

Medellin and Mexico, where he was well received. Cortes was absent

eighteen months on this expedition, during which he travelled 500

leagues[57], and suffered many hardships.

In the year 1525; Francis Pizarro, and Diego de Almagro, went from Panama

to discover Peru, on the south of the fine, which they called _Nueva

Castillia_. Pedro Asias, governor of Panama, refused to take any concern

in this expedition, on account of certain evil news which had been

brought to him by Francis Vezerra. Pizarro went first in a ship with 124

soldiers, and was followed by Almagro with seventy men in another ship.

Almagro came to Rio de San Juan, in lat. 3° N., where he got 3000 pezoes

of gold; and not finding Pizarro, of whom he was in search, he lost heart,

and returned to Panama. Pizarro went first to the island of Gorgona, and

thence to the isle of Gallo, from whence he proceeded to the river called

_Rio del Peru_, in lat. 2° N. from which the rich and famous country of

Peru derives its name. He sailed thence to the river of St Francis, and

Cape _Passaos_, where he passed the equinoctial line, and came to _Puerto

Vejo_, in lat. 1° S. and sailed on to the rivers of Chinapanpa, Tumbez,

and Payta, in four or five degrees of southern latitude, where he

received intelligence concerning King Atabalipa, and of the vast riches

of his palace. On receiving this intelligence, Pizarro returned to Panama,

from whence he went to Spain, where he solicited and obtained the

government of the rich country he had discovered; having spent above

three years in the discovery, with much labour and great danger[58].

In the same year, 1525, seven ships were fitted out from Spain, under the

command of Garcia de Loaisa, for a voyage to the Molucca Islands. Sailing

from Corunna, and passing by the Canaries, they came to the coast of

Brasil, where they discovered an island in lat. 2° S. which they named St

Matthew; and, finding orange trees, hogs, and European poultry, they

concluded it to be inhabited; but, by inscriptions oil the bark of trees,

they learnt that the Portuguese had bean there seventeen years before. A

small pinnace of this squadron, commanded by Juan de Resaga, passed the

straits of Magellan, and ran along the whole coast of Peru and New Spain,

carrying the intelligence to Cortes of the expedition of Loaisa to the

Moluccas: But the admiral ship only of this squadron, commanded by Martin

Mingues de Carchova, arrived at its destination, where the Moors of the

Moluccas received the Spaniards hospitably; Loaisa and all the other

captains died by the way.

In the same year Stephen Gomez sailed from Corunna, to endeavour to

discover a strait in the northern parts, by which ships might sail from

Europe to the Moluccas. This person had been refused employment in the

fleet commanded by Loaisa; but the Count Ferdinando de Andrada, with the

Doctor Beltram, and a merchant named Christopher de Sarro; fitted out a

galleon for him at their joint expence. He went first to the island of

Cuba, whence he sailed to Cape Florida, sailing only by day, as he was

ignorant of the coast. He passed Cape Angra, and the river Enseada, and

so went over to the other side; and it is reported that he came to Cape

Razo[59] in lat. 46° N. whence he returned to Corunna with a cargo of

_slaves_. But news spread through Spain that he was come home laden with

_cloves_, which occasioned much joy at the court of Spain, till the

mistake was discovered. Gomez was ten months engaged in this voyage. In

this same year, Don George de Menesses, governor of Molucca, and Don

Henriques, sent a vessel on discovery towards the north, commanded by

Diego de Rocha, having Gomez de Sequiera as pilot. In lat. 9° or 10° N.

they discovered several islands in a group, which were called the islands

of Sequiera; whence they returned to the island of Bato-China. In 1526,

Sebastian Gabota, chief pilot to the emperor, a native of Bristol in

England, whose father was a Venetian, sailed from Seville with four ships,

intending to have gone to the Moluccas by a western course. Gabota came

to Pernambuco in Brasil, where he waited three months for a favourable

wind to get round Cape St Augustine. In the Bay of _Patos_, or of ducks,

the admirals ship was lost; and despairing of being able to accomplish

the voyage to the Moluccas, he built a pinnace for the purpose of

exploring the Rio Plata. Gabota accordingly ran sixty leagues, or 120

miles up that river; when coming to a bar, he left the large ships there,

and went with the boats of the squadron 120 leagues, or 480 miles farther

up the river Parana, which the inhabitants considered to be the principal

river. He here constructed a fort, and remained in that place above a

year; From thence he rowed still farther up the Parana, till he came to

the mouth of another river called _Paragioa_, or Paraguay; and,

perceiving that the country produced gold and silver, he kept on his

course, sending one of the boats in advance, which was taken by the

natives. On this, Gabota thought it more prudent to return to his fort,

after having penetrated 200 leagues or 800 miles up this river. He took

on board the people he had left at the fort, and returning to the ships

at the bar, sailed back to Seville in 1530. He reported that the Rio

Plata was navigable for a great way, and that it rises from a lake named

_Bombo_[60] in the kingdom of Peru, whence, flowing through the valleys

of Xauxa, it receives the rivers Parso, Bulcasban, Cay, Parima, Hiacax,

and several others, by which its waters are greatly increased. It is also

said that the river of San Francesco comes from the same lake, which

likewise is very great; because rivers that flow from lakes are larger

than those which proceed from springs.

In the year 1527, Panfilo de Narvaez sailed from St Lucar de Barameda

with five ships, having 600 soldiers, 100 horses, and great abundance of

provisions, ammunition, and all other necessaries, to take possession of

Florida, as far as the river Palmas, of which he was appointed governor.

Not being able to land at the place he wished, he went on shore with 300

of his soldiers, some horses, and a supply of provisions, nearer Cape

Florida, ordering the ships to proceed to the river Palmas, in which

voyage they were nearly all lost Those who escaped shipwreck, suffered

extreme hardships from hunger and thirst on a dry barren island, called

Xamo by the natives, and which the Spaniards named _Malhada_. In this

island they were attacked by the natives, and many, both of the Spaniards

and natives, were slain.

Narvaez, and his people, saw some gold among the Indians of Florida, who

said they had it from _Apalachen_. He therefore went to that town in

search of gold, where they found abundance of bay trees, and others of

many different kinds, and plenty of beasts and birds, but neither gold

nor silver. From Apalachen, he went to a town called Aute, and from:

thence to Xamo, a poor and barren country. In this place, the natives

requested the Spaniards to cure their sick, of whom they had great

numbers; and the Spaniards being in extreme poverty and distress, prayed

for the sick, and used such endeavours as were in their power, towards

their relief: And it pleased God that many, both of the sick, and those

who were ill from wounds, recovered; nay, even one that was supposed to

be dead, was, by them, restored to life. Owing to this, the Spaniards

were greatly esteemed, and even reputed as gods, so that the people

offered them no injury, and even gave them such things as they had. By

these means, they passed through many countries, and many strange nations,

differing from each other in language, customs, and dress, and came at

length among a people that lived continually among their flocks and herds,

like the Arabs. Many of the tribes through which they travelled were so

poor as to feed on snakes, lizards, spiders, ants, and all kinds of

vermin, yet were well contented with their hard fore, and were much given

to singing and dancing. This people are reported to purchase all their

wives from their enemies, and to kill all their own daughters, lest by

marrying into hostile tribes their enemies should increase in numbers. In

some places, the women continued to suckle their children till they were

ten or twelve years old; and there were certain men, being hermaphrodites,

who married each other. In this manner, the Spaniards penetrated above

800 leagues, or 3200 miles through the country, till at length, not above

seven or eight of the whole armament reached the city of St Michael of

Calvacan, in lat. 23°. N. or higher, on the coast of the South Sea[61].

Learning, as has been formerly mentioned, that Garcia de Louisa had

passed through the Straits of Magellan, on a voyage to the _Islands of

Cloves_, Cortes fitted out three ships from Civitlanejo, now St

Christophers, in lat. 20°. N. on the western coast of New Spain, intending

to send there in search of Loaisa, and that they might discover the way

to the Moluccas, and open up the spice trade with New Spain. Leaving

Civatlanejo, on All Saints day, 1527, under the command of Alvaro de

Saavedra Ceron, the cousin of Cortes, they fell in with the islands

formerly discovered by Magellan, which he had named _the Pleasures_;

whence they sailed to the islands which had been discovered by Gomez de

Sequeira, and called by his name, but not knowing of this previous

discovery, he named them _Islas de los Reyes_, or the Isles of the Kings,

because discovered on Twelfth day. During this part of the voyage, two

ships of the squadron separated from Saavedra, and were never more heard

of. Sailing on from island to island, he arrived at the Island of Candiga,

where he ransomed two Spaniards for seventy ducats, who had belonged to

the crew of Loaisa, who was shipwrecked in that neighbourhood. Saavedra

reached the Moluccas in March 1528, and anchored at the Island of Gilolo,

where he found the sea calm, the winds moderate, and no tempests; and he

estimated the distance from thence to New Spain at 2050 leagues, or 8200

miles. At this period, Fernando de la Torre was governor of the Molucca

islands, and lived in the city of Tidore, having been chosen instead of

Martin Yniguez de Carquiçano, who was recently dead. Torre waged a fierce

war with Don George de Meneses, captain of the Portuguese; and in a fight

of the fourth of May, Saavedra took a Portuguese galliot, and slew

Fernando de Baldaya the captain. In June, Saavedra set sail on his return

towards New Spain, taking with him Simon de Brito, Patalin, and other

Portuguese prisoners; but, after several months sail, he was forced back

to Tidore by contrary winds, where Patalin was beheaded and quartered,

and the rest of the Portuguese prisoners hanged. In this year, 1528,

Cortes sent 200 infantry, and sixty cavalry, with a large force of

Mexicans, to explore and subdue the country of the Chihimecas, which was

reported to be rich in gold. He then took shipping for Spain, where he

landed with great pomp, bringing with him 250,000 marks in gold and

silver. On his arrival at Toledo, where the emperor then resided; he was

very graciously received. The emperor created him marquis _della Valle_,

and married him to the lady Jane de Zuniga, daughter to the Conde de

Aguilar; after which he returned to resume the government of New Spain.

Saavedra, of whom we have lately made mention, returned from the Moluccas

towards New Spain, in May 1529: and, during, the voyage, came in sight of

land, in lat. 2°S. He ran along the coast to the S.S.E. from that time to

the end of August, upwards of 500 leagues, finding a clean coast, free

from shoals and rocks, with good anchoring ground, inhabited by a black

people, with curled hair. The people of the Moluccas named the inhabitants

of this coast _Papuas_ because they are black with frizzled hair and both

Portuguese and Spaniards have adopted the same name. Having reached to

four or five degrees south of the line, he returned northwards; and near

the equinoctial he discovered an island, which he called _de los Pintados_,

or of the painted people, as the inhabitants were of a white complexion,

but marked with a hot iron[62]; and, from various circumstances, he

concluded that they were originally from China. A kind of boat put off

from the shore, containing a number of these islanders, making many

threatening signs and gestures, as if ordering the Spaniards to go away

from their land, and even proceeded to throw stones from slings at the

ship, but, as the stones did no harm, Saavedra would not allow his people

to fire upon them. A little beyond this island, in 10° or 12° of north

latitude, they discovered a group, consisting of many small low islands,

covered with grass, and full of palm trees, to which they gave the name of

_Los Jardines_, or the gardens[63]. Saavedra came to anchor in the midst

of these islands, where he remained several days, and concluded that the

people had come originally from China, but had, by long residence,

degenerated into lawless savages, using no labour or industry. They wear a

species of white cloth, made of grass, and are quite ignorant of fire,

which put them in great terror. Instead of bread they eat cocoas, which

they pull unripe, burying them for some days in the sand, and then laying

them in the sun, which causes them to open. They eat fish also, which they

catch from a kind of boat called _parao_, or _proa_, which they construct

with tools made of shells, from pine wood that is drifted at certain times

to their islands, from some unknown regions. The wind and weather becoming

more favourable for his return to New Spain, Saavedra resumed his voyage

thither, intending to have gone to Panama, to unload the cloves and other

merchandize he had brought from the Moluccas. His purpose was to have

carried this merchandize in carts from Panama, about four leagues, or

sixteen miles overland, to the river Chagre, which is said to be navigable,

and which discharges itself into the North Sea not far from Nombre de Dios,

where the goods could be reshipped for Spain; by which means all kind of

goods might be brought from India in a shorter time, and with less danger,

than by sailing round the Cape of Good Hope, as the voyage from the

Moluccas to Panama is almost a perfectly straight course between the line

and the tropics. But, in the present voyage, they were never able to

procure a favourable wind, and were therefore forced back to the Moluccas,

where they arrived in great affliction, as Saavedra died by the way[64].

Had Saavedra lived, he intended to have opened a navigable communication

from sea to sea, through the land of Castilia del Oro and New Spain, which

might have been done in one or other of the following places:--1. From the

gulph of St Michael to Uraba, which is 25 leagues, or 100 miles. 2. From

Panama to Nombre de Dios, which is 17 leagues, or 68 miles, much the

greater part consisting of the river Chagre, navigable for small craft. 3.

Through the river Xaquator, now St Juan, in the province of Nicaragua,

which springs out of a lake that reaches to within three or four leagues

of the South Sea, and falls into the North Sea, being navigable by large

boats and lighters. 4. The other place is from Tecoantepec, through a

river, to Verdadera Cruz, in the bay of Honduras[65].

In the year 1529, Damiano de Goes, a Portuguese, travelled over all Spain,

and went from Flanders into England and Scotland, being at the courts of

the kings of these countries; after that he returned into Flanders, and

travelled through Zealand, Holland, Brabant, Luxemburgh, Switzerland, and

through the cities of Cologne, Spires, Strasburg, Basil, and other parts

of Germany, and so back to Flanders. He went thence into France, through

Piccardy, Normandy, Champagne, Burgundy, the dukedom of Bourbon, Gascony,

Languedoc, Dauphiny, and Savoy; passing into Italy by Milan, Ferrara, and

Lombardy, to Venice. Turning back, he passed through the territory of

Genoa, the dukedom of Florence, and all Tuscany, to Rome and Naples.

Thence back, through Italy, to Ulm, in Germany, and through Swabia,

Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, and Hungary, to the confines of Greece.

Thence through Poland, Prussia, and Livonia, to the great dukedom of

Moscovy; and thence back into Germany, and through the dominions of the

Landgrave, and the dukedom of Saxony, into Denmark, Gothland, and Norway,

penetrating to lat. 70°.N. In the course of these travels, which occupied

him during 22 years, he saw, spoke to, and was conversant with, all the

kings, princes, nobles, and chief cities of all Christendom; for which

reason, I thought the great extent of his travels was worthy of

remembrance.

In 1529 or 1530, Melchior de Sosa Tavarez went from Ormus to Bassora, and

the islands of Gissara, with some ships of war, and sailed up to where the

Euphrates and Tigris unite together, being the first of the Portuguese who

had sailed so far on the fresh water in these parts. Not long after this,

a Portuguese, named Ferdinando Coutinho, being at Ormus, determined to

return overland from thence to Portugal. For this purpose he went to

Arabia, and up the river Euphrates, for the space of a month, and saw many

countries and kingdoms that had not been before visited by the Portuguese.

He was made prisoner at Damascus; whence he crossed the province of Syria

to the city of Aleppo. He had been at the holy sepulchre in Jerusalem, in

the city of Cairo, and at Constantinople, where the Great Turk resides.

After seeing that Court, he passed over to Venice; and, from thence,

through Italy, France, and Spain, to Portugal, he came back to Lisbon.

This person, and Damiano de Goes, were the most adventurous of the

Portuguese, who, in our time, had seen and discovered the greatest extent

of foreign realms for their own satisfaction.

About the year 1530, Francis Pizarro, who has been already mentioned as

having gone to Spain to obtain the government of Peru, returned to Panama,

having procured all things as he wished, carrying with him four brothers,

Ferdinand, John, Gonsalvo, and Francis Martines de Alcantara[66]. They

were not well received by Diego de Almagro and his friends, because

Pizarro had not sufficiently represented his merits in the discovery of

Peru to the emperor, in which he had lost an eye, but took the whole merit

to himself. In the end, however, they agreed; and Almagro supplied Pizarro

with seven hundred pezoes of gold, providing him likewise with provisions

and ammunition, and other necessaries towards his intended expedition

against Peru. Soon after this arrangement with Almagro, Pizarro, and his

four brothers before-mentioned, set out with such soldiers and horses as

they could procure on their expedition. Being unable, from contrary winds,

to reach Tumbez, where he proposed to have landed, he was under the

necessity of disembarking at the river of Peru; whence he marched along

the coast with great difficulty, on account of many rivers and marshes, in

which some of his men were drowned in crossing. Coming to the town of

Coache, they found much gold and emeralds in that place; some of which

they broke, to see if they were perfect. From thence Pizarro sent twenty

thousand pezoes of gold to Almagro at Panama, to enable him to send

supplies of men, horses, ammunition, and provisions, and went from Coache

to the haven named _Porte Viejo_, where he was joined by Sebastian

Benalcazar, with all the supplies he had sent for. In the year 1531, after

the arrival of these reinforcements, Pizarro passed over from Porto Viejo

to the rich island of Puna, in the bay of Guayaquil, where he was

outwardly well received by the governor, who yet conspired to kill him and

his men; but Pizarro prevented him, and took many of the Indians, whom he

bound with chains of gold and silver. Such was the jealousy of the

governor of Puna, that he caused those who had the charge of his wives to

have their noses and privities cut off. In this place, Pizarro found above

six hundred prisoners belonging to king Atabalipa, who was then at war

with his eldest brother Guascar. Pizarro set these prisoners at liberty,

on promise of procuring him a friendly reception in Peru; but they forgot

their engagements afterwards, and excited the people to war against the

Spaniards. From Puna, Pizarro sent three Spaniards to Tumbez, in Peru, to

treat of amity; but the Peruvians seized them, and put them to death. On

hearing of this cruel action, Pizarro crossed over to the main, and made a

sudden attack, during the night, on the city of Tumbez, killing great

numbers of the inhabitants. The remainder submitted and made peace,

presenting him large gifts of gold and silver, and other riches. Pizarro

then built a town on the river Cira, which he named St Michael of

Tangarara, which was the first habitation of the Christians in these parts;

and he appointed Sebastian de Benalcazar to the command. After this, he

made search for a secure haven on the coast, and found one every way to

his wish at Payta.

In the same year, 1531, Diego de Ordas went, with 600 soldiers and 35

horses, to settle the country on the Maranon, or river of the Amazons; but,

dying on the voyage, this expedition proved fruitless. Afterwards, in the

year 1534, Hierom Artal was sent thither with 130 soldiers, yet he came

not to the river, but formed settlements at _St Michael de Neveri_, and

other places in Paria. Aries d'Acugna, a Portuguese gentleman, went

likewise to the Maranon, with ten ships, 900 men, and 130 horses, where he

spent much, and did little to purpose; but the greatest loser in this

expedition was John de Barros. This great river Maranon is in lat. 3°

S.[67], its mouth being 15 leagues, or 60 miles across, with many inhabited

islands, on which there are many trees producing incense, much larger than

those of Arabia. It produces gold and precious stones, and an emerald was

found there as large as the palm of the hand. The people of that country

make a kind of drink of a species of oats that are as large as quinces.

Nunnez de Gusman was sent from Mexico, in 1531, with 500 soldiers, half of

whom were cavalry, and 6000 Indians to carry his baggage and provisions,

to discover and subdue the countries to the northwest of the kingdom of

Mexico. In this expedition he reduced the countries of Xalisco,

Ceintiliquipac, Ciametlan, Tovalla, Cnixo, Ciamolla, Culhuacan, and other

places. On this expedition he marched through Mechuacan, where he acquired

much gold, and 10,000 marks of silver. To the country of Xalisco he gave

the name of New Galicia, because it was rugged and mountainous, and the

people robust and hardy. He built many towns in the conquered countries;

particularly Compostella, Guadalajara, after the place of his own birth in

Spain, Santo Espirito de la Conception, and St Michael, which last is in

lat. 24° N. In 1532, Cortes sent Diego Hurtado de Mendoça in two ships

from Acapulco, which is 70 leagues from Mexico, on purpose to explore the

coast of the South Sea, as he had been ordered to do by the emperor.

Mendoça sailed from Acapulco to the harbour of Xalisco, or Xalis, on the

river Barania, in lat. 22° N. where he wished to take in wood and water.

But he was resisted there, by the orders of Nunnes de Gusman, and obliged

to proceed on his voyage. Some of his men mutinied, and he put them all on

board one of his ships, that they might return to New Spain. Being in want

of water, these people put in at the bay of Vanderas, not far south from

Xalis, where they were all slain by the Indians. In this voyage of

discovery, Hurtado sailed 200 leagues along the coast, but did nothing

worthy of being recorded.

In 1533, Pizarro went from Tumbez to Caxamalca, where he took king

Atabalipa prisoner, who engaged to pay a vast sum in gold and silver for

his ransom. On purpose to procure this, Pedro de Varco and Ferdinando do

Sotto were sent to the city of Cusco, in lat. 17° S.[68], a journey of 200

leagues, all upon causeways of stone, with bridges wherever necessary, and

having lodging-places at proper distances for the conveniency of the

_Yngas_, by which name the kings of Peru are distinguished. The armies of

the Peruvians are very numerous, as they often bring more than 100,000 men

into the field; and they lodge on these causeways, as already mentioned,

where they always have abundance of provisions and other necessaries, as

is said to be the custom in China. Ferdinando Pizarro went with some

horsemen to Paciacama, 100 leagues from Caxamalca, to discover the country;

and, on his return, he learnt that Guascar, the brother of Atabalipa, had

been put to death by his command; and that Ruminaguy, the general of the

army of Atabalipa, had risen in arms, in the city of Quito, against the

Spaniards. After the reception of this intelligence, Atabalipa was

strangled by the orders of Pizarro[69]. After the death of the two kings

of the Peruvians, Pizarro continually extended his authority over the

dominions of Peru, and built many cities, towns, and forts, in convenient

situations, to hold the country under subjection. He detached Sebastian de

Benalcazar, whom he had before made governor of St Michael de Tangarara,

with 200 infantry and 80 horse, to Quito, against Ruminaguy. Benalcazar

proceeded successfully in reducing the country to subjection from one city

to another, eastwards, for 120 leagues, not far from the equinoctial line;

where Peter Alvarado found certain mountains so cold, and loaded with such

quantities of snow, that 70 of his men were frozen to death. Having

reduced the city of Quito, he established himself and his people in that

place, calling it the city of St Francis; and it seemed very strange to

the Spaniards to find, in that country, abundance of cattle, wheat, barley,

and other plants, similar to those of Spain. After sending Benalcazar to

reduce the city of Quito, Pizarro himself undertook to reduce the royal

residence of Cusco, in about 13° 20' S. in which expedition he was opposed

by Quisquiz, a Peruvian general, whom he easily defeated; and he soon

afterwards took possession of Cusco, the exceedingly rich and wealthy

capital of the Peruvian monarchy. About this time Mango, a brother of

Atabalipa, joined Pizarro, who made him Ynga, or king of the country, in

name only, while he assumed the whole authority and revenues of the

kingdom to himself[70].

In the same year, 1534; Jaques Cartier, a native of Britanny, went with

three ships to the land of Corterealis[71], and the gulf of St Lawrence,

otherwise called _Golfo Quadrato_, or the square gulf, which he fell in

with in lat. 48° 30' N. He proceeded northwards to the latitude of 51°, in

the hope of being able to penetrate in that direction to China, by a north-

west passage, to bring drugs and other merchandize from thence to France.

Next year Cartier made a second voyage to the same regions, and found the

country pervaded by many large rivers, and abounding in provisions. He

sailed 300 leagues up one of these rivers, in a south-west direction, and

named the country New France, now Canada; but finding the water to become

fresh, he was satisfied there could be no passage that way to the South

Sea; and having wintered in the country, he returned next year to France.

About the end of the year 1535, or beginning of 1536, Don Anthony de

Mendoça came from Spain to the city of Mexico, as Viceroy of New Spain,

being appointed to supersede Cortes, the discoverer and conqueror of that

rich and extensive territory. At this time Cortes was absent from the seat

of government, having gone to Tecoantepec, on purpose to fit out two ships

on a voyage of discovery. These he sent out under the command of Fernando

de Grijalva and Diego Bezerra de Mendoça, the former having a Portuguese

pilot, named Acosta, and the pilot to the latter being Fortunio Ximenez, a

Biscayan. On the first night after leaving Tecoantepec, the two ships

separated. Ximenez raised a mutiny against his captain, in which Bezerra

was slain, and many of the crew wounded. Some time afterwards, Ximenez

went on shore in the bay of Santa Cruz, for wood and water, where he, and

more than 20 of his people, were slain by the Indians. Two of the mariners,

who were in the boat, escaped to Xalisco, and told Nunnes de Gusman, who

commanded at that place, that they had seen indications of pearls during

the voyage. Gusman went accordingly with, a ship in search of pearls, and

explored above 150 leagues of the coast[72].

It is said that Grijalva sailed 300 leagues from Tecoantepec, without

seeing any land, except one small island in 20° N. to which he gave the

name St Thomas, as having been discovered on the day of that saint[73].

In the year 1535, Pizarro built the city which he named _Ciudad de los

Reys_, or of the kings, on the river of Lima, in lat. 20° S; to which he

removed the inhabitants of Xauxa, as a more convenient situation for the

residence; of the government, and in a better country[74]. He built also

the city of St Jago in Porto Viejo, and many other towns, both along the

coast and in the inland country; and he procured from Spain horses, asses,

mules, cattle, hogs, goats, and sheep, to stock his territories, and many

kinds of trees and plants, such as rosemary, oranges, lemons, citrons,

vines, and other fruits, wheat, barley, and other grains, with radishes,

and many other kinds of vegetables, which were disseminated all over the

country[75]. in the same year, Diego de Almagro went from the city of

Cusco to the provinces of Arequipa and Chili, in lat. 30° S. The march was

of great length, and he discovered a great extent of country; but he

suffered great extremities of cold, hunger, and fatigue, in consequence of

the ruggedness of the mountains, and the ice and snow, insomuch that many

of his men and horses were frozen to death. About this time Ferdinando

Pizarro came from Spain to the city of Lima, bringing with him the patent

of Marquis of Atanillos, for his brother, Francis Pizarro, and a

commission for Diego de Almagro, by which he was appointed governor of all

the land he had hitherto discovered, and 100 leagues beyond, under the

name of the _New kingdom of Toledo_. Ferdinando Pizarro went to the city

of Cusco, of which he was made governor, and John de Rada went into Chili

to Almagro, carrying with him the orders of the emperor. On receiving the

letters patent of the emperor, Almagro marched directly for Cusco, which

he considered to be included in his government, by which a civil war was

kindled between him and Pizarro. On this march he and his people were

severely oppressed by famine, and were even forced to feed upon their

horses which had died four months and a half before, when on their march

southwards into Chili[76].

In this same year, 1535, Nunnez d'Acunha, who was governor of India for

the crown of Portugal, while building a fortress, in the city of Diu, sent

a fleet, under the command of Vasquez Perez del San Paio, to the river

Indus, which is under the tropic of Cancer, 90 or 100 leagues to the north-

west from Diu. He also sent an army against Badu, the king of Cambaia, or

Guzerat, of which a renegado named Cosesofar was captain[77]. The fleet

came to the bar of the great river Indus in December, where the same

phenomena were observed as were formerly experienced by Alexander,

according to the relation of Quintus Curtius[78].

In the same year, Simon de Alcazava sailed from Seville, with two ships

and 240 men. Some say he was destined for New Spain, others for the

Moluccas, and others again that he meant to have proceeded for China,

where he had formerly been, along with Ferdinando Perez de Andrada.

However this may have been, he went first to the Canaries, and from thence

to the straits of Magellan, without touching at Brazil, or any other part

of the coast of South America, and entered into these straits in the month

of December, having contrary winds, and very cold weather. Under these

difficulties, the soldiers entreated him to turn back, which he refused,

and went into a haven on the south side of the straits, in lat. 53° S.

where he ordered Roderigo de Isla to land, with 60 of the people, to

explore the country; but the people mutinied against Alcazava, and slew

him; and, having appointed such captains and officers as they thought

proper, they returned back. In their voyage homewards, one of the ships

was lost on the coast of Brazil, and such of the Spaniards as escaped

drowning, were killed and eaten by the savages. The other ship went to St

Jago, in the island of Hispaniola, and thence returned to Seville, in

Spain[79]. In the same year, Don Pedro de Mendoça went from Cadiz for the

river Plata, with twelve ships and 2000 men, being the largest armament,

both of ships and men, that had ever been sent from Spain to the new world.

Mendoça died on his return to Spain, but most part of his men remained in

the country on the Rio Plata, where they built a large city, containing

now 2000 houses, in which great numbers of Indians dwell along with the

Spaniards. From this place they discovered and conquered the country to a

great extent, even to the mines of Potosi and the town of La Plata[80],

which is at the distance of 500 miles from Buenos Ayres.

Cortes having learnt, in the year 1536, that his ship, of which Fortunio

Ximenez was pilot, had been seized by Nunnez de Guzman, sent three ships

to Xalisco, while he marched thither by land with a respectable force; and,

on his arrival there, he found his ship all spoiled and rifled. When his

small squadron was come round to Xalisco, he went himself on board, and

left Andrew de Tapia to command his land force. Setting sail from thence,

he came, on the first of May, to a point of land, which he named Cape St

Philip, and, to an island close by this cape, he gave the name of St Jago.

Three days afterwards, he came to the bay where the pilot Ximenez was

killed, which he named Bahia de Santa Cruz, where he went on land, and

sent out Andrew de Tapia to explore the country. Cortes again set sail,

and came to the river now called _Rio de San Pedro y San Paulo_, where the

ships were separated by a tempest. One was driven to the bay of Santa Cruz,

another to the river of Guajaval, and the third was stranded on the coast

near Xalisco, whence the crew went overland to Mexico. After waiting a

long while for his other two ships, Cortes made sail, and entered into the

gulf of California, otherwise called _Mar Vermejo_, or the Vermilion Sea,

and by some, the sea of Cortes. Having penetrated 50 leagues within that

gulf, he espied a ship riding at an anchor, and, on his approach towards

her, had nearly been lost, if he had not received assistance from that

other ship. Having repaired his own ship, he departed from thence with

both ships; and, having procured provisions at a very dear rate, at St

Michael de Culiacan, he went to the harbour of Santa Cruz, where he

received information that Don Antonio de Mendoça had arrived from Spain as

Viceroy of Mexico. He therefore left Francis de Ulloa with the command of

his ships, ordering him to proceed on discoveries; and going to Acapulco,

he received a messenger from Don Antonio de Mendoça, the new viceroy,

certifying his arrival, and the assumption of his authority. Mendoça

likewise sent him the copy of a letter from Francis Pizarro, stating that

Mango, the Inca of Peru, had risen in arms, and assailed the city of Cusco

with 100,000 fighting men, having slain his brother, John Pizarro, and

above 400 Spaniards, with 200 horses; and that he himself, and the Spanish

dominions in Peru, were in imminent danger, unless speedily and

effectually assisted.

Cortes, not yet resolved on submitting to the authority of Mendoça, fitted

out two ships, under the command of Ferdinando de Grijalva and one

Alvarado, on purpose to discover the route to the Moluccas by the way of

the equinoctial line, because the islands of Cloves are under that

parallel. They went first to St Michael de Tangarara, in Peru, where they

landed succours for Pizarro, and thence, all along the line, to the

Moluccas, as they were ordered; and they are said to have sailed above

1000 leagues without sight of land on either side the whole way. At length,

in lat. 2° N. they discovered an island named _Asea_, which was believed

to be one of the islands of Cloves. Five hundred leagues farther, more or

less, they came to another, which they named _Isla de los Pescadores_, or

island of Fishers. Going still in the same course, they saw another island,

called _Hayme_, on the south side of the line, and another named _Apia_,

after which they came in sight of _Seri_. Turning one degree to the north,

they came to anchor at an island named _Coroa_, whence they came to

another under the line named _Memousum_, and thence to _Busu_, still

holding on the same course[81].

The people of all these islands are black, with frizzled hair, whom the

people of the Moluccas call Papuas. Most of them are witches, and eat

human flesh; and are so much given to wickedness, that the devils walk

among them as companions. Yet when these wicked spirits find any of the

Papuas alone, they kill him with cruel blows, or smother him; for which

reason they always go out in companies of two or three together. There is

in this country a bird as large as a crane, which has no wings wherewith

to fly, but runs on the ground with the swiftness of a deer, and, of the

small feathers of this bird, the natives make hair for their idols. They

have likewise a particular herb, the leaf of which, after being washed in

warm water, if laid on any member, and licked with the tongue, will even

draw out the whole blood of a mans body; and, by means of this leaf, the

natives let blood of themselves, when afflicted by sickness.

From these islands they came to others named the _Guellas_, in lat. 1° N.

_east and west_[82], from the island of Ternate, in which the Portuguese

have a fortress. These islands are 124 leagues from the island of _Moro_,

and between forty and fifty leagues from Ternate. From thence they went to

the island of _Moro_[83], and the islands of Cloves, going about from one

island to another; but the natives would not permit them to land, desiring

them to go to the fortress, where captain _Antonio Galvano_, the author of

this work, would receive them in a friendly manner, who was, as they

stiled him, _factor_ of the country, and they could not be allowed to land

without his license. This circumstance is worthy of being noticed, that

the natives were so well affected to the Portuguese as to venture their

lives, with their wives, children, and goods, in their service.

In the year 1537, John de Vadillo, the governor of Carthagena, went with a

powerful armament from the port called _St Sebastian de Buena Vista_, in

the gulf of Uraba, to the Rio Verde, whence he went by land, without

previously knowing any part of the way, and without carriages, to the very

extremity of Peru and the town of La Plata, a distance of 1200 leagues, a

most memorable journey. The whole country, from the Rio Verde to the

mountains of Abibe, is full of rugged hills, thick forests, and many

rivers, through which they had to pierce their way with infinite toil. The

mountains of Abibe are said to be twenty leagues broad, and can only be

passed over in the months of January, February, March, and April, as from

incessant heavy rains at all other times of the year, the rivers are so

swelled as to be quite impassable. In these mountains there are many herds

of swine, many dantes, lions, tigers, bears, ounces, large wild-cats,

monkeys, vast snakes, and other vermin. There are also abundance of

partridges, quails, turtle-doves, pigeons, and other birds of many

different kinds. The rivers also were so full of fish that they killed

them with staves; and they affirmed, if they had been provided with rods

and nets, that a very large company of men might be subsisted, without

ever being in distress for want of food. In this expedition they noted the

diversities of people, languages, dress, and other circumstances, during

the whole way, through many countries, kingdoms, and, provinces, and the

great difficulties and dangers they encountered till their arrival at the

_Villa de la Plata_, and the adjoining sea. This was the most extensive

discovery which has been ever heard of by land, and in so short a time;

insomuch that, if it had not been performed in our own days, it could

hardly have been credited[84].

In 1538, certain friars of the order of St Francis went from Mexico to

preach to the natives in the northern part of New Spain, and to convert

them to the Catholic faith. One Mark de Nizza penetrated farther than any

of the rest.--Passing through Culvacan, or Culiacan, he came into the

province of Sibola, or Cinaloa, where he pretended to have found seven

cities, and that the farther he went the richer was the country in gold,

silver, and precious stones, with many sheep bearing wool of great

fineness. On the fame of this wealth, the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoça,

and Cortes, determined to send a force to take possession of the country;

but, as they could not agree on this subject, Cortes and his wife went

over to Spain in 1540, where he died seven years afterwards[85].

In 1538, I, Antonio Galvano, being governor of the Molucca islands, sent a

ship, commanded by Francis de Castro, towards the north, with orders to

convert as many as he could to the Christian Faith. Castro himself

baptized many; as the lords of Celebes, Maccassar, Amboina, Moro, Moratax,

and of several other places. On his arrival at the island of Mindanao, six

kings received the water of baptism from de Castro, with their wives,

children, and subjects; and I gave orders that most of these should

receive the name of John, in honour of king John III. who then reigned in

Portugal.

The Portuguese and Spaniards who have been in these islands, affirm that

there are in them a certain species of hogs, which, besides the ordinary

teeth in their jaws, have two others growing out of their snouts, and

other two behind their ears, of a large span and a-half in length[86].

There is likewise said to be a certain tree, that part of which that grows

towards the east is a sure antidote against all kinds of poison, while the

western half of the same tree is itself a deadly poison. The fruit of this

tree is like large pease; of which is made the strongest poison on earth.

There is another tree of a very singular nature, for if any one eat of its

fruit, he becomes twelve hours mad; and, on regaining his senses, cannot

remember any thing that happened during his madness. There are likewise

certain land-crabs, which have the same effect of producing temporary

madness when eaten. The islanders also pretend that there is a certain

stone in these islands of so wonderful a property, that whoever happens to

sit upon it is sure to be afflicted with rupture. It is farther worthy of

remark, that the inhabitants of these islands gild their teeth.

In the year 1539, three ships which had been ordered by Cortes to discover

the coast northwards from Culiacan, and which sailed from Acapulco, under

the command of Francis Ulloa, having touched at _St Jago de Buena

Sperança_, entered into the gulf of California, which Cortes discovered,

and sailed up that gulf till they came almost to the farther end of it, in

lat. 32° N. at a place which they named _Ancon de San Andres_, because

they came there on the day of that Saint. They returned southward along

the other, or western coast of the gulf of California; and, having doubled

the point of that peninsula, called _Cabo de San Lucas_, within certain

islands, they sailed northwards, along the external coast of California,

till they again reached to the same latitude of 32° N. whence they

returned into New Spain; forced to this measure by contrary winds and want

of provisions, after having been absent a whole year on this voyage. In

these discoveries, Cortes expended 200,000 ducats, according to his own

account[87]. Cortes and his captains explored the coast of New Spain, from

the lat. of 12° N. to 32° or 700 leagues; all of which was rather warm

than cold, although snow is found on some of the mountains for the greater

part of every year. From Cabo del Enganno to Cabo de Liampa in China, the

distance is 1000 or 1200 leagues.

In New Spain there are many trees, flowers, and fruits of various kinds,

that are useful to man. The principal tree is named _Metl_, which does not

grow either very tall or very thick. The natives plant and dress this tree

as we do our vines; and they allege that it has forty different kinds of

leaves, resembling woven cloth, which serve for many useful purposes. When

tender, these leaves are made into conserves. From it they make a kind of

paper, and a substance like flax; and it is also manufactured into mantles,

mats, shoes, girdles, and cordage. This tree produces such strong and

sharp prickles, that they are used instead of needles for sewing. The

roots are used as fuel; and their ashes make excellent ley for the

manufacture of soap. The natives open up the earth from the roots of this

tree, and, by scraping or wounding them, they extract a juice which is a

rich syrup. By boiling this juice, it is converted into honey; and, when

purified, it becomes sugar; and may likewise be made into wine and vinegar.

The fruit of this tree is called _Coco_. The rind roasted, crushed, and

applied to sores or wounds, has a most healing quality. The juice of the

roots and tops, mixed with incense, is a sovereign antidote against the

bite of a viper and other poisons. From all these useful properties, this

is the most profitable tree that is known in these parts[88].

There are certain birds in New Spain called Vicmalim, having a long small

bill, which live on dew and the juice of roses and other flowers; their

feathers are very small, and of beautiful colours, and are much esteemed

to work up into ornaments with gold. These birds die, or sleep rather,

every year in the month of October, sitting on a small bough in some warm

and close place; and they revive again in the month of April, when the

flowers appear. There are snakes likewise in this country, which sound as

if they had bells attached to them, when they creep along. There are other

snakes also, which are said to engender by the mouth, as vipers are

reported to do with us. There are likewise certain hogs, which have a

navel on the ridge of the back; which the hunters cut out the moment they

are killed, as otherwise the carcase would corrupt and stink, so as to be

uneatable. Besides which, there are certain fishes which are named

_Snorters_, because they make a snorting noise like hogs[89].

In the year 1538, a civil war broke out in Peru, between Pizarro and

Almagro; in the course of which, Almagro was taken prisoner and beheaded.

After which, in the year 1539, Pizarro sent Peter to Baldivia into Chili;

where he was at first well received, but the people afterwards rose

against him, and sought to put him to death by treason. Notwithstanding

the long and severe war he had to wage against the natives of Chili,

Baldivia explored the country to a great extent, discovering the whole

coast as far as lat. 40° S. and even further. While Baldivia was occupied

in these discoveries, he received intelligence of a king called

_Lucengolma_, who commonly brought 200,000 men into the field, when

engaged in war against another neighbouring king. Lucengolma was likewise

said to have a temple in an island, in which there were 2000 priests. It

was farther reported, that beyond the dominions of this king, there lay a

country inhabited by a nation of Amazons, whose queen was named

_Guanomilla_, which signifies _the golden heaven_. But, hitherto, these

things rest merely on report, and have not been ascertained for truth, by

actual discovery. About this time Gomez de Alvarado reduced the province

of _Guanaco_ to obedience; and Francis de Chavez subdued the _Conchincos_,

who often vexed the town of Truxillo and its adjoining country, by various

inroads. Peter de Vergara reduced the _Bracamores_, a people to the north

of Quito; John Perez de Veragara subdued the _Ciaciapoians_; Alfonsos de

Mercadiglio subdued the people of _Mulubamba_; Ferdinando and Gonsalvo

Pizarro reduced _Collao_, a country rich in gold; the lower part of which

was subdued by Peter de Candia; Peranzures went also on an expedition into

the same country. In this manner the Spaniards dispersed themselves over

the whole country, and conquered an extent of more than 700 leagues; yet

not without much labour, and considerable loss of men[90].

The countries of Brazil and Peru stand east and west from each other,

their coasts being almost 800 leagues distant at the nearest points, which

are the Cape of St Augustine and the harbour of Truxillo, nearly in the

same parallel of latitude. The greatest extent of Peru, measuring from the

river of Peru in the north, to the Straits of Magellan in the south, is

950 leagues. Through the whole of this country certain mountains, called

the Andes, extend from north to south, which divide Brazil on the east,

from Peru, or the empire of the Incas on the west. In the same manner, the

mountains of Taurus and Imaus divide Asia into two parts; which mountains

begin on the Mediterranean, in 36 or 37 degrees of north latitude, over

against the islands of Rhodes and Cyprus, and extend eastwards to the sea

of China. Thus, likewise, the mountains of Atlas in Africa divide the

_tawny_ moors from the _black_ moors, or negroes who have frizzled hair.

These mountains begin at Mount _Moies_, near the desert of Barca, and

extend under the tropic of Cancer to the Atlantic; The mountains of the

Andes are high and rugged, and barren in some places, without trees or

even grass; and it almost always either rains or snows on their highest

ranges, accompanied with sudden and violent tempests of wind. There is so

great a scarcity of wood in these parts, that the inhabitants use turf or

peats for fuel, as is done in Flanders. In these mountains and countries,

the soil is in some places black, in others white, or red, blue, green,

yellow, and violet; and, with some of these earths, the natives dye

various colours, without using any other mixture. From the bottoms of

these mountains, but principally on the east side, there flow many rivers,

both small and great. Among these are the rivers Amazons, St Francis, and

La Plata, and many others, which pervade the country of Brasil[91], which

are much larger than those of Peru, or of Castilia del Oro. The country of

Peru, between the Andes and the western sea or Pacific, is from 15 to 20

leagues in breadth, all of a hot sandy soil, yet fertile, as being well

watered, and produces many excellent trees and fruits. It produces many

turnips, rapes, and other such herbs and roots; likewise abundance of

flags, rushes, herbs, and flowers, of so loose and tender a texture, that

the leaves drop off on the slightest touch. Among these herbs and fresh

flowers, the natives often dwell without beds or houses, even like cattle

in the fields, and some of them have tails[92]. These people are gross,

and wear long hair, but have no beards; and they speak divers languages.

One of the plants of this region called _aipo_, resembles rue, and bears a

yellow flower, which cures all kinds of rotten sores; yet, if applied to

sound flesh, will eat it to the bone.

They say that these mountains abound in tigers, lions, bears, wolves, wild-

cats, foxes, dantes, ounces, hogs, and deer; and with many birds, both

ravenous and others, most of them being black; while under the north, both

birds and beasts are mostly white. There are also great numbers of large

and terrible snakes, which are said to have destroyed a whole army of one

of the Incas, that was marching this way: Yet, according to report, an old

woman did so enchant them, that they became quite harmless and gentle,

insomuch that they would allow people to sit upon them. It is reported

that, from Tumbez to Chili, there are no peacocks, hens, cocks, nor any

eagles, hawks, kites, or other ravenous birds; but there are many ducks,

geese, herns, pigeons, partridges, quails, and many other kinds of birds.

There is likewise a certain fowl like a duck, which has no wings, but is

covered all over with fine thin feathers. A certain species of bitterns

are said to make war upon the sea-wolf or seal; for when this bird finds

them on land, it tries to pick out their eyes, that they may not see their

way back to the water, and then kills them; and the fight between the

bitterns and the seals is said to be a pleasant sight.

Those who live on the tops of the Andes, between the cold and the heat,

are mostly blind of one eye, and some are totally blind; so that hardly

can two men be found but one of them at least is half blind.

Notwithstanding the great heat of the sand in Peru, it yields good crops

of Maize and Potatoes, and an herb called _cocoa_, which the natives carry

continually in their mouths, as those in the East Indies do _Betle_, and

which they say satisfies both hunger and thirst. It is affirmed that, from

Tumbez southwards, for the space of 500 leagues, there is neither rain,

thunder nor lightning, with only some light showers. In Peru, there are

certain animals, called _xacos_[93] by the natives, and sheep by the

Spaniards, because they are covered with wool; but their shape resembles

that of deer, and they have saddle backs like a camel, and are capable of

carrying burdens of about a hundred weight each. The Spaniards ride upon

them; and, when weary, they turn their heads backward, and void a

wonderfully stinking liquor from their mouths. From the rivers La Plata

and Lima, or Rimac, inclusively to the southwards, there are no crocodiles,

lizards, snakes, or other venomous reptiles; but the rivers produce great

store of excellent fish. On the coast of St Michael on the South Sea,

there are many rocks of salt, covered with eggs. At the point of St Helena,

there are springs from which a liquor flows, that serves instead of pitch

and tar. It is said that there is a fountain in Chili which converts wood

into stone. In the haven of Truxillo, there is a lake of fresh water, the

bottom of which is good hard salt; and in the Andes, beyond Xauxa, there

is a fresh water river which flows over a bottom of white salt. It is also

affirmed that there formerly dwelt giants in Peru, of whom statues were

found at Porto Vejo; and that their jaw bones were found in the haven of

Truxillo, having teeth three or four fingers long.

In the year 1540, the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoça, sent Ferdinando

Alorchon with two ships, to explore the bottom of the gulph of California,

and divers other countries. In the same year, Gonsalvo Pizarro went from

Quito to discover the _Cinnamon_ country, of which there ran a great fame

in Peru. Taking with him a force of 200 Spaniards, partly horse and part

foot, with 300 Indians to carry the baggage, he marched to _Guixos_, the

most distant place or frontier of the empire of the Incas; in which place

there happened a great earthquake, accompanied with much rain and dreadful

lightning, by which seventy houses were swallowed up. From that place they

passed over a chain of cold and snowy mountains, where they found many

Indians frozen to death, and they wondered much at finding so much snow

immediately under the equinoctial line. From thence they proceeded to a

province called _Cumaco_, where they were detained two months on account

of constant rain; and beyond this, they came to the cinnamon trees, which

are of great size, with leaves resembling those of the bay tree. The

leaves, branches, roots, and every part of this tree, tasted like cinnamon,

but this taste and flavour was particularly strong in the root; yet that

was still stronger in certain knobs, like _alcornoques_, or acorns, which

were good merchandize. This appears to have been of the same nature with

wild cinnamon, of which there is great abundance in the East Indies,

particularly in the island of _Jaoa_, or Java. From this cinnamon country,

they proceeded onwards to the province and city of Coca, where they halted

for fifty days; after which they travelled for sixty leagues along a river,

without being able to find any bridge or ford at which they could pass

over. In one place they found this river to form a cataract of 200 fathoms

in perpendicular fall, making such a noise as was almost sufficient to

deafen any person who stood near. Not far beyond this fall, the river was

found to glide in a smooth channel, worn out of the rock; and at this

place they constructed a bridge by which they passed to the other side,

and entered into a country called Guema, which was so poor, that they

could only get fruit and herbs to subsist upon. Travelling onwards from

that place, they came to a district where the people had some degree of

civilization, and wore cotton clothing of their own manufacture, and used

canoes. They here built a brigantine, in which, and in some canoes,

procured or taken from the natives, they embarked their sick, with their

treasure, provisions, and spare apparel, under the charge of Francis de

Orellana; while Gonsalvo Pizarro marched by land with the rest of the

people along the river, going every night into the boats. In this manner

they proceeded for about 200 leagues; when one night, on coming to the

river side, in hopes of joining the boats as usual, Pizarro could not see

or hear of them. He and his people were reduced, by this unfortunate

incident, to a state of almost utter despair: In a strange, poor, and

barren country, without provisions, clothing, or any other convenience,

and at a vast distance from their friends, with a prodigious extent of

difficult and dangerous road interposed between them and Quito, they were

reduced to the necessity of eating their horses, and even their dogs. Yet

holding a good heart, they proceeded onwards in their journey for eighteen

months, penetrating, as is said, almost 500 leagues, without ever seeing

the sun or any thing else to comfort them. At length, of the 200 men who

had set out from Quito, only ten returned thither; and these so weak,

ragged, and disfigured, that they could not be recognized. Orellana went 5

or 600 leagues down the river, passing through various countries and

nations on both sides, among whom he affirmed that some were Amazons[94].

From the mouth of that river, Orellana went home to Spain, and excused

himself for having deserted Pizarro, and those who marched by land, by

alleging, that he had been forced down the river by the strength of the

current, which he was utterly unable to stem. By some, this river is named

after Orellana, who first navigated its waters; and others call it the

river of the Amazons, on account of a female nation of warriors, who are

said to inhabit its banks[95].

In the year 1541, Don Stephen de Gama, the Portuguese governor of India,

went with a squadron into the Red Sea, by the strait of Mecca, or of

Babelmandel, and came to anchor off the island of Maçua, or Massoua; from

whence he sailed along the coast of Abyssinia, or Ethiopia, to the island

of Suachem, in lat. 20° N. and to the harbour of Cossier, in 27°. From

thence, he crossed over to the Arabian shore, and the city of Toro, and

sailed from that place to Suez, at the farther end of the Red Sea, and

returned from thence to India, having extended the Portuguese knowledge of

that sea farther than had ever been done before. On the way between

Cossier and Toro, Gama is said to have found an island of brimstone, which

had been dispeopled by Mahomet, wherein many crabs are bred, which

increase nature, on which account, they are much sought after by the

unchaste.

It is true that Lopez Suarez, when governor of India, had navigated the

Red Sea, as far as Judda, the haven of Mecca, in lat. 23° N. 150 leagues

from the straits of Babelmandel; but Gama penetrated to the very northern

extremity of the gulph[96]. In the same year, Diego de Almagro killed the

Marquis Francis Pizarro, and his brother Francis Martinez de Alcantara, in

the city of Lima, or _de los Reyes_, and usurped the government of Peru.

In the same year, 1541, Don Antony de Mendça, viceroy of Mexico, sent an

army of Spaniards and Indians from Mexico, under the command of Francis

Vasquez de Coronado, by way of Culiacan, into the province of Sibola, or

Cinaloa, which is in lat. 30° N.[97]. Coronado endeavoured to treat on

friendly terms with the natives, and requested to be furnished with

provisions; but received for answer, that they were not accustomed to give

any thing to those who came unto their country in a warlike manner. Upon

this, the Spaniards assaulted and took the town, to which they gave the

name of New Granada, because the general was a native of Granada in Old

Spain. The soldiers found themselves much deceived by the reports of the

friars who had been in those parts, as already mentioned under the year

1538, who said that the country was rich in gold, silver, and precious

stones. Not being willing, therefore, to return empty-handed to Mexico,

they went to the town of _Acuco_, where they heard of _Axa_ and _Quivira_,

the king of which was reported to worship a golden cross, and the picture

of the Queen of Heaven, or the blessed Virgin. In this journey, the

Spaniards endured many hardships, but the Indians fled every where before

them, and one morning, they found thirty of their horses had died during

the night. From _Cicuic_ they went to _Quivira_, a distance of 200 leagues

in their estimation, the whole way being in a level country; and they

marked their route by means of small hillocks of cow dung, that they might

be the better able to find their way back. At one time they had a storm of

hail, the hailstones being as large as oranges. At length they reached

Quivira, where they found the King _Tatarax_, whose only riches consisted

in a copper ornament, which he wore suspended from his neck. They saw

neither cross, nor image of the virgin, nor any indication whatever of the

Christian religion. This country, according to their report, was very

thinly inhabited, more especially in its champaign or level parts, in

which the whole people wandered about with their cattle, of which they

have great abundance, living much in the same manner with the Arabs in

Barbary, removing from place to place according to the seasons, in search

of pastures for their cattle. The cattle belonging to these Indians are

almost as large as horses, having large horns, and bear fleeces of wool

like sheep, on which account the Spaniards gave them that name. They have

abundance of another kind of oxen or cattle, very monstrous in their form

having hunches on their backs like camels, with long beards, and long

manes like horses. The Indians live by eating these oxen, and by drinking

their blood, and clothe themselves in their skins. Most of their food is

raw, or at least slightly roasted, as they have no pots in which to boil

their food. They cut their meat with certain knives made of flint. Their

fruits are damsons, hazel-nuts, melons, grapes, pines, and mulberries.

They have dogs of such vast strength, that one of them will hold a bull,

be he never so wild. When the Indians remove from place to place, these

dogs carry their wives, children, and household stuff on their backs; and

are so strong as to carry fifty pounds at once[98]. I omit many other

circumstances of this expedition, because the plan I have prescribed

requires brevity[99].

In the year 1542, when Diego de Frietas was in the port of Dodra, in the

kingdom of Siam, three Portuguese of his crew deserted, and went in a junk

towards China. The names of these men were, Antonio de Mota, Francis

Zeimoro, and Antonio Pexoto; who directed their course for the city of

Liampa, in lat. 30° N. or upwards[100]. Having encountered a great storm,

they were driven to a distance from land distance from land, and came in

sight of an island far to the east, in lat. 32° N. which they called Japan,

and which seems to be the isle of Zipangri, mentioned by Marco Polo the

Venetian, which in exceedingly rich in gold and silver, and other valuable

commodities.

In the same year, 1542, Don Antonio de Mendoça, the viceroy of New Spain,

sent certain sea captains and pilots to explore the Coast of Cape del

Engannon, where a fleet, sent by Cortes, had been before. They sailed as

far as the latitude 40° N. when they came in sight of a range of mountains

covered in snow, which they name _Sierras Nevadas_, or the snowy mountains

in lat. 40°N. They here met with certain merchant ships, which carried on

their stems the images of a kind of birds called _Aleutarsi_, and had

their yards gilded, and their bows laid over with silver. These seemed to

belong to the islands of Japan or to China, as the people said that their

country was within thirty days sail[101]. In the same year, the viceroy

Mendoça sent a fleet of six ships, with 400 Spanish soldiers, and as many

Mexicans, under the command of his brother-in-law, Rui Lopez de Villa

Lobos, a person in high estimation, to the Mindanao islands. They sailed

on the eve of All Saints, from the harbour of Natividad, in lat. 20°N. and

shaping their course towards the west, they came in sight of the island of

St Thomas, which had been before discovered by Hernando de Girijalva; and

beyond that, in 17°N, they got sight of another island, which they named

_La Nebulata_ or the Cloudy Island; and from thence, they came to another

island, which they named _Roca Partalia_, or the cloven rock. On the 3rd.

of December, they discovered certain shoals, having only six or seven

fathoms water. On the fifteenth of the same month, they had sight of the

islands which were discovered by Diego de Roca, Gomez de Sequieira, and

Alvaro de Saavedra, called _Los Reyes_ or islands of the kings, because

discovered on Twelfth day. And beyond these, they found a cluster of

islands, in 10° of latitude, and came to an anchor in the midst of them,

where they took in wood and water. In January 1548 leaving these islands,

they came in sight of certain other islands, from which the natives came

off to them, in a kind of boats, bearing crosses in their hands, and they

saluted the mariners in the Spanish language, saying, _Buenos dias

Matelotes_, or, good day companions. The Spaniards were much surprised at

being thus accosted in their own language, and seeing such indications of

Christianity, at no great a distance from Spain, not knowing that many of

the natives in these parts had been baptised by Francis de Castro, at the

command of me, Antonio Galvano, an formerly mentioned. From these unlooked-

for circumstances, some of the Spaniards named these islands _Islas de los

Cruzos_, or the Islands of Crosses and others called them _Islas de los

Matelotes_, or the Islands of Companions[101]. On the first of February,

Ruy Lopez came in sight of the noble island of Mindanao, in 9º N.[102].

But he could neither double that inland, owing to contrary winds, nor

would the natives permit him to come to anchor on their coast, because the

five or six christened kings and their people had promised obedience to me

Antonio Galvano, and were unwilling to incur my displeasure. On this

account, and constrained by contrary winds, Lopez sailed along the coast

in quest of a place of safety; and, in four or five degrees of latitude,

he found a small island called Sarangam by the natives, which he took

possession of by force, and named it Antonio after the viceroy of Mexico.

Ruy Lopez, and his people remained here a whole year, during which many

things occurred worth notice; but as these are treated of in other

histories, I refrain from mentioning them, confining myself entirely to

discoveries.

In the month of August of the same year, 1548, Ruy Lopez, sent Bartholomew

de la Torre in a small ship to New Spain, to acquaint the viceroy of his

proceedings. Torre went first to the islands named _Siria, Gaonala,

Bisaia_, and many others, in 11° and 12° N. lat. where Magellan and de

Castro had both been formerly, and where the latter baptized many of the

natives; and the Spaniards called these the _Phillipinas_, in honour of

the prince of Spain[104]. In these islands Torre procured provisions, and

wood and water, whence he sailed for several days with a fair wind, edging

towards the north-east, till he came right under the tropic of Cancer. On

the 25th of September, they came in sight of certain islands, which they

named _Malabrigos_, or the evil roads; beyond which they discovered _Las

dos Hermanas_, or the Two Sisters; and beyond these again, four islands

which they called _las Volcanes_. On the second of October they came in

sight of _Farfana_, beyond which there is a high pointed rock, which

throws up fire in five places. Sailing in this manner, for some time, in

16° of north latitude, they were obliged by continual contrary winds, to

bear up again for the Philippine islands, and in their way back, had sight

of six or seven additional islands, but did not anchor at any of them.

They found also an archipelago, or numerous cluster of islands, in 15 or

16 degrees of north latitude, well inhabited by a white people, with

beautiful well-proportioned women, and much better clothed than in any

other of the islands of these parts; and they had many golden ornaments,

which was a sure sign that there was some of that metal in their country.

These people likewise had barks or vessels of forty-three cubits long, by

two fathoms and a half in breadth, constructed of planks five inches broad,

and which were rowed with oars. The people told the Spaniards that they

were in use to sail in these vessels to China, which was not above five or

six days sail from thence, and offered to supply them with pilots, if they

were inclined to go thither. Several of these barks, handsomely decked,

came off to the Spanish ship, in which the master, and other principal

people, sat on a high platform, while the rowers sat underneath, who were

_blackamoors_ or negroes with frizzled hair. Being asked whence they had

these negroes, they answered that they were brought from certain islands

near Sebut, where there were abundance to be had. The Spaniards wondered

much at finding negroes in this place, being above 300 leagues from the

nearest land of the negroes. It is therefore probable that these people

were not originally natives of this part of the world; but that they have

been scattered somehow in various places over the circuit of the earth, as

they are found in the islands of Nicobar and Andaman, in the bay of Bengal.

From thence, for the space of 500 leagues, we do not know of any other

black people: Yet Vasco Nunnez de Valboa pretends to have discovered them,

when he went to explore the coast of the South Sea, in a country which he

named _Quareca_; but there never were any found in New Spain, Castilia del

Oro, or in Peru.

In the year 1544, Don Gutierre de Vargas, bishop of Placenza, the cousin

of Mendoça, sent a fleet from Seville to the straits of Magellan,

instigated by the advice of the viceroy. Some said that this fleet was

destined for the Moluccas, others for China, and others again, that it was

meant only to explore the coast from the straits along Chili to Peru.

However this may have been, the fleet was unable, from contrary winds, to

get through the straits, except one small bark which got into the South

Sea, and sailed along the whole coast, till it came to _Chirimai_ and

_Arequipa_, which is above 500 leagues, which were now explored; all the

rest of the coast having been formerly discovered by Diego de Almagro,

Francis Pizarro, and their people, at various times[105].

In January of the year 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos, formerly mentioned,

came with his Spaniards to the isle of _Moro_[106], and the city of

_Camato_, where he was well received by the kings of Gilolo and Tidore,

and the people of the country; for I, Antonio Galvano, had then left the

Moluccas; and they put the governor Don George de Castro to much trouble,

and great expence. In the same year, 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos, sent

another ship from Tidore for New Spain, under the command of Ignatius

Ortez de Rotha, and having Jaspar Rico as pilot, with orders to attempt

the passage by the south side of the line. Ortez sailed to the coast of

Papua, which he explored; and, as he knew not that Saavedra had been there

formerly, he challenged the credit and honour of the discovery. Finding

the natives of a black colour, with frizzled hair, he named the country on

that account New Guinea. Thus, the memory of Saavedra was then almost lost,

as every thing is apt to fall into oblivion, unless put upon record, and

illustrated by writing.

In June of this year, 1545, one Pedro Fidalgo, a Portuguese, sailed in a

junk from the city of Borneo; but being driven to the north by contrary

winds, he fell in with a large island, the south extremity of which lay in

nine or ten degrees of north latitude, while it stretched to lat. 22° N.

at its other end, which is called the island of Luçones, from the name of

the nation by which it is inhabited. Perhaps it may have some other name,

of which, as yet, we have not been informed. This island runs from the

north for a great way directly south, and then takes a turn towards the

south-east. It is said that Fidalgo sailed for 250 leagues along the coast

of this island, which is in the midway-between Mindanao and China, and he

reported that the land was fruitful, and well clothed with trees and

verdure; and that the inhabitants will give two pezoes of gold for one of

silver, although so near China, in which the relative value of these

metals is so well understood.

In the year 1553, certain ships were sent out from England, which sailed

to the northward, along the coast of Norway and Finmark, and from thence

east, in seventy or eighty degrees of north latitude, till they came to

Muscovy, to which country one of the ships penetrated; but I have not been

able to learn what became of the rest. From the land of Muscovy, a ship

may sail eastwards to Tartary, at the farthest extremity of which China is

situated. It is reported that there is a wall above 200 leagues in length,

between Tartary and China, in about lat. 50° N.

From all the preceding discoveries, it may be concluded, that, as the

whole earth is 360 degrees, and the ancient writers allow 17-1/2 leagues

for every degree, the entire circuit of the earth would thus be 6300

leagues; but as, in my opinion, each degree is exactly seventeen leagues,

the circuit will then be only 6120 leagues. However this may be, the whole

circuit of the globe has been discovered and sailed over, from east to

west, even almost as it is encompassed and visited by the sun in its

diurnal course. It is quite otherwise, however, in respect to the northern,

and southern parts of the earth. For, towards the north pole, there has

only been discovered hitherto to the latitude of 77° or 78°, which make an

extent of 1347 leagues; and between the equinoctial and the south pole,

there has only been discovered to the latitude of 52° or 53° south, or to

the Straits of Magellan; which amounts to no more than 960 leagues. Now,

adding these two together, their sum is just 2257 leagues: And, deducting

this sum from 6300 leagues, there still remains to be discovered, in the

north and south, 4043 leagues.

[1] Ferdinand was hereditary king of Arragon; but, by marrying Isabella,

queen of Castile, had united the several monarchies of Spain, under

one government. Ferdinand had no share whatever in the honour of

sending out Columbus, the sole charge being defrayed by his consort,

Isabella, hereditary queen of Castile and Leon; and who had even to

borrow money for the purpose. The contemptuous notice of _one_

Christopher Columbus, must be pardoned to the patriotic rivalry of a

Portuguese.--E.

[2] Galvano is here inaccurate: It will be seen in the sequel, that

Bartholomew Columbus did not accompany his brother in this voyage,

being then in England.--E.

[3] It is certainly possible, that Columbus may have used that mode in his

course to the Canaries: But as his run across the Atlantic was nearly

on a parallel, he must have kept that part of his voyage by what is

called dead reckoning, or by the log.--E.

[4] The middle of Guanahana is in lat. 24° 30' N. The centre of Jamaica in

18° 10' N. The latitudes of Galvano are generally inaccurate; and he

never pretends to assign any longitudes whatever. The series, likewise,

in which he arranges the discoveries of Columbus is very inaccurate.

--E.

[5] Cape de Verd is in 14° 30' N. Deseada in 16° 30' N. a difference of

two degrees of latitude. Dominica, in 15° 30' is the first land said

to have been discovered by Columbus in his _second_ voyage, in the

authentic original narrative by his son, which will be found in the

sequel.--E.

[6] Counting from Dominica to the north side of Cuba, between 15° 30' and

23° 15'.--E.

[7] The negociators of the two crowns, as here related, seem to have been

ignorant that this loose division of the globe gave the whole

reciprocally to each of the parties.--E.

[8] The apparent object seems to have been in search of a passage to the

East Indies by way of the north-west, a chimera long and anxiously

sought after. It is needless to make any observations on these

indistinct notices, as the voyage of Cabot will be afterwards given at

full length.--E.

[9] The centre of Trinidada is in 10° 30'N. its S.W. point in 10° 12', and

the N.E. cape in 10º 45' N.--E.

[10] De Barros, Dec. I. 1. 4. c. 2. and to the end of ch. 11.--Hakl.

[11] Osorius says this voyage commenced on the 9th of July.--Clarke.

[12] This Panama seems a blunder of some ignorant copyist, for Panarame.

--E.

[13] The coast here is nearly N. and S. and their course must have been to

the north.--E.

[14] The Marannon and Amazons are the same river. Perhaps by the Rio Dolce

the Orinoco may be meant; but in these slight notices of discovery it

is impossible at times to ascertain the real positions, through the

alteration of names.--E.

[15] From the latitude indicated by Galvano, the land of Cortereal may

have been somewhere on the eastern side of Newfoundland.--E.

[16] Barros, Dec. 1. I. 5. c. 10.

[17] Gomara, I. 2.

[18] About 8200 ounces, worth about L. 16,000 sterling; equal in modern

efficacy, perhaps, to L. 100,000.--E.

[19] Probably an error for Taprobana; the same by which Ceylon was known

to the ancients.--E.

[20] The Cakerlaka of other writers, which can only be large monkeys or

baboons, called men with tails, through ignorance or imposture.--E.

[21] Rumi still continues the eastern name of the Turkish empire, as the

successor of the Roman emperors, in Assyria and Egypt. Hence these

Roman gold coins may have come in the way of trade from Assyria or

Egypt, or may possibly have been Venetian sequins.--E.

[22] The author must here mean Cochin China by the coast of Patane.--E.

[23] About 1000 by 320 English miles.--E.

[24] This story of the skull of a small insect is quite unintelligible,

and must have been misunderstood entirely by Hakluyt, the translator:

It is the Elephant, probably, that is here meant.--E.

[25] Probably the bird of Paradise.--Clarke.

[26] P. Martyr, Dec. 3. c. 10.

[27] The island of Tararequi is in lat. 5° N.

[28] These leagues are elsewhere explained as 17-1/2 to the degree, or

about 4 English miles: Hence the estimate of Galvano is 2000 miles

long by 1200 miles broad; certainly a very extensive dominion. China

Proper may be said to extend in length from lat. 27° to 41° N. and in

breadth from long. 97° to 121° E. not very inferior to the above

estimate; but including the immeasurable bounds of its dependencies,

Chinese Tartary, Thibet, and almost the whole of central Asia, it

prodigiously exceeds the magnitude here assigned by Galvano.--E.

[29] Castagnada, I. 4. c. 36. 37. Osorius, I. 11. f. 315. p. 2.

[30] Pet. Mart. IV. iv. Gomar. II. xiv. and xvii.

[31] The text is obscure, and seems to indicate that they were unable to

pass between the island of Ascension and the main of Yucatan. The

latitudes are extremely erroneous: Cozumel is in lat. 20° N. The

island of Ambergris, perhaps the Ascension of the text, is in 18° 30'.

From errors in latitude and alterations of nomenclature, it is often

impossible to follow distinctly the routes of these early voyagers.--E.

[32] Pet. Mart. IV. vi. Gomar. II. xviii, &c.

[33] Gomar. II. xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv.

[34] This certainly ought to be called the Molucca islands; but Galvano

uniformly applies the same name, Malacca, both to the spice islands

and the city of Malacca on the Continent.--E.

[35] Gomar. IV. iii. Pet. Mart. V. vii.

[36] Ramusio, I. 874.

[37] This seems to mean the Straits of Babelmandel. Having lost sight of

Prester John in Tartary, the Portuguese were delighted with the

discovery of a Christian king in Africa, the Negus of Abyssinia; and

transferred to him that popular fable.--E.

[38] These countries, with the river and cape mentioned in the text, are

now unknown, these arbitrary names having merged in the nomenclature

of more recent settlers. If the latitude be nearly accurate, it may

have been on the confines of Georgia and South Carolina.--E.

[39] Gomar. II. l.

[40] Id. II. lx.

[41] Malacca of the text ought certainly to be Molucca: Bouro is in lat.

3° 20' S. Timor between 8° 30' and 10° 20' S.--E.

[42] Gomar. IV. viii.

[43] Id. VI. iv. li.

[44] Gomar. IV. viii, and xii. Castagn. VI. xli.

[45] Gomar. VI. xii.

[46] Castagn. VI. xlii.

[47] Gomar. II. lxi. The text, in Hakluyt's translation, has the absurd

number of 76,000 Castilians lost in this war; 76 is a more probable

number, and is considerable out of his small force: yet, the text may

mean 76,000 _Castellans_ of gold, as the sum expended on the

expedition; and which Hakluyt, or his printer, changed to that number

of _Castilians_.--E.

[48] Gomar. Conqu. de Mex. f. 226.

[49] Id. 242. This bay reaches no farther to the S. than 148 10' N.--E.

[50] Id. f. 229. 230.

[51] Id. f. 233.

[52] Gomar. Conqu. f. 234. and Hist. Gen. III. xxi.

[53] Id: Hist. Gen. II. vii.

[54] In this latitude, on the shore of Costa Rica, there is a town now

called Porto Cartago; but whether that indicated in the text it is

difficult to say, as Galvano is not always perfectly accurate in his

latitudes.--E.

[55] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxv. and Conqu. f. 243.

[56] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxvi, and Conqu. f. 256-261.

[57] The Spanish leagues are 17-1/2 to the degree of latitude, hence this

march exceeded 2000 English miles.--E. Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxvi. Id.

Conqu. 246-273.

[58] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. i. and ii.

[59] The ambiguity of the language is here utterly inexplicable.--E.

[60] Meaning probably the lake of Titicaca in Peru. It is hardly necessary

to say that this slight survey of the Plata must be erroneous,

especially in its reports. The Rio San Francisco, alludes to one of

the sources of the Great Maranon, or river of the Amazons.--E.

[61] Ramusio, III. 310. Ramusio gives a long and minute account of this

unfortunate expedition, entitled, Relation made by Alvaro Nunez, of

what befel the armament sent to the _Indies_ (America) under Pamphilo

Narvaez in the year 1527, to the end of 1536; when he returned to

Seville with _three_ only of his companions.--Clarke.

[62] The inhabitants of this island were most probably _tatooted_, of

which custom a particular description will be given hereafter, in the

particular voyages of discovery in the South Sea.--E.

[63] The longitudes being altogether neglected in these relations by

Galyano, it is impossible to form any conjecture as to the islands

indicated in text. They may possibly have belonged to the Carolines of

modern maps, which extend between long. 135° and 180° E. and about the

latitudes of the text.--E.

[64] The account which Galvano gives of this voyage is very vague and

inconclusive. We shall find afterwards that the Spaniards found out

the means of counteracting the perpetual eastern trade winds of the

Pacific within the tropics, by shaping a more northerly course from

the Philippine islands, where they established the staple of their

Indian commerce, between Acapulco and Manilla.--E.

[65] Galvano certainly mistakes here in assigning Tecoantepec, which is at

least 340 miles from the nearest part of the bay of Honduras. If a

navigation were practicable from Tecoantepec, it would more probably

be towards Tabasco, at the bottom of the bay of Campechy. Perhaps he

ought to have said from Guatimala to the gulf of Dolse, at the bottom

of the bay of Honduras. This splendid navigation between the Atlantic

and Pacific, within the tropics, like that between the Mediterranean

and Red Sea, still remains an unsolved problem. It will be resumed

hereafter, among the voyages and travels to Spanish America.--E.

[66] These seem all to have been brothers to Pizarro, and named from the

town of Alcantara in Spain.--E.

[67] The mouth of the Maranon is exactly under the line.--E.

[68] The latitude of Cusco is only 13° 30' S.--E.

[69] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. vi. vii. viii. ix

[70] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. xvi. xviii. xix.

[71] So named from the two brothers, Caspar and Michael Cortereal, who are

said to have been lost on this coast of North America in 1500, as

formerly mentioned by Galvano.--E.

[72] Xalis, or Xalisco, the residence of Gusman is in lat. 21°45'N. The

mouth of the river St Francis, on the north-eastern shore of the gulf

of California, is in lat. 26° 40' N. so that the discovery on the

present occasion seems to have comprised about 350 miles to the north

of Xalis.--E.

[73] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. Lxxiv. xcviii.

[74] Xauxa or Jauja, stands on the high table land of Peru; Lima, or de

los Reys, near the coast of the South Sea, in the maritime valley, or

low country, and on the river Rimac, called Lima in the text.--E.

[75] Gomar. Hist. Gen. IV. xxiii. and V. xxii.

[76] Gomar. H. G. V. xxiv. and xxv. Almagro appears, both on his march to

Chili and back to Cusco, to have gone by the high mountainous track

of the Andes, and the carcases of his dead horses must have been

preserved from corruption amid the ever during ice and snow of that

elevated region.--E.

[77] The text seems ambiguous, and it appears difficult to say whether

Galvano means, that Cosesofar, or Coje Sofar, was captain under

D'Acunha, or general of the Guzerat army, belonging to Badu.--E.

[78] This probably refers to the _Bore_, or great and sudden influx of

the sea, after a great recession.--E.

[79] Gomar. H. G. IV. xiii.

[80] Probably a mistake for La Paz, the principal town of the north-

western district, or mining province, belonging to the Viceroyalty of

La Plata.--E.

[81] The only island mentioned in this voyage, which can be traced by the

names in our modern maps, is the Piscadores, about lat. 11° N. long.

167° E.--E.

[82] This strange expression is quite inexplicable, and must have been

misunderstood by Hakluyt.--E.

[83] Probably Morty, of our present maps.--E.

[84] Chron. del Peru, c. ix, xx.

[85] Ramus. III. 356.

[86] This obviously refers to an inaccurate description of the Babyroussa.

--E.

[87] Gomar. H. G. II. lxiv. Ramus. III. 329.

[88] Gomar. H. G. VI. xvii.

[89] In this paragraph we have very vague indications of humming birds,

rattlesnakes, and of the animal now called Pecari.--E.

[90] Gomar. H. G. V. xxxv. and Chron. del Peru, c. 103.

[91] The word Brazil in the text obviously includes the whole flat country

to the east of the Andes, Guiana, Brazil, Paraguay, Buenos Ayres, and

Patagonia.--E.

[92] This idea, ever since the time of Lord Monboddo, has been renewed,

and occupies the attention of the explorers of Africa; links may exist,

in creation, with which we are yet unacquainted.--Clarke.

The fancy of tailed men has probably arisen from inattentive observers,

seeing people clothed in the skins of beasts, with the tails hanging

down. The natives of New South Wales wear tails in imitation of the

Kangaroo: Yet, having been closely observed, are not described as

tailed men--E.

[93] This word ought to have been _Pacos_. Of these animals, with the

Llamas and Vicugnas, different species of the camel genus, a more

extended account will occur, when we come to the particular travels in

Peru.--E.

[94] It will be seen afterwards, in the account of the West India Islands,

and the Continent of Guiana, that there are many warlike tribes of

Caribs, or Caraibs, constantly engaged in predatory warfare; whose

women, when their husbands are absent in search of prisoners for

_food_, take arms for the protection of themselves and children;

whence they have been reported as nations of female warriors, or

Amazons.--E.

[95] Gomar. H.G.V. xxxvi.

[96] The true latitudes of the places mentioned in the text are, Suakim,

19º 30', Massoua, 15º 20', Cossier, 26° 16', Judda, 21º 20', Suez, 30°.

--E.

[97] The latitude of 30° N. would lead to the idea of Sonora being the

district, or province, indicated in the text by Sibola; Cinaloa is

only in 26° N. yet, from the context, appears to be the country

intended by Galvano--E.

[98] The idea that a dog, even able to bear a load of fifty pounds, should

carry a woman, is truly absurd. If there be any truth in the story,

the dogs must have performed the services in the text by drawing

sledges; yet nothing of the kind has hitherto been found in North

America, though common in North-east Asia.--E.

[99] Gomar. H.G. VI. xviii. and xix.

[100] In other writers Liampa and Siampa, or Tsiompa, are synonimous; but

that place is in lat. 12° N. The latitude of the text would lead us to

the eastern coast of China, between Ningpo and Nankin.--E.

[101] Gomez, H. G. VI. xviii. This story, which Galvano has reported from

Genoa, seems altogether unworthy of credit.--E.

[102] The Matelots are laid down in our modern maps, in lat. 9° N. Long

137° E. not far E.N.E. of the Pelew, or Pillelew islands.--E.

[103] This great inland of Mindanao, to the south of the Philippines,

reaches from 9° 30' N. to 5° 30', and from long. 122° to 126° 20' E.

being about 300 miles long, by 270 miles broad.--E.

[104] The Philippines, exclusive of Mindanao and Palawa, extend from Lat.

9° to 18º 40' both N. and are in E. long. 122º but their present

geographical names, Luzon, Samar, Leyte, Zebu, Negros, Pany, Mindora,

and several other smaller isles, have no resemblance whatever with

those of the text.--E.

[105] Gomar. H.G. IV. xiv.

[106] Probably Morty, the most north-easterly of the Moluccas.--E.

CHAPTER II.

THE JOURNEY OF AMBROSE CONTARINI, AMBASSADOR FROM THE REPUBLIC OF VENICE

TO UZUN-HASSAN, KING OF PERSIA, IN THE YEARS 1473, 4, 5, AND. 6, WRITTEN

BY HIMSELF.

INTRODUCTION.

This relation of a journey into Persia, between the years 1473 and 1477,

is from a collection of voyages and travels, principally in Asia, made in

the _twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth_, and _fifteenth centuries_, which

was published at the Hague, in the French language, in 1735. That

collection usually goes under the name of _Bergeron_, whose name appears

on the title somewhat equivocally as the author; but who is mentioned in

the advertisement as a writer belonging to the middle of the preceding

century; and the only part of the work that can, be attributed to him, is

a _Treatise of Navigation, and of the Modern Voyages of Discovery and

Conquest, especially those made by the French, &c._ which serves as an

introduction to this compilement. The editor of this collection gives no

account of himself, or of the sources from whence he has derived his

different articles; and only says, that the journal of Contarini was

translated into French, that it might be published along with the other

contents of his volume. From the _Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages_,

by G. Boucher de la Richarderie, a new work of great research, published

at Paris in 1808, we learn that the journal of Contarini was published in

Italian at Venice, in a duodecimo volume, in 1543. So far as is known to

us, it now appears for the first time in an English translation. This

article might have been more aptly placed towards the close of _first_

part of the present collection, but escaped notice in proper time and it

appears of too much importance, both in itself, and as an early document,

to be omitted from punctilious attention to rigid systematic arrangement.

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR.

"The illustrious republic of Venice, having done me the honour to appoint

me ambassador to Uzun-Hassan, king of Persia, I accepted the employment

with much pleasure, both that I might do acceptable service to my own

country and for the general good of Christendom. I neither considered the

difficulties nor the dangers of the journey, but placed my trust solely

on the assistance of God; preferring the interests of my country, and of

the Christian world, to my own ease and safety. On purpose to render my

discoveries useful to the public, I have carefully and briefly recorded

every circumstance deserving of attention, that occurred during my long

and laborious journey; as relative to the provinces, cities, and places

through which I travelled, and the manners and customs of the different

nations among whom I sojourned. In short, I have omitted nothing

deserving of notice, that occurred during my three years journey, having

left Venice on the first day of Lent, in the year 1473, and having

returned to my beloved country on the 24th of February in the year

1476[1]."

SECTION I.

_The Ambassador, after passing through Germany, Poland, Russia, and the

Tartarian Deserts, or Upper European Sarmatia, arrives at Caffa or

Theodosia._

I left Venice on the 23d of February, in the year 1473, accompanied by the

venerable priest Stephen Testa, who acted as my chaplain and secretary,

and by Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, together with two servants,

Maffei de Bergamo, and John Ungaretti, all of us disguised in ordinary

German dresses, our money being concealed in the clothes of Stephen Testa.

We went by water in the first place to the church of _St Michael in

Murano_, where we heard mass, and received the benediction of the prior;

after which, we mounted our horses, which were there in waiting, and

reached Treviso[2] the same day. I anxiously wished to have procured some

person to accompany us on the journey who knew the road, but could not

meet with any, nor could I even procure a guide for hire. Leaving Treviso

on the 24th, we arrived that day at Cogiensi, now called Cornegliano[3];

and knowing the dangers and difficulties we must experience during our

long journey, we here confessed, and partook of the holy sacrament of the

eucharist, after which we resumed our journey. We fortunately overtook a

German, named Sebastian, who said he knew me and the object of my journey,

and offered to keep us company to Nuremburgh. I gladly accepted of this

person as a companion of our journey, inwardly thanking God for affording

us a guide. We continued our journey to the frontiers of Germany, passing

through several cities and castles, belonging to different princes and

bishops, vassals of the empire, among which the city of Augsburg seemed

one of the most beautiful. Not far from that place our German companion,

Sebastian, left us, taking the road for Francfort. We parted from him with

many embraces, giving him thanks for his numerous attentions, and mutually

wishing each other a good journey.

Having procured a new guide, we arrived at Nuremburg on the 10th of March.

This is a fine city, having a river running through the middle of it, and

is defended by an excellent citadel. While here, I inquired of my landlord

if there were any travellers going our way. He informed me that there were

two ambassadors from the king of Poland then in the city, who, he was

certain, would be happy to receive a visit from me. I therefore sent my

chaplain, Stephen Testa, to inform these gentlemen of my being in

Nuremburg, and of the purpose of my journey, and of my desire to pay them

a visit. They received my message with much civility, and I accordingly

went to wait upon them. These gentlemen were counsellors of state to his

Polish Majesty, one of whom was an archbishop, and the other a knight,

named Paul. After mutual compliments, I informed them that I proposed

paying my respects to their sovereign, and was furnished with a passport.

Notwithstanding the sorry equipage in which I travelled, they received me

with much honour. I remained four days in Nuremburg, during which I formed

a friendly intimacy with the Polish ambassadors, and then resumed my

journey in their company, being likewise accompanied by an ambassador

belonging to the king of Bohemia, eldest son of the king of Poland.

Departing from Nuremburg on the 14th of March, now nearly sixty horsemen

in company, we crossed through Germany, always lodging in good cities or

castles, some of which were extremely beautiful, both in respect to their

situation and the excellence of their fortifications; but I omit

describing them, as they are well known to travellers. The journey across

Germany took us twelve days, during which we passed through the greater

part of the dominions of the Maregrave of Brandenburg, and arrived at the

imperial city of Francfort, a tolerably good and well fortified city on

the Oder. We rested here till the 29th of March. As this city is near the

confines of Poland, we had an escort of cavalry belonging to the Maregrave

of Brandenburg, which accompanied us to the frontiers. These soldiers were

well mounted and armed, and marched in good order. On the last day of

March we arrived at Miedzyrzyez[4], which is a small city, but strong and

pleasant, and is the first place on the frontiers of Poland. From that

place till we reached _Stragone_, or Poznan, which took us three days

journey, we saw no place worth notice. Poznan is particularly remarkable

on account of a great fair, which is resorted to by many merchants.

Leaving Poznan on the 3d of April, we arrived on the 9th at Lenczycz[5],

where Casimir, king of Poland, then resided. In this journey we found

neither cities nor considerable castles, and had much reason to remember

Germany with regret, both on account of bad lodgings and every other

circumstance. When my arrival was announced to the king, he sent two of

his gentlemen to wait upon me, who assigned me a tolerably commodious

lodging. Next day being Easter, when no business of any kind is transacted,

I rested after the fatigues of the journey. On the following morning the

king sent me a robe of black damask, according to the custom of the

country, that I might go to court, which I did, accompanied by several

persons of distinction, and had the honour to pay my respects to the king,

according to the ceremonies of that court; after which I presented the

letters of our illustrious republic to his majesty, and explained to him

the nature of my commission. The king was pleased to invite me to dinner,

which was served much in the same manner as with us, the dishes being in

great abundance, and well dressed. As soon as dinner was over, I asked

permission to retire, which was accordingly granted. Two days afterwards I

was again sent for to court, when the king gave orderly answers to all the

proposals which I had made in the name of our republic, and with so much

benevolent attention towards me, that I learned by experience that he

justly deserved the character of the best king who had reigned in Poland

for a great many years. He was pleased to appoint me two guides, one of

whom was to accompany me through Poland, and the other through lower

Russia, to Kiow[6], or Magrano, which is the key of the kingdom. I humbly

thanked his majesty in the name of the republic, and took my leave.

I left Lenczycz on the 14th of April, on my journey through Poland, which

is a flat country, ornamented with many forests; but the great want of

convenient lodgings is a sure proof that it is not very fertile, nor much

abounding in the necessaries of life. On the 19th I arrived at Lublin, a

tolerable city, defended by a citadel. The three sons of the king resided

there at this time for their education. The eldest of these princes was

about fourteen years of age, and the two others considerably younger.

Learning that they wished to see me, providing that their father had not

forbidden, I waited upon them, and was received with much politeness, the

eldest conversing with me in the most obliging manner, and I observed that

they behaved with much respect to their preceptor. I took my leave of them,

returning thanks for their civilities, and they parted from me with as

much courtesy as I had experienced in my reception. Leaving Lublin, and

continuing our journey through Poland, we arrived on the 20th of April in

lower Russia, which is subject to the king of Poland. In this part of our

journey we travelled five whole days through thick woods, and, except

meeting with a very few castles, we lodged for the most part in country

houses. On the 25th, we came to a town named _Jusch_, which is defended by

a wooden castle. We rested here for some time, yet not without danger, as

the inhabitants were quite mad with drunkenness, on account of celebrating

certain marriages. This country produces no wine, but the natives prepare

a liquor from honey, which is stronger and more intoxicating even than

wine. Leaving this place, we came to another village named _Aitomir_, in

which likewise there is a wooden castle. During the whole of our journey

of the 29th, we travelled through forests, in constant danger of robbers

who infested all the roads, and we knew not where to pass the night, or to

procure any refreshments, insomuch that we had to sleep in the woods,

keeping strict watch lest we might be surprised by the banditti. On the

30th of April we reached _Belligraoch_, which signifies the _white_ fort,

where we were lodged in the royal palace, and passed the night with much

inconvenience.

On the first of May we reached the city of _Kiow_[7], or Magraman. The

governor of this city, which stands beyond the frontiers of Polish Russia,

was a Polander and Catholic, named _Pamartin_. Immediately on learning my

arrival from the guides sent along with me by the king, he appointed me a

lodging, which was sufficiently small, considering the size of the city.

He here visited me, and sent me a sufficient supply of provisions. This

city serves as a barrier or frontier garrison against the Tartars, and is

celebrated for a great fair, to which the merchants bring rich furs, and

other goods from Upper Russia. From hence the merchants travel in a large

caravan to Caffa or Theodosia in the Crimea; but are often surprised and

very ill treated by the Tartars during their journey. The country about

Kiow abounds in grain and cattle. The inhabitants of this place occupy the

whole day in their affairs till three o'clock, employing all the rest,

till night, in drinking and quarrels, the natural consequence of

drunkenness. On the day of my arrival, governor Pamartin sent some of his

gentlemen to invite me to dinner, which I accepted with as much politeness

as I could express. He received me very honourably, offering me every

service in his power, in the most obliging manner; saying, that he was

ordered by the king of Poland to treat me in every thing as well as

possible; on which I thanked him for his polite attentions, and

endeavoured to recommend myself to his friendship. From him I was informed

that he was in daily expectation of the arrival of an ambassador from

Lithuania, going with presents to the prince of the Tartars, who was to

have an escort of 200 Tartar horse; and, if I were inclined to take

advantage of this opportunity, by which means I should travel in much

greater safety, I had better wait the arrival of this ambassador. I

accepted of this offer most willingly; and we then sat down to a

magnificent entertainment; at which the bishop of Kiow, who was brother to

the governor, and many other persons of consequence were present. We

wanted nothing which could contribute to make the dinner pleasant. Good

company, good cheer, and music during the repast. The only circumstance I

did not like was, that it lasted too long; as I had more need for sleep

and rest, after my fatiguing journey, than of all the good cheer that

could be offered. In consequence, as soon as dinner was ended, I took my

leave, and retired to my lodgings in the city; the governor living in the

castle, which is only of wood. The city of Kiow stands on the river named

anciently Boristhenes, and Danambre by the natives, which we Italians call

Lerissa, and which falls into the Euxine.

On the 10th of May[8], the ambassador of Lithuania arrived; and, as he was

to set out next day after mass, I went to pay him my compliments,

accompanied by M. Pamartin; who directed him, on the part of the king of

Poland, to take care of me, and to conduct me in perfect safety to

Theodosia. To this the ambassador answered, that he had every respect for

the orders of his majesty, the sovereign arbiter of his life and death,

and would carefully obey his orders. I thanked M. Pamartin for all his

kindnesses, as he had frequently visited me, and had supplied me with

every thing I needed for subsistence during my stay; and, as some token of

my gratitude, I made him a present of a tolerably good German horse, which

had carried me hitherto. We here parted with the rest of our horses, which

were quite unfit for our farther use, and procured horses of the country

for the remainder of our journey; and, on parting with the guides who had

accompanied us to Kiow by orders of the king, I rewarded them for their

attention and good conduct.

I left Kiow on the 11th of May, along with the Lithuanian ambassador; and

as I was unable to travel on horseback, on account of pains in my feet, I

travelled in a carriage, which had served me for that purpose ever since I

left the king of Poland at Lenczycz. The first place we came to was

_Cerca_, belonging to the king of Poland, where we waited till the 15th,

for the Tartar horse who came to escort us on our journey. After their

arrival we set out on our journey through the great desert of Tartary, and

came to the Boristhenes, which separates Tartary from Russia, and which is

some miles broad[9]. As it was necessary to pass the river, our Tartars

cut down some trees, the stems of which they fastened together into a raft,

which was covered over by the branches, and upon which the whole of our

baggage was placed. They fastened their horses by the tails to this raft,

by which means it was dragged across the river, they themselves swimming

along-side of their horses, and holding by their manes. We had likewise to

swim our horses across, in which we succeeded, by the blessing of God, but

in much fear and danger at this, to us, unusual mode of navigation. When

we got over, we had to remain a whole day on the other side to collect and

replace our baggage.

While among the Tartars, their officers eyed me with much attention and

suspicion; and, during our new journey through the desert beyond the river,

the Lithuanian ambassador informed me, by means of the interpreter, that

the Tartar officers had come to a resolution to carry me to their prince,

as they could not allow a person of my appearance to go on to Theodosia

without his permission. I was much alarmed by this intelligence, believing

that I should incur considerable risk of having the purposes of my journey

frustrated by this measure, and, therefore, earnestly recommended to the

ambassador to keep in mind the orders he had received on the part of the

king of Poland respecting me, and the promises he had made to Pamartin;

and I promised to make a present of a sword to the interpreter if he

succeeded to extricate me from my embarrassment. The interpreter reported

my fears and wishes to the ambassador, who succeeded, after drinking with

the Tartars, in persuading them that I was of Genoa; and, by means of a

present of fifteen ducats, he obtained permission for me to go direct for

Theodosia. Our journey through the desert continued till the 9th of June,

during which we suffered many hardships, having, at one time, been a whole

day and night without water. At length it became necessary for us to part

company, the Lithuanian ambassador and his escort taking the direct road

to Bachiserai[10], at which place the prince of the Tartars resided. On

this occasion, a Tartar was appointed to be our guide to Theodosia, and we

parted from the escort, not without considerable apprehensions of some

sudden attack from the Tartars, yet much satisfied at getting rid of that

crew, for they smelt so abominably, from feeding on horse flesh, that it

was quite intolerable to come near them.

Our whole company passed the ensuing night in carts covered with skins, in

which we were soon surrounded by a great number of persons, inquiring who

we were. On being informed by our Tartar guide that I was of Genoa, they

supplied us with milk, and left us. Resuming our journey next morning

early, we arrived that day, which was the 16th of June, at the suburbs of

Theodosia, otherwise called Kaffa. Filled with gratitude for our

preservation through so many dangers, we went privately into a church to

give thanks to God for our safe arrival; and from thence I sent my

interpreter to inform the Venetian consul of my arrival. He immediately

sent his brother to wait upon me, advising me to remain where I was till

night, when he carried me privately to a house belonging to him in the

same suburb, where I was exceedingly well received. I here found Paulus

Omnibamus, who had left Venice three months before me, under the orders of

our illustrious republic.

[1] In the latter part of this journey, the date of his return to Venice

is the 10th of April.--E.

[2] Called Tarvisin, in the original.--E.

[3] Called Conigiano, in the edition of Bergeron.--E.

[4] This small city stands on a small river which runs into the Werta, at

the western extremity of what was Poland, about sixty-seven miles from

Poznan. It is called Messaricie in the original.--E.

[5] Lausicie in the original.--E.

[6] Named Chio in the original. The second name, Magrano, is afterwards

called Magraman by Contarini, or his French translator.--E.

[7] Named Chio in the original, but which must necessarily be Kiow, or

Kieu, now belonging to Russia. The three formerly mentioned stages

Jusch, Aitomir, and Belligraoch, must either be villages of too little

importance to find a place in geographical maps, or their names are so

corrupted as to be unintelligible. The direct road from Lublin to Kiow,

passes through the palatinates of Russia, Wolhynia, and Kiow,

provinces of ci-devant Poland, now annexed to the Russian empire.--E.

[8] The original says April, but attention to the context distinctly

points out this necessary correction.--E.

[9] From this circumstance it evidently appears that the journey from Kiow

had hitherto been on the right or west of the Dnieper or Boristhenes,

through the country of the Nogais Tartars, now forming the western

portion of the Russian province of Catharinoslau; and we may suppose

the wide part of that river they had now to cross to have been

somewhere about Cherson.--E.

[10] Named Arcercheriher in the French translation of Contarini; but which

must necessarily be some corruption of Baschiserai, the residence of

the khan of the Crim Tartars.--E.

SECTION II.

_Contarini, leaving Kaffa, crosses the Euxine to the city of Phasis,

whence he pursues his journey through Mingrelia, Georgia, and part of

Armenia, into Persia_.

It is impossible for me to give any exact description of the city of Kaffa,

or Theodosia, or of its government, as the danger of incurring suspicion

obliged me to remain continually at home; on which account I can only

mention such particulars as I learned from others. It is situated on the

Euxine, and is celebrated for a great fair, which is much frequented, on

which account the city is very populous, and is said to be very rich and

powerful. I hired a vessel belonging to Anthony Valdat, which lay in the

Palus Meotis, to carry me to the city of _Phasis_. When I was ready to

embark, I met with two Armenians, one of whom had been on an embassy to

Rome, from Uzun Hassan, and was persuaded by them to prefer disembarking

at _Tina_, about an hundred miles from Trebisond, instead of Phasis,

alleging that from Tina it was only four hours journey to a castle named

_Arrius_, which depended upon the king of Persia, and promising to conduct

us to that place in safety. Although I was by no means satisfied with this

advice, I allowed myself to be guided by the consul and his brother, who

agreed in opinion with the Armenians. I accordingly left Kaffa on the 4th

of June[1], accompanied by the consul, who went with me to the river,

where our vessel was in waiting. I had formerly agreed with the master for

our passage to Phasis at seventy ducats, but on occasion of the change in

our destination, I was now obliged to pay an hundred. Being aware that I

should not be able to meet with any person to serve us at the place we

were going to, I used the precaution to hire nine men from Kaffa, to

assist the mariners of our vessel, and to procure provisions for us in our

journey through Georgia and Mingrelia.

We embarked on the 15th of June, and made sail across the Euxine, direct

for Tina, but had hardly got twenty miles on our voyage, when a contrary

wind sprung up from the east. Observing the mariners consulting together

in an extraordinary manner, I became curious to know the purpose of their

discourse. Accordingly, one Bernard, the brother-in-law of our captain,

said to me that he understood we proposed going to Tina, but advised me by

no means to do so; as a certain _Subassa_ roamed about that neighbourhood

with a band of cavalry, who would certainly make us slaves if we fell into

his hands. On this advice I changed my purpose, and the wind becoming more

favourable, we made sail for Liasi and Phasis, and arrived at _Varsi_ on

the 29th of June, where I disembarked my horses and baggage, and sent them

from thence by land to Phasis, which is sixty miles from that place.

_Varsi_ is a castle, with a small village in Mingrelia, belonging to a

lord named _Gorbola_, to whom likewise _Caltichea_[2], a place of small

importance on the coast of the Euxine, is subject. The inhabitants of this

country are very miserable, and the only productions are hemp, wax, and

silk.

On the 1st of July we arrived near Phasis, followed by a vessel filled

with Mingrelians, who seemed all to be fools or drunk. Quitting the vessel,

we went up the river in a boat, passing an island in the mouth of the

river, where Oetes, the father of Medea the enchantress, is said to have

reigned. On this island we spent the night, and were sadly infested by

midges. Next day we went up the river in the boat, passing the city of

Asso, which stands on its banks in the midst of a forest. I here found one

Nicholas Capella, of Modena, who commanded in these parts, and a

Circassian woman named Martha, who had been the slave of a person of Genoa,

but was now married. This Martha received me with much kindness, and with

her I staid two days. Phasis is a city of Mingrelia, subject to prince

Bendian, whose dominions extend only about three days journey in length.

The country is very mountainous, and full of forests. The inhabitants are

so fierce and savage, that they might be accounted wild beasts. Their

principal drink is beer; they have some corn and wine, but in very small

quantities; boiled millet being their ordinary food, which is a very poor

kind of nourishment. They sometimes procure wine and salted fish from

Trebisond, and import salt from Kaffa, without which they could not exist.

Their only productions consist in a small quantity of hemp and wax. If

they were industrious, they might procure abundance of fish, which are

very numerous in their river. They are Christians, according to the Greek

ritual, to which they have added many gross superstitions.

I left Phasis on the 4th of July, accompanied by Nicholas Capella, and

crossed the river _Mare_ on a float. That day and the next, we travelled

through a considerable portion of Mingrelia, always among woods and

mountains. Towards the evening of the 5th, we came to the habitation of

prince Bendian, whom we found, with all his court, reclining on a plain,

under the shade of some trees. I sent Nicholas Capella to inform him of my

quality, and to ask permission to pay him my respects, which was

accordingly granted. I saluted him, therefore, with great respect, as he

sat on the ground with his wife and children, and he made me sit down

beside him. After explaining the purpose of my journey, I requested he

would have the goodness to appoint me a guide. He expressed his

satisfaction at my arrival in his dominions, and granted my request. He

afterwards sent me some bread, a piece of beef, and the head of a sow, but

so under done, that it required the extreme necessity in which we then

were to induce us to eat of his provisions; but when we cannot get what we

like, we must put up with what can be had. We had to wait a whole day for

the promised guide. The plain in which we found prince Bendian, is

surrounded by very fine trees, resembling box, but much more lofty. The

prince seemed about fifty years of age, and had a tolerably handsome

countenance, but his manners were perfectly ridiculous.

On the 7th of July we continued our journey, always among woods and

mountains, and next day passed the river which divides Mingrelia from

Georgia, having to pass the night in the open air, and, what was worse, we

had nothing to eat. On the 9th, we arrived at a small city named

_Cotachis_[3], which is defended by a stone fort, and where we saw a

temple that seemed very ancient. We had here to pass a bridge over a large

river, before reaching the plain in which the huts of Plangion, king of

Georgia, are situated. The fort and city of Cotachis belong to Plangion. I

waited upon the commander of this place who invited me to dinner. He was

seated on the ground, on which I, and those of my suite who accompanied me,

and some friends of the governor, all sat down. Before us was laid a

greasy skin, on which they served us with bread, radishes, some flesh, and

other execrable articles with which I was not acquainted. They continually

offered me wine in large goblets, to fill me drunk, according to their

abominable customs, as they are as foolish and beastly as the Mingrelians.

Finding that I would not join them in deep drinking, they held me in great

contempt, insomuch that I found it extremely difficult to get leave to

retire and to continue my journey. But at length they brought me a guide

to conduct me to the king of Georgia.

I left Cotachis on the 12th of July; and, after travelling the whole day

through woods and mountains, we rested for the night in a meadow at the

foot of a mountain, near a castle named _Scandes_[4], in which king

_Pangrates_[5] resides. My guide here left me on purpose to inform the

king of my arrival; promising to return immediately with another guide to

serve me during the rest of the journey. We had accordingly to pass the

whole night in the wood, starving of hunger, and full of anxiety. The

guide came back early in the morning, accompanied by two of the kings

secretaries, who informed me that the king was gone to Cotachis, and had

ordered them to make an inventory of all our baggage, and of every thing

we had about us; after which we should be provided with a passport, to

travel free from payment of any duties through the whole country. They

proceeded accordingly in their examination and inventory with the most

rigorous exactness, even noting down the very shirts we then wore. After

this they ordered me to mount my horse, and to go along with them to the

king, leaving all my people behind. I used my best endeavours to be

excused from this; but, instead of listening to me, they loaded me with

insolence; and the only favour I could obtain, and that with the utmost

difficulty, was permission to take my interpreter along with me. We

accordingly resumed our journey, without meat or drink, and arrived much

fatigued at Cotachis towards night; where my interpreter and me were left

all night to our repose under a tree, where, indeed, they sent us some

bread and fish.

The remainder of my people were taken to a miserable village, where they

were left in charge of the priest; and our mutual anxiety may be easily

guessed.

Next morning I was carried before the king, whom I found sitting on the

ground in a hut, surrounded by several of his nobles. After paying my

respects, he asked me a great number of questions, and among the rest, how

many kings there were in the world? It came into my fancy to answer that

there were twelve. On which he signified that I was right, and that he was

one of the number; and that he was much surprised that I should come into

his dominions without bringing him a letter from my sovereign. To this I

answered, that when I left my own country, I did not expect to travel

through his dominions, otherwise my sovereign would assuredly have given

me letters in charge for his majesty; and with this answer he seemed

satisfied. He asked many other extraordinary questions, from which I

conjectured that my guide had maliciously represented me as carrying many

valuable things; and it is probable, if this had been the case, that I had

never been allowed to escape out of their hands. The royal secretaries

endeavoured to persuade me that I ought to make the king a present of any

article that might strike his fancy among my small baggage; but I got off

without making any present, except compliments, and requesting him to

appoint some one to conduct me through his dominions. This he was pleased

to promise, as likewise to give me a free passport, without paying any

duties, as I carried no merchandize. Accordingly, I took my leave of the

king on the 14th of July, returning to the tree I formerly mentioned as my

lodging, where the secretary brought me the promised passport and a guide.

I then returned to my people at the village where they were kept in my

absence, and was received with much joy, as the priest had represented the

king as the cruellest tyrant in the world. My people could not contain

themselves for excess of joy at my safe return, and even the miserable

priest was so touched at the scene, that he provided us with something to

eat, and we slept there that night as well as we could.

Next day, being the 15th of July, we provided ourselves with some bread

and wine, to comfort ourselves on the way, and resumed our journey through

thick forests and terrible mountains, which continued for two days. In the

evening of the 16th, we stopt near a spring, where we remained during the

night in the open air, being obliged to light a fire on account of the

coldness of the weather, though in the middle of summer. On the 17th of

the same month we arrived at _Goride_[6], which belongs to the king of

Georgia. This city is built on a plain, watered by a large river, and is

defended by a citadel which is built upon a rock. Our guide notified our

arrival to the commandant, who ordered us a house for our lodgings,

apparently for the purpose of extorting a present; for shortly afterwards

he informed me that he had letters from the king, by which he was ordered

to receive twenty-six ducats from me for himself, and that I should pay

six to my guide. I endeavoured to evade this demand, by saying that the

king had received me favourably, to whom I had already given seventy

ducats, and could not give any thing more, and urged my free passport. But

he would listen to nothing I could urge, and I was forced to comply with

his extortion. He even detained me till the 19th of the month, and even

then I had extreme difficulty to get leave to depart. The inhabitants of

the city, who deserve rather to be ranked among beasts, looked at us with

as much astonishment as if they had never seen any other men than

ourselves. They told us that, on the top of a high mountain in a

neighbouring forest, there was a great church, in which was an image of

the Virgin, which worked many miracles, and that the church was served by

forty monks, whom they named _Calojeriens_[7]. But our anxiety to get out

of this abominable country, prevented us from paying our devotions at that

famous church. Georgia, indeed, is a somewhat better country than

Mingrelia, but the manners of the people and their way of living is

equally brutal; and such were the distresses and difficulties I

encountered in travelling through both, that it would be tedious to relate

them. On the 20th of July we left the abominable city of Goride, where we

had suffered so many vexations, and continued, our journey through forests

and over mountains, occasionally falling in with villages where we

purchased provisions. We had always to pass the nights on the ground near

some spring or rivulet, during most part of our journey through Mingrelia

and Georgia.

[1] We have already seen that it was the 16th of that month when Contarini

arrived at Kaffa. Much confusion has occurred in the dates of this

journey, which we have no means of correcting, and must, therefore, be

contented with them as they are--E.

[2] The names of places in this journal are so corrupted as to be often

quite unintelligible. Varsi may possibly be Vardon, in the district to

the northwest of Mingrelia, named Abkhas; and Caltichea may perhaps be

Sulhuali, a sea port about 30 miles to the east. Phasis probably

refers to some town on the river of that name, perhaps Subastei.--E.

[3] Probably Cutais in Imeritia, on the river Riene.--E.

[4] Perhaps Sarassan, about forty miles S. E. from Cutais.--E.

[5] Apparently the same prince named Plangion a little before.--E.

[6] Gori in Georgia, on the river Kur. The journey hitherto must have been

through Mingrelia, then apparently subject to the prince or king of

Georgia.--E.

[7] Probably Caloyers.--E.

SECTION III.

_Arrival of Contarini at Tauris or Ecbatana, the royal city of Uzun-

Hassan, and continuation of his journey through Persia to Ispahan, where

the king then resided._

On the 22d of July we began to ascend a mountain of prodigious height,

insomuch, that when night came on we had scarcely reached the top, where

we had to pass the night without water. Resuming our journey in the

morning, we descended the other side of the mountain, and entered the

province of Armenia, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan[1]. In

the evening we were conducted to a fort named Reo, which stands in the

plain, between a deep river and a high mountain, and which is garrisoned

by Turks in the service of Uzun-Hassan, but the neighbouring village is

inhabited by Armenians. We rested in this place till the 25th of July,

waiting the arrival of a guide to direct us in the remainder of the

journey, and being well treated by the inhabitants, we rewarded them to

their satisfaction. The Armenian who had joined us at Kaffa, under

pretence of being an ambassador from Uzun-Hassan to the Pope, was

recognized by the inhabitants of this village as an impostor and a

notorious robber, and many were astonished how we had escaped from his

machinations: I got rid of him therefore immediately, and made him

restore me a horse which I had lent him for the journey; after which I

procured a priest of an honest character to conduct me to Tauris. Leaving

Reo with my new guide on the 26th of July, we ascended a mountain, and

came on the other side to a plain surrounded by hills, where we found a

village inhabited by Turks, near which we had to pass the night in the

open air, though the inhabitants treated us with decent civility. Next

morning we departed before day, having to pass another mountain, on the

side of which was a village inhabited by Turks, among whom we should have

run extreme hazard of our lives if they had seen us; but by using much

diligence we avoided this danger, and got down into an extensive plain,

full of fine pastures, and travelled with great expedition that we might

pass the night at a respectable distance from the lawless inhabitants of

the hills. On the 29th we passed the mountain of Noah, or _Ararat_, which

is so lofty that it is covered with snow the whole year. We were told

that many who had attempted to reach the top of this mountain had never

been more heard of, while others, on making the same attempt, said, on

their return, that it was quite inaccessible.

From this place forwards we travelled through extensive plains intermixed

with hills, and arrived on the 30th of July at a castle named _Chiagri_,

inhabited by Armenians. Finding abundance of bread, wine, and poultry in

this place, we rested here for a day, and then set out with a new guide

for Ecbatana or Tauris. Leaving Chiagri towards evening of the 1st August,

we came next day to an Armenian village at the foot of a mountain, where

we had to cross a river in boats, and were informed that Uzun-Hassan had

formerly gained a great victory near this place over the Tartars, having

hemmed them into a corner, where their army wasted away with famine and

disease. The ruler of these Tartars, named Sultan _Buzech_[2], was made

prisoner, and was afterwards put to death. We here saw, on our left hand,

eleven Armenian villages, near each other, who were Catholic Christians,

their bishop being under submission to the Roman pontiff. The country is

extremely agreeable, and is the most fertile of all the provinces of

Persia. We arrived on the 3d of August at a large village called Marerich,

near which we passed the night, and had to ride all the next day through

a plain country exposed to great heat, which was greatly aggravated, as

we could not procure a single drop of water for ourselves or our horses.

On the way we met several Turkmans, whose custom it is to encamp here and

there about the country, wherever they can find pasture for their cattle,

and to change their residence as the pastures become exhausted. These

people are abominable robbers, and look upon rapine as their highest

glory; and as we had great reason to be afraid of them, I gave orders to

all my people to tell whoever we met, that I was journeying to wait upon

their sovereign, which was the only expedient for saving us from their

violence.

We arrived on the 4th of August at the city of Ecbatana or _Tauris_[3],

which stands in a plain, and is surrounded by an earthen rampart in bad

repair. There are high mountains in its neighbourhood, which are said to

be the Taurus of the ancients. I here lodged with a very good man, who

gave us two sleeping chambers, a convenience we had been long unused to.

He was quite astonished how we should have been able to escape the

dangers of our journey, as all the roads were blocked up; and on asking

him the reason, he told us that Ogurlu Mohammed[4], the eldest son of

Uzun-Hassan, had rebelled against his father, and had taken possession of

_Sylas_[5] or Persepolis, of which he had appointed his younger brother

_Khalil_[6] as governor. Uzun-Hassan had assembled an army to reduce

Persepolis and his sons to obedience; but a certain satrap named

_Zagarli_ who commanded in the neighbouring mountains, favoured the cause

of Ogurlu, and had ravaged the whole country, to the very gates of Tauris,

with a body of 3000 horse, owing to which, all the roads were obstructed

and unsafe. He farther informed us, that the governor of Tauris had one

day issued forth to endeavour to put a stop to the marauders, but had

been defeated by Zagarli, with the loss of most of his troops, and had

even great difficulty in escaping back to the city. I inquired why the

inhabitants of Tauris did not take arms in their own defence, in a time

of so much danger; but he answered, although they were obedient to the

governor, they were quite unused to war. On learning the state of affairs

in this place, I resolved to leave it as soon as possible, that I might

get to the king; but I could neither procure a guide, nor prevail on the

governor to shew me any favour. By the advice of my landlord I kept

myself very much concealed, and employed my interpreter and Augustin of

Pavia, whom I had brought with me from Kaffa because he understood a

little Persian, to purchase our provisions, in which employment they were

exposed to much ill treatment, and were often in hazard of their lives.

Some days afterwards, one of the sons of Uzun-Hassan, named Masu-beg[7],

came to Tauris with 1000 horse, to defend the city from the incursions of

Zagarli. I waited on this prince, having great difficulty to obtain an

audience, telling him that I was sent as ambassador to his father, and had

need of guides, whom I prayed him to provide me; but it was quite

ineffectual, as he hardly deigned to answer me, and took no kind of

interest in me or my affairs, so that I was obliged to return disappointed

to my lodgings. Masu-beg endeavoured to raise money from the inhabitants

of Tauris for the purpose of levying soldiers, but they resisted his

demands, and all the shops of the city were shut up. In this emergency,

being unable to procure provisions, I was obliged to quit my lodgings,

with all my people, taking refuge in an Armenian church, where they gave

us a small place in which to keep our horses; and I ordered all my people

to keep constantly within doors, to avoid meeting with injury. My

apprehensions on this occasion may easily be conceived; but God, who had

already protected us in so many dangers, was mercifully pleased to deliver

us from that which now hung over us. On the 7th of September, _Bertonius

Liompardus_[8], whom I had before seen at Kaffa, and who had been sent by

our illustrious republic, arrived at Tauris. He was accompanied by his

nephew, named _Brancalione_, and having come by way of Trebisond was a

month later than me in reaching Tauris. I now dispatched Augustin de Pavia,

of whom I have before made mention, with letters to the republic of Venice,

in which I gave an account to the senate of all that had happened to us

hitherto. I sent this man by way of Alapia, where he at length arrived in

good health, after having escaped many dangers.

Although I remained in Tauris till the 22d of September, I was not able

to acquire any exact knowledge of the city, having been forced to conceal

myself the whole time. It is a large city, but its territory in some

places is uncultivated, and I believe nowhere very populous; it abounds,

however, in all the necessaries of life, but these are dear. Much silk is

produced in this neighbourhood, which is exported by way of Alapia. A

considerable quantity of cloth is manufactured in the place, which

likewise abounds in various merchandize, but I did not hear of any pearls

or precious stones. Fortunately for us a Cadilaskir, one of the

counsellors of Uzun-Hassan, arrived about this time at Tauris, who

returned from an embassy into Turkey, where he had unsuccessfully

endeavoured to negociate a peace between his master and the Turkish

government. Immediately on learning the arrival of this person, I used

every effort to procure an interview, in which I succeeded, and by means

of a present, I prevailed on him to admit me and my retinue into his

suite. He received me with much civility, and granted all I asked,

assuring me that, with the blessing of God, he would conduct me in safety

to the king. Among his slaves there were two Illyrian renegadoes, who

formed a strict intimacy with my people, to whom they promised to give

every assistance in their power, and to give us due notice of the

departure of their master, which they faithfully performed, and for which

I rewarded them.

On the 22d of September we departed from Tauris with the Persian

counsellor, accompanied likewise by a great many merchants and others,

who took the advantage of travelling under his protection, from fear of

being plundered by the rebels. This country in which we now travelled was

quite level, with very few hills, so dry that we saw no trees except

along the sides of rivers, and having only a few small villages, in which

we purchased what was necessary for our journey, and always rested before

mid-day in the open air, being unable to travel during the height of the

sun, on account of the great heat. Travelling in this manner, we arrived

at _Sultanie_ on the 27th of September. This city appeared to be very

handsome, surrounded by walls, and defended by a good citadel. We saw

here three most curious brazen gates, which had been made at Damascus,

the finest things I ever beheld, which must have cost a great deal of

money. The city of Sultanie stands in a plain at the foot of a range of

mountains, some of which are exceedingly steep and precipitous, and the

inhabitants of which are forced to remove into lower situations during

winter, on account of the severity of the cold. We remained there for

three days, and resumed our journey on the 30th of September, travelling

sometimes in plains, and sometimes among hills, but always taking up our

quarters for the night in the open air.

On the 6th of October we arrived at _Sena_[9], a city without walls,

situated in a plain on the banks of a river, and surrounded by trees, in

which city we passed the night in tolerably bad quarters. We departed

from thence on the 8th, and stopping, according to our usual custom, in

the fields, I was seized with a violent intermittent fever, insomuch that

I could hardly get on horseback next day, and that with infinite distress.

We arrived early next day at Kom, where I was forced to stop, all my

attendants being seized in a similar manner with myself, except our

priest Stephen Testa, who took care of us all. Our fever was so malignant

that we were all delirious during the height of the access or hot fit. I

was afterwards informed that the royal counsellor sent to visit me,

begging my excuse that he could not wait for me, because it was necessary

for him to repair without delay to the king; but that he had left one of

his attendants with me as a guide, and that I need not now be under any

apprehension, as there were none in that part of the country to do me

harm. I remained here a long time sick. The city of Sena or Sava is not

large, and has mud walls, being situated in a champaign country, which is

well peopled, and abounds in every thing necessary to life.

On the 24th of October, being much recovered, we resumed our journey,

though I was still so weak as to find much difficulty in sitting on

horseback. Next day we arrived, at the city of Cashan[10], which very

much resembles Kom, except that it is somewhat handsomer. On the

following day, we came to _Nethas_, or Nathan. This city stands likewise

in a flat country, which produces much wine. I remained here one day,

both to recruit my strength, and because I felt some return of my fever.

On the 28th of October, I prepared as well as I was able to finish my

journey, which was all on plain ground, and arrived at Ispahan, where

Uzun-Hassan then resided, on the 3d of November, having employed twenty-

four days in our journey from Tauris to this place. I immediately sought

out the dwelling of Josaphat Barbaro[11], the ambassador of Venice, and

went to him. He received, me with much joy, and many embraces were

mutually given and received, and we rejoiced together on my safe arrival.

But as I had much need of rest, I very soon went to bed. When the king

heard of my arrival, he sent some of his slaves to congratulate me, who

presented me with some refreshments sent by his majesty.

Early in the morning of the 4th November, some of the kings slaves came

to require that Josaphat Barbaro and I should come to court. On being

introduced to an audience, we found the king attended by eight of his

principal officers. Having made my obeisance after the manner of the

country, I presented the letters of the republic, and explained the

subject of my mission[12]. When I had finished speaking, he answered me

in every point, and in few words; and, among other things, he excused his

conduct in having been obliged to retire to this part of his kingdom.

After this we were ordered to be seated, and his courtiers gave us an

entertainment according to the Persian fashion, which consisted of many

dishes tolerably well dressed. After the repast, we took leave of the

king, and retired to our quarters. Two days afterwards, we were again

sent for to court, when most of the royal apartments were shewn me. The

king then resided in a very pleasant country palace, situated on the

banks of a river. In one of the rooms, there was a painting of Ogurlu-

Mohammed, the kings eldest son, leading the sultan _Busech_, or Abu Saïd,

tied with a rope; and in another picture the decapitation of _Busech_ was

represented. We were again invited to an entertainment, at which many

different kinds of confections were served up. We remained at Ispahan

till the 25th of November, during which period we were frequently invited

to court. The city of Ispahan, like the rest of the Persian cities, is

surrounded by earthen-ramparts. It stands in a plain, and is abundantly

supplied with all the necessaries of life. Having rebelled against the

king, it was besieged and suffered much injury; for, being obstinately

defended, it was subjected to the resentment of the conqueror and the

fury of the soldiers.

Persia is a very flat and arid country, in many parts of which there are

salt lakes. In such parts as can be supplied with water, grain and other

fruits of the earth are produced in abundance, and there are plenty of

beasts of all kinds, as it is everywhere intersected and surrounded by

fertile mountains, but every thing is very dear. The Venetian quart of

wine is sold for three or four ducats; but bread is not so dear in

proportion. A camels load of wood costs a ducat. Flesh is dearer than

with us, and seven hens cost a ducat; but other articles of provisions

are cheaper. The Persians are a civil and humane people; and though

Mahometans, they do not hate the Christians. The women are very modestly

dressed, and ride on horseback with even more grace than the men; and,

judging from the good appearance of the men, the women are probably

handsome.

[1] Uzun-Hassan in the Turkish language signifies Hassan the long, which

prince was likewise named Hassan-beg, or Lord Hassan, and Ozun-Azembeg,

or the long lord Azem or Hassan. By different European writers his

name has been corrupted into Unsun Cassan, Uxun-Cassan, and Usum-

Chasan. He was a Turkman emir of the Ak-koyunla dynasty, or white

sheep tribe, whose ancestor, the governor of a province under the

descendants of Timor, had rendered himself independent in the north

and west of Persia.--E.

[2] This prince, whose real name was probably Abu Said, was the emir of

the Kara-koyunla dynasty, or black sheep tribe of the Turkmans, who

had risen to independence after the death of Timor, and who had long

contended with the prince of the white sheep tribe for ascendancy.

These two tribes derived their distinctive appellations of the black

and white weathers, from some peculiarity in their ensigns or dress,

equivalent to the distinguishing uniforms and banners of our European

armies.--E.

[3] Called Tebriz in modern times.--E.

[4] In the original this name is corrupted to Gurlumamech; but we learn

from the Modern Universal History, that his real name was that

expressed in the text of our translation.--E.

[5] The ruins supposed to be those of Persepolis are situated near Istakar,

about forty miles north from the modern city of Shiraz, in the

province of Fars or Persia proper; but the names in the original are

often so corrupted as to defy even conjecture. Sylas is probably meant

for Shiras.--E.

[6] Named Chali in the original; but it is to be noted that the _ch_ of

the Italian is pronounced as _k_ in English.--E.

[7] It is difficult to determine whether Contarini here means Maksud-beg

or Masih-beg, as Uzun-Hassan had two sons of these names; Maksad was

the elder, and may have been the person named in the text Masu. Bec or

Beg signifies Lord or Prince.--E.

[8] The person mentioned before by Contarini as a messenger from Venice,

and whom he met with at Kaffa, was named on that occasion Paulus

Omnibamus, totally dissimilar from the name in this part of the text.

--E.

[9] Assuredly the Sava of modern maps, a city of Irac-agemi, which stands

upon one of these extraordinary rivers, so numerous in Persia, which

lose themselves in the sands, after a short but useful run.--E.

[10] About sixty miles S. S. E. from Kom. I am disposed to think that

Contarini has slumpt his journey on the present occasion; as it is

hardly to be believed a person in the weak state he describes himself

could have travelled with so much rapidity. Besides, so far as we can

learn from his journal, he travelled always with the same set of

horses. Indeed the sequel immediately justifies this suspicion, as

the subsequent dates are more distant than the travelling days of the

text would warrant.--E.

[11] See Travels of Josaphat Barbaro to Asof in 1436, in our Collection,

Vol I. p. 501, in the introduction to which article, it will be seen

that he had been sent on an embassy from Venice to Uzun-Hassan in 1572,

two years before Contarini; and appears to have remained in the east

for fourteen years in that capacity, after the departure of Contarini

on his return to Venice.--E.

[12] This nowhere distinctly appears; but we may easily understand

incidentally, and from the history of the period, that the Venetian

republic endeavoured to stir up enemies to the Turkish empire in the

east, being unable to resist its power, now exerted against them in

the Morea and the Greek islands; and we may even surmise that Uzun-

Hassan was subsidized by the Venetians to make war upon the Turks.--E.

SECTION IV.

_Contarini accompanies Uzun-Hassan from Ispahan to Tauris, where he finds

Ambassadors from the Duke of Burgundy and the Prince of Muscovy, and gets

leave to return to Venice._

The king left Ispahan with all his court on the 25th of November for

Tauris, and we travelled along with him, passing through most of the

places which we had seen in going to Ispahan. In this journey we always

slept in tents in the fields, and the camp was well supplied with

provisions, as many merchants had received orders to provide grain,

victuals of all kinds, and all sorts of necessaries. On the 14th of

November we arrived at Kom, where we remained two days under tents,

exposed to extremely cold weather, and experienced much difficulty to

procure a small house in which to shelter ourselves. We continued at this

place till the 21st of March 1474, during which interval we went

frequently to court, to pay our respects to the king, on which occasions

we were generally invited to dinner. The Persian court is very magnificent,

being attended by many high officers of state, and every day 400 persons

dine along with the king. These are all seated on the ground, and are

served in copper basons with boiled rice, or some other mess made of flesh

and grain boiled together; but the king is served in great magnificence at

a separate table, with a great variety of dishes of different kinds of

meat. During his meals, the king is often served with wine, and then the

musicians sing and play upon flutes such songs and tunes as the king

pleases to order. The king is of a good size, with a thin visage and

agreeable countenance, having somewhat of the Tartar appearance, and

seemed to be about seventy years old. His manners were very affable, and

he conversed familiarly with every one around him; but I noticed that his

hands trembled when he raised the cup to his lips. It is not needful that

I should enumerate all the audiences which I had on the subject of my

mission, of which I shall make occasional mention hereafter.

On the 21st of March the king and all the court left Kom, on their

journey towards Tauris, the baggage being carried by camels and mules.

Each day we hardly exceeded ten or twelve, or at the most twenty Italian

miles, and always stopt at each encampment till the forage in the

neighbourhood was consumed. The Persian mode of travelling is thus: The

women always arrive first at the new camp, where they set up the tents

and cook provisions for their husbands. They are well clothed and ride

upon good horses, which they manage with much dexterity. The Persian

nation is very magnificent, and exceedingly fond of pomp, and shew, and

it is very agreeable to see their march at some distance. They are very

careful of their camels, of which they have great numbers, even the

poorest seldom travelling with less than seven of these animals; by this

means, the prodigious train which attends the court appears to consist of

many more persons than it actually contains. When the king entered

Ecbatana, his suite consisted of about 2000 persons, but many left the

camp on the march, as it suited their fancy or convenience, and the king

never had above 500 horse along with him. The royal tents were

exceedingly beautiful and magnificent, and his bed was ornamented with

scarlet hangings. The merchants who attended the camp sold every thing at

a high price. All of our party were accommodated with tents, as we

belonged to the suite of the king, who often honoured us with an

invitation to supper, and at other times frequently sent us refreshments.

We were always treated with much civility, and never received any

injuries or affronts.

On the 31st of May the king encamped about fifteen miles from Tauris,

when a certain monk of the Boulonnois named Louis, who called himself

patriarch of Antioch, and envoy from the Duke of Burgundy, arrived at the

camp, attended by five horsemen. The king asked if we knew him, and we

accordingly told what we knew without dissimulation. Next day the king

gave him an audience, at which we were present by command. This patriarch

presented to the king three robes of gold tissue, three others of scarlet

silk, and some of fine cloth, and opened his commission, making many

great offers of service from his prince, and many fine promises in very

magnificent terms, which do not appear proper for me to repeat, and which

the king did not seem to care much about. We were all invited to dinner,

during which the king started many questions, to which he gave very

pertinent answers himself. After dinner we returned to our tents.

On the 2d of June we arrived at Tauris, in which place lodgings were

appointed for us. Six days afterwards, Uzun-Hassan sent for the patriarch

and us to court; and although he had three or four times informed me

already that I must prepare to return into Italy, leaving my colleague

Barbaro at his court, I could not reconcile myself to the journey, and

had done every thing in my power to put off my departure. When we went to

court, the king addressed himself first to the patriarch, whom he ordered

to return to his prince, and to say from him, that he, the king, would

very shortly declare war against the Turks, having already taken the

field with that view, and that he never failed in performing his promises.

He then turned to me, saying, "Return to your country, and tell your

masters that I shall very soon make war upon the Ottomans, and desire

them to do their duty as I shall do mine. I know no one better fitted to

carry this message than you, who have accompanied me from Ispahan, and

have seen my preparations; so that you are able to inform the Christian

princes of all that you have seen, and of my good intentions." I offered

several reasons for excusing myself from obeying these commands, which

gave me much vexation; but the king looked at me with a severe expression

of countenance, saying, "It is my pleasure for you to go, and I command

you. I shall give you letters for your masters, which will inform them of

my sentiments and the reasons of your return." In this state of

embarrassment, I was advised by the patriarch and M. Josaphat to comply

with a good grace; on which I replied to the king as follows: "My

departure, Sir, gives me much distress; but since you judge it proper, I

make no more objections, and am ready to obey your orders. Wherever I may

go, I shall speak of your great power and goodness, and the honours I

have received from your majesty, and shall exhort all the princes of

Christendom to join their forces with you against the common enemy." My

speech pleased the king, and he answered me kindly according to his

wonted manner. After retiring from this andienqe, the king sent some

Persian robes to the patriarch and me, made of fine stuff and very

beautifully ornamented, and presented each of us with a horse and some

money to assist us during our journey.

We remained two days at Tauris after the kings departure, and set out on

the 10th of June to rejoin the court, which was then encamped in a

pleasant spot among excellent pastures and plenty of fine wells; about

twenty-five miles from Tauris. We remained there till the pastures were

eaten bare, and then marched about fifteen miles farther. On the 27th of

June the king gave us our final audience, at which he gave us presents

for our respective sovereigns; that is to say, to the patriarch for the

Duke of Burgundy; to myself for the republic; and to one Marcus Ruffus,

who had come with an embassy from the prince of Muscovy. The presents

consisted in certain pieces of workmanship made in the European fashion,

two swords, and certain ornaments for the head, which are usually

fastened to bonnets. There were two Persian ambassadors in the audience-

chamber, one of whom was destined on a mission into Russia. At length the

king turning towards the patriarch and me, addressed us nearly as follows:

"You will return with all speed to your masters, and will tell them and

all the other Christian princes from me, that I have used all diligence

in taking the field to make war on the Turks, as it had been concerted

between them and me. The emperor of the Turks is at present in

Constantinople, and will make no enterprize of importance this year. As

for myself, I propose sending one part of my army to reduce my rebellious

son, and another against the Turkish generals, while I shall remain here

at hand, to act against the enemy as occasion may require." He gave

orders, both to us and to his own ambassadors, to report this to all the

princes of Christendom. I did not receive these orders with more

satisfaction than I had done the former; but I had no means of escape and

must necessarily obey. Wherefore, having taken our leaves, we prepared

for our departure, and were unexpectedly commanded to remain till next

day. In the mean time, he conveyed a great part of his infantry during

the night to the other side of a mountain. Next morning early, the

_Ruiscasson_, or conductor of ambassadors, carried us to the top of the

hill, as meaning to confer with us on some important subject, and on the

appearance of the Persian infantry under march, he pointed them out to us

as if he had been surprised at seeing so many additional troops coming to

the royal camp. The better to favour this deception, some of his slaves

exclaimed as astonished, that there were a great many soldiers, and that

at least 10,000 were coming to reinforce the army. But we easily saw

through the contrivance, and were certain that these pretended new troops

were merely the ordinary royal escort, which had only changed their

position to impose upon us. After this little comedy, the _Ruiscasson_

gave us the royal letters for our masters, and we returned to our tents.

From the information of M. Josaphat and others, the military force of

this king cannot exceed 20,000 cavalry, some of whom have wooden bucklers

about eighteen inches long. Others have a kind of cuirasses made of very

thin plates of steel, which they wear over their ordinary habits. Their

usual arms are bows and arrows, and cimeters, while some have small

leathern targets covered with silk, and others carry helmets and

cuirasses. Their horses are beautiful and vigorous, and very numerous. In

regard to the manners of the Persians, and the state of the kingdom, I

shall mention what I know of these subjects as occasion may offer during

the recital of my travels; but I do not think it proper to weary my

readers with any lengthened detail.

SECTION V.

_Journey of Contarini from Persia, through Georgia and Mingrelia, to the

city Phasis._

Being entirely ready to depart on the 1st of July, we took leave of M.

Josaphat Barbaro in his tent, when we mutually shed tears in sincere

grief at our separation. Having recommended myself to the protection of

God, I mounted on horseback, and began my journey, accompanied by the

patriarch of Antioch, Marcus Ruffus the Muscovite, and the two Persian

ambassadors, intending to return by way of Phasis, which is under the

dominion of Uzun-Hassan. To this route we were advised by certain birds

of bad augury, who were omens of the terrible dangers we had to encounter

in the sequel. Coming to the villages of the catholic Armenians, formerly

mentioned, we were well received by their bishops, and attended the mass

regularly during three days that we had to remain here, laying in a stock

of provisions for the journey. From thence we came to the frontiers of

Georgia, travelling through plains interspersed with hills, and arrived

on the 12th of July at _Typsi_[1], which is subject to the king of the

Georgians. This city stands upon a hill, at the foot of which runs the

river _Tigre_, and it is defended by a good castle on the summit of an

eminence. It was formerly a celebrated place, but is at present almost

utterly ruined, though beginning to revive, and contains many good

catholics. In this place we took up our lodgings with a person named

Arminius, of the catholic faith. In travelling through Georgia, we found

a few villages composed of huts, and some castles among the mountains,

but these were rare and distant.

On the 19th of July, being near the frontiers of Mingrelia, we chanced to

meet with Pangratius, king of Georgia, in the midst of a forest

surrounded by mountains, and went to pay our respects to him, when he

invited us to dinner. We had to sit on the ground, having a skin spread

before us instead of a table-cloth, and were served with roasted meat and

fowls, very ill dressed; but, by way of making amends, they frequently

presented us with large goblets of wine, as they seem to place all

dignity and merit in deep drinking. For this reason it is their custom,

at the conclusion of their meals, to challenge one another to drink, and

he who empties the greatest number of goblets, is held in highest esteem.

As the Turks drink no wine, their presence was some restraint that day on

their usual bacchanalian contests, and as we neither could nor would

compete with them, we were held in great contempt. The king was about

forty years old, and of large make, with a strong resemblance to the

Tartar countenance. We parted from the king of Georgia next day, and on

the 22d of July, on the confines of Mingrelia, we fell in with a Georgian

commander at the head of some troops, both cavalry and infantry who was

posted in this place to prevent injury from the disorders that had broke

out in Mingrelia, in consequence of the death of Bendian, prince of that

country. These people stopped, and frightened us with, many cruel menaces;

but at length, after being robbed of two quivers full of arrows, and

having to gratify them with some money, we escaped from them, and made

the best of our way to a distance. Leaving the public road, we struck off

into a thick wood, where we passed the night in prodigious apprehension.

On the following day, while approaching the city of _Cotati_[2], we met

some peasants in a narrow pass, who prevented us for some time from going

forwards, and even threatened to put us to death. After much altercation,

and many threats, they seized three horses belonging to the Turks[3],

which were with great difficulty redeemed for twenty ducats. On the

evening we reached Cutais, which is a royal fortress. While passing a

bridge over a river, early in the morning of the 24th of July, we were

again attacked by robbers, who came upon us suddenly, and, after many

threats, forced us to pay the full value of our horses, before they would

allow us to continue our journey. After passing this bridge, we entered

Mingrelia, where we followed our wonted custom of sleeping under the

canopy of heaven, though we had many worse inconveniencies and dangers to

encounter: for, on the 25th of July, having passed over a river by means

of rafts, we were conducted to the dwelling of a certain lady, named

_Maresca_, sister of the deceased prince Badian, who received us at first

with much civility, and treated us with bread and wine, after which we

were conducted into a field belonging to her, which was close shut on all

sides. On the morrow, when we were about to depart, we offered her a

present of twenty ducats, as a return for her hospitality, which at first

she pretended to refuse; but we soon discovered her treachery, as she

insisted on our paying two ducats as a ransom for each of our horses. We

expressed our astonishment at this rapacity, and endeavoured to represent

our inability to comply with such exorbitant demands, but all to no

purpose, and we were forced to comply, being afraid that she might even

have plundered us of every thing.

Leaving this rapacious dame, we arrived at _Phasis_ on the 27th of July,

some on horseback and others in boats, where we again lodged with

_Martha_ the Circassian lady, whom I formerly mentioned. After having run

many risks in our journey, we here learnt a piece of most afflictive news,

that the Turks had taken possession of Kaffa or Theodosia in the Crimea,

by which we were deprived of our last resource, and shut out apparently

from every hope of continuing our voyage homewards. Our distress on

receiving this intelligence may easily be conceived, and, in fact, we

were so much cast down, as not to know what measures to pursue, or to

which hand to turn us. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, resolved upon

going through Tartary and Russia, with which route he was acquainted. It

was to no purpose that I urged the promises we had mutually come under at

the beginning of our journey, never to separate on any account. To this

he answered, that the unforeseen circumstances which had occurred, were a

sufficient warrant to every one to consult his own individual safety. I

insisted and beseeched him not to treat me with such unfeeling cruelty,

but all in vain, for he prepared to set off along with the Turkish

ambassador, who had been sent by Uzun-Hassan as his particular companion.

In this extremity I went to Marcus Ruffus, and the Turkish ambassador who

was joined with him by the king of Persia, to whom I mentioned my

intention of returning back to Uzun-Hassan. They pretended to approve my

plan, and even to join me, and we embraced as entering, into promise of

keeping together; but they secretly came to a determination of taking

their journey through the province of _Gorgore_, which is subject to

_Calcicanus_, and to the city of _Vati_,[4] which is on the frontiers of

the Turks, and pays tribute to the Grand Signior.

The patriarch set out on the 6th of August, and the next day Marcus

Ruffus followed him, accompanied by several Russians, partly on horseback,

and partly by means of boats. Their intentions were to travel from Vati,

by Shamaki, anciently Cyropolis, and thence into Tartary. Thus left alone

in a strange land, I leave any reasonable person to think what were the

embarrassments with which I was surrounded. I was unacquainted with a

single individual, having no company but that of my domestics, and had

very little money remaining. In short, I was reduced almost to despair,

of ever being able to get out of the country. In this state of distress I

fell into a violent fever, and could get no other nourishment but bread

and water, and a pullet occasionally with much difficulty; and my fever

increased to such a degree that I became delirious. All my domestics were

attacked soon after with the same fever, the priest Stephen only excepted,

who had to take care of us all. My only bed was a wretched mattress,

which had been lent me by a person named John Volcan; and my life was

despaired of by every one, till the 9th of September, when, by the cares

of Stephen and of Martha, my good hostess, or rather through the mercy of

God, the fever abated, and I soon recovered my former health, to the

astonishment of every one. My domestics likewise recovered, and we began

again to consult on the best means of escaping out of our present

situation. Some proposed to take the road of Syria, but I deemed this too

dangerous; and we at length came to the determination, of going by

Shamaki, into Tartary, and thence by Russia, Poland, and Germany. I got

accordingly on horseback on the 10th of September, but had hardly rode

two miles when I was forced to dismount and rest myself on the ground. I

was, therefore, obliged to return to my lodging in Phasis, where we

remained till the 17th, when, being all of us restored to health and

strength, we again resumed our journey, after having implored the

protection and assistance of God. I now took a certain Greek into my

service, who could speak the Mingrelian language, who occasioned me a

thousand troubles, which it were tedious to recount.

[1] This in all probability is a corruption of Tiflis, or Teffliz, the

capital of Georgia Georgia, which is situated on the river Kur or

Cyrus, erroneously named _Tigre_ in the text. The proper name of this

country is Gurgi-stan, or the country of the Gurgi which has been

corrupted by the Europeans into Georgia.--E.

[2] Cutais in Imeritia, named Cotachis on a former occasion in the text.

--E.

[3] These Turks must have been the Persian ambassadors of Uzun-Hassan;--E.

[4] This proposed route seems to have been through the province of _Guria_

to Batum; and, from the sequel, to have returned to Georgia and

Shirvan, passing through Derbent and the Caspian gates, or Daghisten,

into western Tartary. But the names in the text are too corrupt for

any certainty. Calcicanus, in the text, is probably a corruption of

Kalo Johannes, who was then prince, or emperor, of Trebisond.--E.

SECTION VI.

_Leaving Phasis, Contarini travels through Mingrelia and Georgia, into

Media, and, passing the Caspian, arrives in Tartary._

Leaving Phasis, as before mentioned, on the 17th of September; and taking

the road of Mingrelia, we came to _Cotati_, or Cutais, on the 21st of

that month, extremely worn out through the consequences of our late

illness, and the fatigues of the journey; and as the Greek whom I had

hired never ceased to give me vexation, I here parted with him as

handsomely as I could. We remained two days at Cutais, among people who

knew us not, and whose language we were quite ignorant of. Leaving that

place, and tracing back our former steps, we passed over several

mountains in much fear, and arrived at Tiflis on the 30th of September,

where we took shelter in the chapel of a certain Armenian catholic, who

had more the appearance of a dead person than of a living man, but who

rendered us every possible service. This man had a son who lived with him,

and who, unfortunately for us, was seized with the plague, which had

raged in that part of the country this year. From him one of my servants,

named Maffeo of Bergamo, caught the distemper, who still kept about me

during two days, though ill, as he was my own particular domestic. At

length, growing worse, he had to take to his bed, when the distemper

shewed itself; and as he lay in the same room with me, and the house

could not afford me another, I was forced to take refuge in a hovel where

some cows were kept at night; and as the Armenian refused to allow Maffeo

to remain in his house, I was constrained to take him into the same place

with myself, where Stephen took care of him, till God pleased to take him

out of the world. After the death of Maffeo, I experienced great

difficulty to procure another stable for myself, that I might get away

from the morbid air of that in which my poor servant died. In this

extremity we were utterly abandoned, except by one old man, who

understood a little of our language, and who served us with much

affection.

We remained at this place till the 21st October, and on the evening

before our intended departure, the Persian ambassador, who had

accompanied the patriarch, came to Tiflis. He complained grievously of

having been plundered, through the fault of the patriarch, with whom he

had travelled to _Lavógasia_, where he had left him, and was now on his

road to complain to Uzun-Hassan. We agreed to travel in company from

Tiflis, a city belonging to Pancratis[1]. From thence in two days we

entered the territories of Uzun-Hassan, as we took the road towards

Shamaki, or Cyropolis, which is situated in a fertile and pleasant

country. On the 26th of October we separated, as the Persian went to Uzun-

Hassan at Tauris, and I took the road for the dominions of _Sivanse_, in

which Shamaki stands; but by means of the Persian ambassador I procurred

a _molah_, or Mahometan priest, to guide me on the road to Shamaki. This

country is greatly more beautiful and more fertile than the dominions of

Uzun-Hassan, and is ruled over by _Sivanse_, king of Media[2]. Of this

country Shamaki is the capital, at which place I arrived on the 1st

November 1474. This city is not so large as Tauris, but, as far as I

could judge, surpasses that place in the goodness and abundance of every

thing, especially in excellent cattle. It produces great quantities of

excellent silk, of which they manufacture various kinds of very slight

stuffs. While here, I had the good fortune to be rejoined by Marcus

Ruffus, the Muscovite ambassador, who had parted from me at Phasis, as

formerly related. Immediately on learning that I was in the city, he came

to visit me, and we embraced with cordiality. I now earnestly entreated

him to receive me and my domestics into his society for the remainder of

the journey, to which he very readily agreed.

We left Shamaki on the 6th of November, for the city of Derbent, which is

called, in the language of the country, the Caucassian Gates, or the Iron

Gates. This city is under the dominion of _Sivanse_, and stands on the

frontiers of Tartary. On our journey we travelled sometimes over plains

and sometimes on mountains, and were tolerably well treated by the

Turkish inhabitants, with whom we lodged by the way. About mid-way

between these two cities we came to a large village, where we found great

abundance of excellent fruits, particularly admirable apples. We arrived

on the 12th of November at Derbent, and were advised to pass the winter

in that place; as it was necessary, in our way to Russia, to cross the

desert of Tartary, which is much easier in the spring of the year, and

likewise because it was proper for us to cross over the Caspian to the

Tartar city of Citracan. The city of Derbent is situated on the shore of

the Caspian, which the Mardians call the sea of Bachaan or Bacou. This

city is said to have been built by Alexander the Great, and is called the

_Iron Gate_, because it entirely closes up the only passage from Tartary

into Media and Persia, by means of a deep valley reaching from Circassia.

Derbent is fortified with a thick well built wall, reaching from the

castle at the foot of the mountain all the way to the sea; but not above

a sixth part of the space within the walls is inhabited, all that end

nearest the sea being in ruins, among which are several tombs. The

country about this city produces abundance of all kinds of fruits, among

which are plenty of grapes, from which the inhabitants make wine.

The Caspian, or Sea of Hircania, which has no communication whatever with

the ocean, is about the same size with the Euxine or Black Sea, and is

very deep. They catch in this sea great quantities of sturgeons, and sea-

wolves as they are called; and there are prodigious quantities of sea-

dogs, or seals, having the head, feet, and tail like ordinary dogs. The

only other remarkable fish is of a round form, about a yard and a half in

diameter, with no perceptible head or other member, from which the

natives extract a great quantity of oil, which they use in their lamps,

and with which they anoint their camels. The inhabitants of this country,

who are all Mahometans, are neither cruel nor barbarous, and used us

exceedingly well; having once asked us who we were, and being answered

that we were Christians, they troubled us with no farther inquiries. My

dress at this time consisted of coarse and much worn cloth, lined with

lambs skin, above which I wore a leathern robe, and my hat was of skin;

in which dress I frequently went to the market to purchase flesh and

other provisions, which I carried home myself. On one of these occasions

a person eyed me attentively, and, turning to some of his comrades, said,

this man was not born to the employment of carrying meat. Marcus Ruffus,

who happened to be along with me, explained what the man had said; and I

was astonished at being recognized in so shabby a dress, which I thought

must have proved a sufficient concealment: but, in truth, as I have said

before, they are a very good kind of people.

During my residence in Derbent, I was anxious to learn some certain

intelligence respecting the state of affairs at the court of Uzun-Hassan,

for which purpose I sent Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, with letters

to Josaphat Barbaro at Tauris, which is twenty days journey from Derbent.

He returned at the end of fifty days, bringing answers from Barbaro,

informing me that the king still remained at Tauris, but that he was

utterly ignorant of his affairs.

Spring being arrived, we began to think of pursuing our journey, and

Marcus procured a boat for transporting us to _Curere_[3]. The boats

which are used in this country are drawn up on the shore all winter, as

the sea is then too rough for their use. They are sharp at both ends, and

wide in the middle, their planks being fastened with tree-nails, and

their bottoms payed over with pitch; and as the natives use no compasses,

or other maritime instruments, they always creep along the coast. These

boats, which are very crazy and dangerous, are moved forwards by means of

oars; and the people are very ignorant of navigation, though they believe

themselves the best mariners in the world.

On the 5th of April 1475, we embarked, and departed from Derbent, being

thirty-five persons in all, including the master of the boat and the crew.

The rest of the passengers were merchants, carrying rice, silk, and

silken goods to _Citrarchan_[4], where they proposed to sell their

commodities to the Russians and Tartars, or to barter them for other

articles. Having coasted along during three days, with a favourable wind,

always keeping about fifteen miles from the shore, the wind became

contrary on the third evening, and increased during the night to so

violent a tempest that we expected to have been lost. Although we had all

reason to believe our bark would be dashed to pieces on the shore, we

made every effort to gain the land, and fortunately our vessel ran into a

kind of ditch or dock between sand banks, very near the beach, where she

stuck fast, impelled by the united force of the winds and waves, and of

our oars. Between us and the shore there was a pool, through which we had

to wade, carrying our baggage on our shoulders; and we were almost

perished with cold, owing to the wind, and our being drenched with water;

yet we unanimously agreed to refrain from making a fire, lest that

circumstance might attract the notice of the Tartars, whom we feared to

meet with. At day light we noticed traces of horses having been on the

spot, and the recent fragments of a ruined skiff, from which we were led

to conclude, that some persons must have been here; but some other

circumstances gave us reason to believe that the Tartars were not near

the shore.

We remained undisturbed at this place till the 14th of April, when the

wind and weather becoming favourable, we got our bark from the creek, and

again resumed our voyage, and advanced near thirty miles the same day.

Towards evening the wind became again contrary, but we avoided the

dangers of an impending storm, by taking refuge amidst some reeds, among

which our mariners hauled the boat, so as to be out of danger from the

waves, and we made our way to the land through the reeds, in doing which

we were much fatigued and thoroughly drenched in water. We rested here

all that night and the day following, which was Easter day, having

nothing on which to commemorate that festival, except some butter, and a

few eggs which we fortunately gathered on the sandy beach. The mariners

and passengers were often inquisitive to know who I was; and, pursuant to

the advice of Marcus Ruffus, I passed myself among them as the physician

and servant of _Despima_, the consort of the grand duke of Moscovy, to

whom I was going. A short time after this, one of our mariners happened

to be afflicted by a large boil, and came to consult me in my assumed

character; and as I had the good fortune to discover some oil in our bark,

I made a poultice for him with bread and flour, by which he was soon

cured. From this circumstance they actually believed me to be a physician,

and were very anxious that I should remain among them; but Marcus drew me

out of this difficulty, by saying that I had no medicinal preparations

with me, but would soon return from Russia with a proper assortment.

[1] This name is probably corrupted for Bagration, or Bagrathion, which

was once the family name of the sovereigns of Georgia, and, if I

mistake not, there is, or was lately, a prince of that family and name

in the service of Russia.--E.

[2] The kingdom of Media in the text, is obviously meant to indicate the

province of Shirvan, on the west of the Caspian.--E.

[3] Perhaps Saray, on the eastern branch of the Wolga.--E.

[4] Probably Astracan is here meant.--E.

SECTION VII.

_Arrival of Contarini at Citracan, and journey from thence, through

several dangers among the Tartars, to Muscovy along with some merchants_.

On the 15th of April we put again to sea with a favourable wind, and

coasting along a series of reedy islands, we arrived on the 26th of that

month at the mouth of the Wolga, a large river which flows from Russia

into the Caspian. From the mouth of this river it is computed to be

seventy-six miles to the city of Citracan[1], which we reached on the

30th. Near this city there are excellent _salines_[2], from which all the

neighbouring provinces are supplied with salt. The Tartars who commanded

in the city would not permit us to enter that evening, so that we had to

pass the night in a hut without the walls. In the morning three broad-

faced Tartars came and ordered us to go along with them to their prince.

They treated Marcus with respect, saying that he was a friend of their

sovereign; but alleged that I was his slave, as they consider all the

Franks or Christians as their enemies. These news were most cruelly

mortifying for me, and afflicted me severely; but I was obliged to submit

in spite of me, and Marcus advised me to allow him to speak for me.

Forced in this manner to return disconsolate to my hut, I was long

exposed to every indignity and danger, to my great mortification and

distress. The Tartars insisted that I was possessed of pearls, and even

plundered me of some merchandize I had purchased in Derbent, intending to

have bartered it in this place for a good horse to carry me during the

rest of my journey. They informed me afterwards, by means of Marcus, that

they intended to sell us all to certain people whom they waited for, and

who were to go into Muscovy with other merchants. After many

mortifications and distresses, it was resolved to hold a grand

consultation concerning us at a large village named _Alermi_, about two

miles from the city, where their lord resided. At this time I was not

possessed of a single farthing, and was obliged to borrow money from the

Russian and Tartar merchants, at a high interest, to supply our urgent

necessities, for which Marcus became my bondsman.

One day, while Marcus was absent, the khan or prince of the Tartars[3],

broke open the door of our hut, and endeavoured to compel me by threats

to deliver up the pearls which he believed I was possessed of, and I had

infinite difficulty to escape out of his hands, and to persuade him not

to put me to death. The Tartars used often to come to our hut in the

night, when drunk with mead, demanding with loud outcries to deliver up

the Franks to them, and the bravest among us were terrified at the

dangerous situation in which we were among these savages. In this

horrible situation we remained from the 1st of May to the 10th of August.

The city of Citracan belongs to three brothers, who are sons to the

brother of the Tartar emperor, and the inhabitants often make plundering

inroads into the plains of _Cinassia_[4], and along the borders of the

Don. During the height of summer they travel with their flocks in search

of pasturage, to the northern parts of Russia, and hardly spend above a

month every year in Citracan. That city, which stands on the banks of the

Wolga, is by no means large, its houses being built of earth: It is

surrounded by a slight wall, and does not appear to have had any better

buildings for a long time past. It is said to have had a very

considerable fair formerly, and that the perfumes and spiceries which

used to be brought to Venice, came first to this place from the east,

whence they were carried to the Tanais or Don, which is only eight days

journey from the Wolga. The prince of Citracan, whose name is _Casinach_,

sends every year an ambassador to the grand duke of Muscovy, on purpose

to extort a present; and on this occasion, several Tartar merchants

accompany the ambassador, carrying silk, silken vestments, and other

articles of trade, which they barter for saddles, furs, and other things

which are in request among their countrymen.

The only way of travelling into Russia from this place, is through

extensive deserts, on which account travellers have to go in large bands

or caravans for mutual security, and to carry provisions for the journey.

The Tartars care little for the latter precaution, as they have always

plenty of spare horses, and kill one when needed, as they live entirely

on flesh and milk, without caring for any other food. They use no bread,

and only a few of their merchants who have been in Russia know any thing

of this article. Previous to the commencement of our journey[5], we

provided provisions for the journey as well as we could. In this view we

procured some rice with much difficulty, which, boiled in milk, and then

dried in the sun, makes, when afterwards boiled in water, an excellent

and nourishing food. We had likewise some onions, a small quantity of

biscuit, and some other trifles, and I bought, during the journey, the

salted tail of a sheep[6]. The usual road from Citracan to Russia lay

between two branches of the Wolga, but the roads were then exceedingly

dangerous, as the Tartar emperor was then at war with his nephew, who

pretended a right to the throne, as his father had once been emperor. On

this account it was proposed to pass over to the other side of the river,

and to travel towards the straits between the Don and the Wolga, which

are about five days journey from Citracan, after which it was presumed we

should be out of danger. Our baggage was accordingly carried across the

river on rafts, and Marcus desired me to keep always along with him and

the Tartar ambassador, named _Auchioli_. I and my interpreter accordingly

set out about mid-day along with the ambassador, to go to the place where

the boats waited for us, which was about twelve miles from the city, our

other companions having already gone there. On our arrival about sunset,

while I prepared to go into one of the boats on purpose to cross the

river, Marcus seemed suddenly struck with an extraordinary panic, and

commanded the interpreter and me to take to flight instantly to avoid

inevitable danger. We mounted therefore immediately, having likewise a

Russian woman along with us and a Tartar guide of a most horrible aspect,

and set out at full speed. In this manner we followed our guide the whole

of that night and part of the next day, without being ever allowed to

stop. I frequently asked our guide, by means of my interpreter, what was

the reason of all this, and where he proposed to carry me? At length he

explained the cause of Marcus having made us set off, with such

precipitation; as the khan had sent an order to examine all the boats,

and he was apprehensive they would have detained me as a slave if I had

been found.

About mid-day of the 13th of August 1475, we arrived at the banks of the

river, and our Tartar guide endeavoured to find a boat in which to carry

us into an island in which the flocks of Auchioli were kept; but not

finding one, he cut down some branches, which he tied together so as to

form a raft. On this he placed the saddles of our horses, and tying this

raft to his horses tail, he mounted the horse, on which he swam across

the river to the island, which lay a bow-shot from the shore. He then

came back with the raft, on which he carried over the Russian woman;

after which he came back for me, and I stripped myself naked before

trusting myself to the crazy raft, that I might be in readiness to save

myself by swimming, in case of any misfortune. He afterwards returned for

our horses; and my interpreter swam across. The passage of the river

being thus happily effected, the Tartar carried us to a wretched hovel,

covered by a miserable woollen cloth, where he gave us some sour milk,

which we found very refreshing, as we had been long without food, and

were much fatigued. Immediately on our arrival in the island being known,

several Tartars left their flocks to come and see us, seeming infinitely

surprized and much gratified by the sight, as we were probably the first

Christians who had ever been on the island. Being exceedingly fatigued

and distressed in mind, I did not care to speak with them, yet our Tartar

guide treated me with much kindness, and made me as good cheer as he was

able. Next day, being the eve of the festival of the Virgin, he killed a

fat lamb to entertain me, part of which he roasted, and part was boiled;

and though contrary to the rules of our religion to eat meat on that day,

I made a hearty meal, notwithstanding that every thing was disgustingly

dirty. We had likewise sour milk to drink, and the Tartars drank mares

milk, of which they are very fond; but I would not drink this, though I

could easily perceive my dislike did not please the Tartars.

I remained here two days; and at last, on the 26th of August, Marcus and

the rest made their appearance on the other side of the river, and sent a

boat for me in which were two of his servants, a Russian and a Tartar.

Stephen Testa and John Ungaret, my two attendants, were very much

rejoiced at seeing me again, as they believed me entirely lost, and we

rested two days at this place before entering upon the desert. Marcus had

been so attentive as to provide a horse for me, of which I stood in great

need. In this caravan, which was under the command of the Tartar

ambassador, there were about three hundred persons, Russians and Tartars,

who carried with them above two hundred[7] horses, partly intended to

serve as food by the way, and partly for sale in Russia. We arrived in

good order at night on the banks of the river, and we rested every day at

noon during the fifteen days of our journey, as we were now considered to

be out of danger from any attack by the Tartars. I do not recollect the

name of the emperor of the Tartars who inhabit this part of the country

between the Wolga and the Tanais. This nation has no fixed place of abode,

but shift their encampments from place to place, wherever they can find

pasture and water for their cattle, on which they have their whole

dependence, as they subsist entirely on flesh and milk. They have cows,

heifers, and sheep of admirable beauty, the flesh of which is excellent,

as they feed on fine pastures; but these people prefer mares milk to

every other delicacy. Though I have not been in the country of these

Tartars, I have been informed that it is flat and agreeable, having

neither hill nor mountain; but the inhabitants addict themselves

excessively to robbery and plunder, as their sole occupation, and

continually infest the borders of Russia and Circassia by predatory

incursions. Their horses are very wild and unmanageable, and are never

shod. We were told that there is another tribe of Tartars beyond the

Wolga, named wild Tartars, who allow their hair to grow extremely long.

In the middle of winter they often make inroads to the very skirts of the

city of Citracan, whence they carry off cattle, but do no other damage.

These people, like all the Tartars, shift their encampments in search of

pasturage and water.

After travelling for fifteen days along the eastern bank of the Wolga, we

came to a small forest, where the Tartars and Russians of the caravan cut

down trees to construct rafts for crossing the river. While they were at

this work, we discovered a small bark which was by no means in good

repair, by means of which our company proposed to convey our baggage

across. Marcus crossed over with a part of our baggage, leaving me in

charge of the rest, and sent back the boat when he was landed. In my trip

with the remainder of our baggage, the boat began to leak when we were

about half way over, the breadth of the river at this place being about

two miles. Stephen and two Russians accompanied me in the boat, leaving

Demetrius, my interpreter, and John Ungar in charge of the horses. We had

much ado to bale out the water, but by the blessing of God, we got over

in safety. After our baggage was landed, the Russians put off, to go back

for the rest of our people and the horses; but the boat fell to pieces.

This necessarily delayed our other servants and the horses from getting

over till next day, during which interval they were badly off, as all our

provisions were on our side. It was fortunate that I now examined the

state of our provisions, which I found diminished much beyond expectation,

so that we were under the necessity of abridging our allowance for the

remainder of the journey, that we might not run short altogether. Our

principal food consisted of millet, with garlic and onions, and some sour

milk; and we found some wild apples at this place, which we roasted. In

the course of two days, the whole baggage of the caravan was transported

to the western side of the river by means of seven rafts, drawn by horses,

and directed by the Tartars, the horses swimming and having the rafts

tied to their tails. The sight of this was very amusing, but seemed very

dangerous to those who were employed. After resting some time, we quitted

the banks of the river, and resumed our journey. This river Wolga is

certainly the largest and deepest river in the world, being, as well as I

could judge, two miles broad, and has very high banks.

[1] Called Citrarchan in the former section, but certainly what we now

call Astracan, then the capital of a Tartar principality, which now

forms one of the provinces of the vast Russian empire.--E.

[2] These are large shallow ponds, in which sea water is exposed to

evaporation, to procure salt.--E.

[3] In the original this person is called the cham of the _Camercheriens_.

The Tartar government of Astracan belonged to one of the Mongal tribes

of Kipschak; but the word used in the original may have been a local

term, not now explicable.--E.

[4] Perhaps the kingdom or province of Cazan, higher up the Wolga.--E.

[5] Contarini has forgot to give us any account in what manner he procured

leave to quit Astracan. Perhaps, by means of Marcus, he was permitted

to pass for one of his attendants.--E.

[6] It may be necessary to remark, that the tails of a peculiar species of

sheep, O. Platyurus, or the broad-tailed sheep, common among the

Tartars, and other parts of the world, are said sometimes to weigh

twenty-five pounds.--E.

[7] Probably an error for 2000.--E.

SECTION VIII.

_Contarini, after crossing European Sarmatia, arrives at Moscow, the

capital of White Russia, and is presented to the Grand Duke._

After recommending ourselves to the protection of God, we continued our

journey, through immense and terrible deserts, sometimes towards the

north, and sometimes westerly[1], always resting at noon, and taking up

our quarters for the night on the bare ground, without any protection

against the weather. To prevent us from being surprized in the night by

the wandering Tartars, outguards were placed every night in three

directions around our resting-place. During the greater part of this long

and dreary journey, we were very ill off for water both for ourselves and

our cattle, and we never saw any wild animals. One day we saw about forty

horses, which we were told had escaped from a caravan of merchants the

year before. We fell in one day with a small horde of Tartars, having

twenty waggons, but I was not able to learn where they were going. As our

provisions decreased rapidly, we were forced to use the remainder very

sparingly, and were consequently reduced to a very short allowance.

On the 22d of September 1475, we entered Russia, and discovered a few

huts in the middle of a wood. On the inhabitants learning that Marcus,

their countryman, was in our caravan, they came to see him that he might

protect them from the Tartars, and brought him a present of honey and wax,

a part of which he gave to us. This was a most providential supply, as we

were so much reduced by fatigue and spare diet, that we were hardly able

to sit on horseback. The first city we came to in this country was

_Rezan_[2], the prince of which place had married a sister of the Grand

Duke of Russia. The castle and all the houses of this city are built of

wood. We here procured bread and meat, and mead in abundance, to our

great comfort and satisfaction. The next city we came to was _Kolomna_,

passing a very large bridge over the _Monstrus_[3] which flows into the

Wolga. At this place, Marcus quitted the caravan, which travelled too

slowly in his opinion, and pushed on for Moscow, where we arrived on the

26th of September, after a journey of forty-seven days through the desert,

from the 10th of August, on which day we left Citracan. In a great part

of this journey we found no wood, and were forced to cook our victuals

with fires made of dried cow dung. We returned thanks to God on our

arrival, for our preservation through so many and great dangers. On our

arrival, Marcus procured a dwelling for us, consisting of a small stove-

room and some chambers, with stabling for our horses. Though small and

mean, I felt as if lodged in a palace, when I compared my present state

of tranquil security with the dangers and inconveniences I had been so

long subjected to.

Marcus made me a visit two days afterwards, and supplied me with some

necessaries, exhorting me, as on the part of his sovereign, to keep a

good heart. I returned his visit next day; and being very desirous to

return home to Venice, I requested him to introduce me to the grand duke,

which he promised to do as soon as possible, and I soon afterwards was

desired to go to court. Immediately on my getting there, I was conducted

to an audience; on which I made my obeisance in due form to the grand

duke, to whom I returned thanks for all the attentions I had received

from his ambassador, Marcus, in the course of my journey, by whose

assistance and advice I had escaped a thousand dangers; assuring his

highness that I attributed these marks of kindness as done to the

republic of Venice, whose ambassador I was, and that the republic would

unquestionably evince a due sense of the obligations, to which I owed my

life and safety. The grand duke interrupted my harangue, by complaining

with much emotion of the conduct of _John Baptista_ of Treviso, and said

a great deal on this subject, which is not proper for me to report. After

a conversation of some length, in which I spoke to his highness about my

departure, he closed my audience, postponing his answers to my requests

to a future opportunity. The grand duke was very shortly to quit Moscow,

on purpose to visit several parts of his dominions, and particularly the

Tartar frontier, where one of his officers was stationed, with the

command of 500 horse[4], to repress the incursions of robbers on that

side: I therefore endeavoured to procure an answer about my departure,

and solicited a second audience for that purpose. On this occasion I was

very politely received by the grand duke, accompanied by three of his

principal barons. At first they expatiated at some length on the subject

of John Baptista, formerly mentioned; but at length I received liberty to

remain or to depart as I thought proper. They dismissed me with this

vague answer, and the grand duke set out from Moscow soon afterwards. I

owed a great deal of money to Marcus, which he had expended for me and my

people, as he had defrayed the whole expences of our journey, and had

supplied me with many things of which I stood in need. I requested

permission from him to go away, giving him the most solemn assurance that

I would transmit full payment to him immediately after my arrival at

Venice. But he declared this was not in his power, as he was under the

necessity of repaying the Tartarian and Russian merchants, who had

advanced all these things for us, and to whom he had become security for

payment. Finding every application to the duke and Marcus on this subject

ineffectual, as I could not procure the necessary funds for my journey

from either, I was under the necessity of sending Stephen Testa to Venice,

to solicit a remittance from our illustrious senate, by which I might be

enabled to pay my debts. Stephen left Moscow on the 7th of October,

accompanied by one _Nicolas Leopolitain_[5], who knew the country.

I became acquainted at Moscow with one Triphon, a goldsmith, a native of

Ascravia or Cathara, who was employed in making several articles of

silver plate for the grand duke. I likewise formed acquaintance with a

very ingenious architect of Bologna, named Aristotle, who was building a

new church in the market-place. As the house in which I lodged was small

and disagreeable, I went to live with this person by the advice of Marcus:

But I was soon after obliged to change my quarters by order from court,

to a house near the castle, in which I remained for the rest of my stay

at Moscow. This city, which is the capital of the Russian dominions, and

the residence of the grand duke, or sovereign, is built on a small

elevation, on the banks of the Mosqua, over which there are several

bridges; the castle and all the houses of the city being built of wood,

which is procured from several thick forests near the place. The soil of

this country is fertile, and produces abundance of corn of all kinds,

which sell here much cheaper than with us; The country abounds in cattle

and swine, and with incredible numbers of poultry, ducks, geese, and

hares; but they have no venison, either because there are no deer, or

because the natives are ignorant of the art of taking them. But they have

no vines, and their only fruits are cucumbers, wild apples, and nuts. The

country is extremely cold, and the inhabitants are under the necessity of

living for nine months of the year in stoves. They provide during winter

for their living in summer[6]. When the whole country is enveloped in

frost and snow, they use sledges drawn by horses, which are very

convenient and useful for travelling; and are even used in summer on

account of the miry bad roads, which are exceedingly difficult and

unpleasant. The river ordinarily freezes over about the end of October,

when the merchants erect booths on the ice, in which they expose their

wares of all kinds for sale, as in a fair or market; and they here sell

great numbers of cattle and swine, and great quantities of corn, timber,

and all other necessaries of life; every thing being procurable in great

abundance all the winter. About the end of November, they kill all the

cattle, sheep, and other animals that are required for winter provision,

and expose them for sale on the river in a frozen state; and the rigour

of the season preserves these provisions for two or three months, without

any risk of spoiling. Fish, poultry, and all other articles of food, are

kept in the same manner. The horses run with great ease and swiftness on

the ice yet they sometimes fell and break their necks. Both men and women

of this country have very good faces, but their manners are exceedingly

bad.

The Russian church is ruled over by a patriarch, whose election or

appointment is dependent on the grand duke, and who does not acknowledge

subjection to the Roman pontiff; and they hold all sectaries in

abhorrence, as people doomed to perdition. The natives are much addicted

to drunkenness, and he who excels in drinking is much esteemed among them.

They have no wine, as I have said before, instead of which they drink

mead, made of honey and water, which is very pleasant when sufficiently

kept. It is not allowed to every one to make this liquor, for which

purpose a license or permission must be had from the grand duke; for if

every person had liberty to make mead, they would drink perpetually like

so many beasts, and would kill one another. From morning till noon, they

are employed in the market-place, occupied in their various businesses

and employments, after which they adjourn to the taverns, in which they

spend all the rest of the day. Every winter, great numbers of merchants

come to Moscow from Germany and Poland, who purchase furs of all kinds,

which are indeed exceedingly beautiful. Among these furs, are the skins

of foxes, wolves, martins, sables, ermines, and many others, from Scythia

and the alpine regions, many days journey to the north of Moscow. Many of

these are likewise carried for sale to Novogorod[7], a city towards the

frontiers of Germany, eight days journey west from Moscow. The government

of that city is democratic, and only pays a stipulated yearly tribute to

the grand duke.

The country subject to the grand duke of Russia is of vast extent, and an

infinite number of people are subject to his dominions, but they are by

no means warlike. This empire extends from the north towards the west, to

that part of Germany which is under the dominion of the king of Poland[8];

and some reckon among his subjects a wandering nation of idolaters, who

acknowledge no sovereign, not even submitting to the authority of the

grand duke, but when it suits their own convenience. These wandering

tribes are said to worship during the day whatever first presents itself

to their view, on going out in the morning; many other ridiculous things

are reported of them, which I do not repeat, as I have not seen them, and

can hardly give credit to the reports. The grand duke[9] appeared to be

about thirty-five years of age, was handsomely made, and had very

dignified manners, and an air quite royal. His mother was still alive,

and he had two brothers. By a former wife he had two sons, who did not

agree with Despina, the reigning grand duchess, and were not therefore on

very friendly terms with their father. Despina, his second wife, had

brought him two daughters, and was said to be again with child.

The grand duke returned to Moscow from his journey to the frontiers about

the end of December; and, as I could not reconcile myself to the manners

and mode of life of the Russians, I became exceedingly impatient to leave

the country, and could not persuade myself to stay for the return of

Stephen from Venice with money. For this reason, I made interest with one

of the lords of the court, to prevail on the grand duke to supply me with

money, and to give me leave to depart. A few days afterwards, the grand

duke sent for me to court and invited me to dinner, when he agreed, from

respect to the republic, to lend me as much money as was necessary to

clear all my debts to the Tartarian and Russian merchants, and to enable

me to return to Venice. The dinner was quite magnificent, consisting of

every delicacy, and of abundance of exquisitely dressed dishes. When the

repast was finished, I retired according to custom. Some days afterwards,

I was again invited to court, and the grand duke gave orders his

treasurer to give me all the money necessary for paying my debts, besides

which, he presented me with 1000 ducats, and a magnificent dress of

Scythian squirrels skins, to wear in his presence when I came to court.

Before returning to my quarters, he ordered me to be presented to the

grand duchess, who received me very graciously, and desired me to offer

her respectful salutations to our illustrious republic, which I promised

to do.

[1] This journey appears to have been through the country on the west of

the Wolga, which they probably passed about Czariein, through the

provinces of Saratov, Woronez, and Penza, avoiding the Ilafla, to

Rezan or Riazan.--E.

[2] Rezan or Riazan, in the province of that name, on the Oka. In a

considerable, part of the track of this journey, there are now towns

and villages; but the whole of this south-eastern frontier of European

Russia, appears to have been then entirely waste, and pervaded by the

wandering Tartars. We are quite in the dark respecting the particulars

of the route from Astracan to Rezan. It was certainty on the east of

the Wolga at the first, to avoid the Tartars which occupied the

country between the Caspian and Euxine. The passage of that vast

river may have been at Czariein, at its great elbow, in lat. 48° 30'N.

or about Saratov in 51° 20'N. neither of which towns seem to have then

existed. From thence they would probably proceed, to avoid the larger

rivers, between where Penza and Tchenbar now stand, and by the scite

of Morbansk, towards Riazan.--E.

[3] In the original this large bridge is said to have been at Kolomna,

which is on the river Mosqua, of very inferior magnitude; and flows

into the Oka, which most probably is the Monstrus of the text.--E.

[4] In the original, the commander of this body of cavalry is said to have

been a Tartarian general--E.

[5] The word Leopolitain, may possibly be a corruption for Neopolitan, or

a native of Naples. Perhaps it may refer to Leopol, in that part of

Poland now belonging to Austria, and called Galicia.--E.

[6] Such is the expression in the original, which ought perhaps to be

reversed. Yet Contarini possibly meant to say, that the inhabitants of

Moscow laid up a sufficient stock of money from the profits of their

long winter labours, for their subsistence during summer; when, by the

absence of the court, they had little employment.--E.

[7] There are two cities named Novogrod or Novgorod in Russia, nearly at

equal distances from Moscow, one to the northwest, and the other to

the southwest; the latter of which, named Novgorod Sieverskov, is

probably meant in the text, and which ought rather to have been

described as towards the frontiers of Poland. The other Novgorod did

not then belong to the Russian sovereignty.--E.

[8] The geographical ideas of Contarini are very vague and superficial.

This is perhaps the only instance wherein Poland; a portion of

European Sarmatia, is considered as belonging geographically to

Germany.--E.

[9] The reigning sovereign of Russia at the period was John III. who began

to reign in 1463, and was succeeded in 1505 by Basil IV.--E.

SECTION IX.

_Contarini leaves Moscow, and having passed through Lithuania, Poland,

and Germany, arrives at Venice._

On the day before that which I had fixed for my departure, I was invited

to dine at court. Before dinner, I was taken into one of the halls of the

palace, where I found the grand duke, accompanied by Marcus and a

secretary. His highness addressed me very graciously, and desired me to

report all the marks of esteem and friendship he had shewn me, from

respect to our illustrious republic, and offered me every thing I could

desire, and which lay in his power to grant. While speaking, I drew back

from respect; but as I retired he always advanced. I answered every thing

to his satisfaction, and humbly offered my most grateful thanks for all

his benevolence to me. He treated me with the utmost politeness and

familiarity, and even condescended to shew me some robes of gold tissue,

magnificently lined with Scythian sables; after which we went to dinner.

The repast was extraordinarily magnificent, at which several of the

barons and great officers of state assisted. When we rose from table, the

grand duke called me to him, and gave me my audience of leave in the most

gracious terms, speaking so loud as to be heard by all the company, and

expressing his high esteem for the illustrious republic of Venice. After

this, by his order, a silver cup was brought to me filled with mead, of

which he made me a present, as a mark of high regard with which he

honours ambassadors, and other persons to whom he shews favour. This

present was to me a matter of very serious consideration, as the

etiquette required me to empty its contents, and the cup was very large.

When I had drained about a quarter of the liquor, knowing the sobriety of

the Italians, and perceiving that I was much difficulted, the grand duke

had the goodness to order the remainder to be emptied, and the goblet

given to me. Having thanked the grand duke in as respectful terms as I

was able, I took my leave and retired, accompanied by several barons and

other persons of rank.

Every thing was now in readiness for my departure, but Marcus would by no

means hear of my leaving Moscow, without taking a dinner with him, and

accordingly gave me a magnificent entertainment. Louis, the patriarch of

Antioch, of whom I have before made mention, came about this time to

Moscow, and was detained there by order of the grand duke; but I made

interest through Marcus for his release, which I obtained, and he was to

have travelled along with me. But as he delayed too long, I set off

without him. At length, on the 21st January 1476, we set out from Moscow

in sledges, made like small huts, each drawn by a horse, and guided by a

driver. In these sledges we carried our baggage and provisions along with

us, and in them, journeys of great length may be made in a wonderfully

short time. By order of the grand duke, I had a guide appointed to

conduct me on the right road, and this was continued from place to place

all, through his dominions. We slept the first night in a small village,

where we found our lodgings exceedingly cold, but that was the smallest

of our inconveniencies, and on this account I hastened our journey as much

as possible. On the 27th of January, we arrived at _Vieseme_, and a few

days afterwards at Smolensk on the frontiers of Lithuania, in the

dominions of Casimir king of Poland. From Smolensk, till we arrived at

_Trach_[1], a city of Lithuania, we travelled continually in a plain

interspersed with some hills, the whole country being covered with wood,

and our only lodgings were in miserable hovels; dining always about noon

wherever we could meet with a fire, which had been left burning by

travellers who had passed before us. We had generally to break the ice to

procure water for our horses; we lighted fires to warm ourselves; and our

sledges served us instead of beds, as without them we must have slept on

the ground. We went with such expedition, over the frozen snow, that we

were assured we had travelled 300 miles in three days and two nights.

Casimir king of Poland, who then resided at _Troki_, immediately on

learning my arrival, sent two of his gentlemen to compliment me in his

name, and to congratulate me on my safe return. They likewise invited me

to dine with his majesty on the following day, which was the 15th of

February, and presented me on the part of the king with a robe of purple

damask, lined with Scythian furs, in which I dressed myself to go to

court. On this occasion, I went in a coach and six, accompanied by four

noblemen and several other persons. The king himself did me the honour to

receive me, and conducted me into a magnificent apartment, where he

introduced me to two of his sons in presence of many nobles, knights, and

gentlemen of the court. A chair was placed for me in the middle of the

room; and when I offered to kneel on one knee while addressing the king,

his majesty had the goodness to insist that I should sit down in his

presence, which I did after some hesitation. I then gave a recital of all

that had occurred in my travels, with some account of the dominions of

Uzun-Hassan, and of the number of his forces, and of the empire and

manners of the Tartars. The king and his courtiers listened to me with

much attention during my whole speech, which lasted more than half an

hour. I then thanked his majesty for the present he had made me, and for

all his kindnesses to me, attributing his attentions to the esteem he

entertained for our illustrious republic. His majesty was pleased, by

means of an interpreter, to express great satisfaction at my safe arrival,

as he hardly expected I should ever have been able to return; and that he

was much pleased with the information I had given him respecting Uzun-

Hassan and the Tartars, which he believed to be more authentic than any

he had received before. After some other discourse, I was conducted to

the hall where the dinner was served; soon after which his majesty came

into the hall with his two sons, preceded by several trumpets. The king

sat down at the head of the table, having his two sons on his right hand;

the primate of the kingdom sat next on his majestys left, and I was

placed next the bishop. The remainder of the table was occupied by about

forty of the nobles. Each service was ushered in with the sound of

trumpets, and all the meats were served on large silver dishes.

After dinner, which lasted two hours, I rose to depart, and asked the

king if he had any farther orders to honour me with; when he was pleased

to say very graciously, that he charged me to assure the senate that his

most anxious desire was to cultivate perpetual friendship and good-will

with our illustrious republic, and he was pleased to make his sons

express the same friendly wishes. Having respectfully taken leave of the

king, I was conducted back to my lodgings by several of the courtiers.

Being supplied with a guide, I departed from Troki on the 16th of

February, and in nine days, passing through the city of _Ionici_, I

arrived at Warsaw on the 1st of March. The country of Poland appeared

very pleasant, and abundant in every, thing except fruit. During our

journey we saw many villages and castles, and were well received

everywhere, but we found no considerable city. After remaining four days

in Warsaw, where I purchased horses for the rest of our journey, we set

out from that place on the 5th of March, and came that day to a town call

_Messarig_, where we began to travel with less assurance of safety, as

this place is on the frontiers towards Germany. On the 9th I arrived at

Frankfort on the Oder, from which place we found more commodious lodgings

in traversing Germany, than we had been accustomed to for a long time.

While passing the city of _Gia_[2], on the 15th of March, I had the good

fortune to meet with Stephen Testa, whom I had sent from Moscow to Venice

for money. I was quite delighted at this meeting, as from him I received

good accounts from home. We now entered the city of _Gia_, where we

rested two days. On the 22d we reached Nurenburgh, where we remained four

days; from whence we went by Augsburgh, and several other fine cities of

Germany, and arrived at Trent on the 4th of April, where we celebrated

the festival of Easter. Being extremely anxious to revisit my beloved

country, I set out from thence after three days stay, and reached _Scala_,

in the dominions of our republic. In discharge of a vow that I had

entered into, I went to visit the church of the blessed Virgin on Mount

Arthon, and presented the offerings which I had promised at her holy

shrine. I had already sent notice to my brother Augustine, that he might

expect me in Venice towards evening of the 10th of April; but my extreme

desire of getting back to my country, made me get home considerably

earlier. Embarking at break of day, I arrived at three in the afternoon

at _Lucafusina_; and, before going to my own house, I went, in the

discharge of another vow, to the church of our _Lady of Grace_, and met

my brother on my way in the Jews street. We embraced with great affection,

and went together to the church. After finishing my devotions, I went to

the palace, as the _Pregadi_ were then assembled, it being on a Thursday.

I was admitted into the council, to which I gave an account of the

success of my embassy; after which, as our serene Doge was indisposed, I

paid my respects to him in his apartment, and gave him a short history of

my travels, and particularly concerning those things on which I had been

commissioned. From thence I went to my own house, where I gave thanks to

God for his infinite mercy, in having permitted me to return in health

and safety, after so many dangers. To conclude: Although I might have

composed this narrative of my travels in a more eloquent style, I have

preferred truth in few words, to falsehood dressed up in ornamented

language. I have been very brief in relation to Germany, as that country

is in our neighbourhood, and is therefore well known to many, on which

account it would have been both superfluous and tiresome to have given a

minute description of what every one knows.

[1] This almost certainty a corruption of Troki--E.

[2] Though this place must assuredly be a town in Germany, between

Frankfort on the Oder and Nurenburgh, its name is so disguised as to

be quite unintelligible.--E.

SECTION X.

_Recapitulation of some circumstances respecting Persia._

The empire of Uzun-Hassan is very extensive, and is bounded by Turkey and

Caramania, belonging to the Sultan, and which latter country extends to

Aleppo. Uzun-Hassan took the kingdom of Persia from _Causa_[1], whom he

put to death. The city of Ecbatana, or Tauris, is the usual residence of

Uzun-Hassan; Persepolis, or _Shiras_[2], which is twenty-four days

journey from thence, being the last city of his empire, bordering on the

Zagathais, who are the sons of Buzech, sultan of the Tartars, and with

whom he is continually at war. On the other side is the country of Media,

which is under subjection to _Sivansa_, who pays a kind of yearly tribute

to Uzun-Hassan. It is said that he has likewise some provinces on the

other side of the Euphrates, in the neighbourhood of the Turks[3]. The

whole country, all the way to Ispahan, six days journey from Persepolis,

is exceedingly arid, having very few trees and little water, yet it is

fertile in grain and other provisions. The king seemed to me about

seventy years of age, of large stature, with a pleasant countenance, and

very lean. His eldest son, named Ogurlu Mohamed, was much spoken of when

I was in Persia, as he had rebelled against his father. He had other

three sons; Khalil Mirza, the elder of these was about thirty-five years

old, and had the government of Shiras. Jacub beg, another son of Uzun-

Hassan, was about fifteen, and I have forgotten the name of a third

son.[4] By one of his wives he had a son named _Masubech_, or Maksud beg,

whom he kept in prison, because he was detected in corresponding with his

rebellious brother _Ogurlu_, and whom he afterwards put to death.

According to the best accounts which I received from different persons,

the forces of Uzun-Hassan may amount to about 50,000 cavalry, a

considerable part of whom are not of much value. It has been reported by

some who were present, that at one time he led an army of 40,000 Persians

to battle against the Turks, for the purpose of restoring _Pirameth_ to

the sovereignty of Karamania, whence he had been expelled by the

infidels.[5]

[1] Uzun-Hassan, as formerly mentioned, was prince of the Turkmans of the

white sheep tribe, and acquired the dominion of western Persia, by the

defeat of Hassan-ali prince of the black sheep Turkmans, who is

probably the person named Causa in the text.--E.

[2] This is a mistake, Persepolis is supposed to have been at, or near

Istakar, above twenty miles N.N.E. from Shiras.--E.

[3] Diarbekir, with the cities of Arzunjan, Mardin, Roha, or Orfa, and

Siwas, are said to have been committed by Timour to the government of

Kara Ilug Ozman, the great grandfather of Uzun-Hassan, who may have

retained the original possessions of his tribe after the acquisition

of western Persia.--Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 111.

[4] According to the authors of the Modern Universal History. B. VIII. ch.

i. sect. 3. Uzun-Hassan had seven sons: Ogurlu Mohammed, Khahil Mirza,

Maksud beg, Jakub beg, Masih beg, Yusuf beg, and Zegnel. Contarini

strangely corrupts almost every name that occurs. Uzun-Hassan, he

makes Unsuncassan; Ogurlu Mohammed, Gurlu mamech; Kalil mirza, Sultan

chali; Yakub beg, Lacubei; Maksud beg, or Masih beg, Masubech; and

omits three of the seven.--E.

[5] Uzun-Hassan is said to have been defeated in battle by the Turks, in

1471, near Arzenjan.--Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 113.

CHAPTER III.

VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY BY THE PORTUGUESE ALONG THE WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA,

DURING THE LIFE, AND UNDER THE DIRECTION OF DON HENRY.[1]

INTRODUCTION.

The knowledge possessed by the ancients respecting India, will be the

subject of discussion in a future portion of this work. We have now to

contemplate the tedious, yet finally successful efforts of the Portuguese

nation, in its age of energetic heroism, to discover a maritime passage

to that long famed commercial region, some general knowledge of which had

been preserved ever since the days of the Persian, Macedonian, and Roman

empires. Of all the great events which have occurred in the modern ages,

previous to our own times, the voyages and discoveries which were made by

the Europeans, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries of the Christian

era, are justly entitled to preference, whether we appreciate the vast

improvements which they made in navigation, and, consequently, in

commerce,--the astonishing abundance of wealth which they brought into

Europe,--the surprising feats of bravery which were performed in their

various expeditions and conquests,--the extensive, populous, and valuable

territories which were subdued or colonized,--or the extended knowledge,

which was suddenly acquired of the greater part of the earth, till then

either altogether unknown, or very partially and erroneously described.

By these discoveries, we allude to those of the southern and western

hemispheres, a new heaven and a new earth were opened up to the

astonishment of mankind, who may be said to have been then furnished with

wings to fly from one end of the earth to the other, so as to bring the

most distant, and hitherto utterly unknown nations, acquainted with each

other. In the ordinary course of human affairs, it has been observed that

similar events frequently occur; but the transactions of these times

which we now propose to narrate, were as singular in their kind as they

were great, surprising, and unexpected; neither can any such ever happen

again, unless Providence were to create new and accessible worlds for

discovery and conquest, or to replunge the whole of mankind for a long

period into the grossest ignorance.

The merit and glory of these wonderful achievements are unquestionably

due to the Portuguese nation, and the first and principal share to the

sublime genius of their illustrious prince, the infant DON HENRY, _Duke

of Viseo and Grand Master of the order of Christ_, whose enlarged mind

first planned the fitting out of maritime expeditions for discovery, and

by the imitation of whose example all subsequent discoveries have been

accomplished. Every thing of the kind before his time was isolated or

accidental, and every subsequent attempt has been pursued on scientific

or known principles, which he invented and established. Although America

was discovered by Columbus, in the service of Spain, some years before

the Portuguese were able to accomplish their long sought route to India;

and although the discovery of America was performed infinitely quicker

than that of southern Africa and the route to India, Columbus having

accomplished his design at the very first attempt, and even without any

previous knowledge of the countries he went in search of; while the

endeavours of the Portuguese occupied a great number of years in almost

fruitless attempts, and extremely tedious progression; yet Don Henry

first set on foot the navigation of the ocean through unknown seas, and

inspired, other nations with the idea of making discoveries of distant

and unexplored regions; and ultimately great as were the discoveries of

Columbus, they may be said to have been accidentally made in the

erroneous attempt to go by a nearer route to the regions of which Don

Henry and his successors had long been in search.

These attempts of the Portuguese had been continued for nearly fourscore

years before any of their neighbours seem to have entertained the most

distant idea of engaging in foreign discoveries, even viewing their

endeavours as downright knight-errantry, proceeding from a distempered

imagination, as well in the first promoter as in those who continued to

prosecute his scheme. In a word, the relation of these discoveries forms

one of the most curious portions of modern history, as comprizing a great

number of the most extraordinary transactions that ever happened in any

period of the world. For this reason they are well worthy of being

particularly narrated, that the curious may be made acquainted with every

successive step in such important enterprizes, and by what almost

insensible degrees such vast undertakings were ultimately accomplished.

And as the intercourse of Europeans has operated a great change in the

countries to which they penetrated, and upon their original inhabitants,

so that both now appear in a very different light from what they did

before these expeditions and discoveries; therefore, every circumstance

belonging to these transactions deserves the most serious notice.

John 1. of Portugal, married Philippa, the eldest daughter of John of

Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, son to Edward III. of England, by whom he had

several sons, of whom Don Henry was the _fifth_. After serving with great

bravery under his father at the capture of Ceuta, he was raised to the

dukedom of Viseo, and was sent back with a large reinforcement to

preserve the conquest to which his courage had largely contributed.

During his continuance in command at Ceuta, he acquired much information,

by occasional converse with some Moors, relative to the seas and coasts

of Western Africa, which raised and encouraged the project of maritime

discoveries; and these became afterwards the favourite and almost

exclusive pursuit of his active and enlarged mind. From the Moors he

obtained intelligence respecting the Nomadic tribes who border upon and

pervade the great desert, and of the nations of the Jaloofs, whose

territories are conterminous with the desert on the north, and Guinea to

the south. By one ingenious author[2], he has been supposed instigated to

his first attempts at maritime discovery, by the desire of finding a way

by sea to those countries from whence the Moors brought ivory and gold

dust across the desert. It unfortunately happens that we have no record

of the particular voyages themselves, and are therefore reduced to the

necessity of giving the relation of this great discovery historically

from the best remaining sources of information. The writings of Cada

Morto, which will be found in the sequel, form a pleasing exception to

this desideratum in the history and progress of early navigation and

discovery.

[1] Astley. I. 9. Clarke, I. 140. Purchas, I. 6. Harris, I. 662.

[2] Wealth of Nations, II. 347.

SECTION I.

_Commencement of Portuguese Discoveries, from Cape Non to Cape Bojador_

Three years before the reduction of Ceuta, the Duke of Visco had sent a

vessel in 1412 to explore the western coast of Africa, being the first

voyage of discovery undertaken by the Portuguese, or by any other nation

in modern times. The commander was instructed to endeavour to follow the

western coast of Africa, to the southward of Cape Chaunar, called by the

Portuguese mariners Cape Nao, Non, or Nam, which, extending itself from

the foot of Mount Atlas, had hitherto been the _non plus ultra_ or

impassable limit of European navigation, and had accordingly received its

ordinary name from a negative term in the Portuguese language, as

implying that there was no navigation beyond; and respecting which a

proverbial saying was then current, of the following import:

Whoe'er would pass the Cape of Non

Shall turn again; or else be gone.

The success of this earliest voyage, fitted out for the purpose of

discovery, is not recorded; but Don Henry continued to send some vessels

every year to the same coast, with the same instructions of endeavouring

to explore the coast beyond Cape Non. Not daring to trust themselves

beyond sight of land, the mariners crept timorously along the coast, and

at length reached Cape Bojador, only sixty leagues, or 180 miles beyond

Cape Non. This cape, which stretches boldly out into the ocean, from

which circumstance it derives its name[1], filled the Portuguese mariners

with terror and amazement; owing to the shoals by which it is environed

for the space of six leagues, being perpetually beaten by a lofty and

tremendous surge, which precluded them, from all possibility of

proceeding beyond it in their ordinary manner of creeping along the coast;

and they dared not to stretch out into the open sea in quest of smoother

water, lest, losing sight of land altogether, they might wander in the

trackless ocean, and be unable to find their way home. It is not

impossible that they might contemplate the imaginary terrors of the

torrid zone, as handed down from some of the ancients, with all its

burning soil and scorching vapours; and they might consider the

difficulties of Cape Bojador as a providential bar or omen, to warn and

oppose them against proceeding to their inevitable destruction. They

accordingly measured back their wary steps along the African coast, and

returned to Portugal, where they gave an account of their proceedings to

Don Henry, in which, of course, the dangers of the newly discovered cape

would not be diminished in their narrative[2].

Returning from Ceuta, where his presence was no longer necessary, and

where he had matured his judgment by intercourse with, various learned

men whom his bounty had attracted into Africa, and having enlarged his

views by the perusal of every work which tended to illustrate the

discoveries which he projected, Don Henry fixed his residence at the

romantic town of Sagres, in the neighbourhood of Cape St Vincent, where

he devoted his leisure to the study of mathematics, astronomy,

cosmography, and the theory of navigation, and even established a school

or academy for instructing his countrymen in these sciences, the parents

of commerce, and the sure foundations of national prosperity. To assist

him in the prosecution of these his favourite studies, he invited, from

Majorca, a person named Diego, or James, who was singularly skilful in

the management of the instruments then employed for making astronomical

observations at sea, and in the construction of nautical charts. Some

traces of nautical discoveries along the western coast of Africa still

remained in ancient authors; particularly of the reported voyages of

Menelaus, Hanno, Eudoxus, and others. From an attentive consideration of

these, Don Henry and his scientific coadjutor were encouraged to hope for

the accomplishment of important discoveries in that direction; and they

were certainly incited in these views by the rooted enmity which had so

long rankled among the Christian inhabitants of Spain and Portugal

against the Moors, who had formerly expelled their ancestors from the

greatest part of the peninsula, and with whom they had waged an incessant

war of several centuries in recovering the country from their grasp.

SECTION II.

_Discovery of the Madeira Islands._

After some time usefully employed in acquiring and diffusing a competent

knowledge of cosmopographical, nautical, and astronomical science, Don

Henry resolved to devote a considerable portion of the revenue which he

enjoyed as Grand Master of the Order of Christ, in continuing and

extending those projects of nautical discovery which had long occupied

his attention. Accordingly, about the year 1418, a new expedition of

discovery was fitted out for the express purpose of attempting to

surmount the perils of Cape Bojador. In this expedition Juan Gonzales

Zarco and Tristan Vaz Texeira, two naval officers of the household of Don

Henry, volunteered their services; and, embarking in a vessel called a

_barcha_[3], steered for the tremendous cape. The Portuguese were

hitherto ignorant of the prevailing winds upon the coast of Africa, and

the causes by which their influence is varied or increased. Near the land,

and between the latitudes of 28° and 10° north, a fresh gale almost

always blows from the N.E. Long sand-banks, which extend a great way out

to sea, and which are extremely difficult to be distinguished in the

mornings and evenings, and the prevailing currents, were powerful

obstacles to the enterprise of these navigators. About six leagues off

Cape Bojador, a most violent current continually dashes upon the breakers,

which presented a most formidable obstacle to the brave but inexperienced

mariners. Though their voyage was short, they encountered many dangers;

and, before they could reach the cape, they were encountered by a heavy

gale from the east, by which the billows of the Atlantic became too heavy

to be resisted by their small vessel, and they were driven out to sea. On

losing sight of their accustomed head lands, and being forced into the

boundless ocean for the first time, the ships company gave themselves up

to despair; but, on the abatement of the tempest, they found themselves

unexpectedly within view of an island, situated about 100 leagues west

from the coast of Africa. With extreme joy they beheld the coast of this

island extending about twenty miles in length, to which they gave the

name of Puerto Santo, because first discovered upon the feast of All

Saints. This is the smaller of the Madeiras, being only about two miles

broad; and, as the only roadstead is upon the south-west side, the

Portuguese probably anchored upon that side to be under the lee shelter

of the island from the remnants of the tempest from which they had

happily escaped.

The island of _Puerto Santo_, or of the Holy Haven, is almost directly

west from Cape Cantin; whence it would appear that these Portuguese

navigators could hardly have passed much beyond Cape de Geer, when driven

off the coast by this fortunate easterly tempest. Had they even advanced

as far as Cape Non, they would almost certainly have been driven among

the Canaries. It is perfectly obvious that they never even approached

Cape Bojador in this voyage; unless we could suppose, after having been

driven directly west from that cape, that they shaped a northern course,

after the subsidence of the tempest, and fell in with Puerto Santo while

on their return to Portugal.

Greatly pleased with the soil and climate of this island, and with the

gentle manners of the natives, whom they described as in an intermediate

state of civilization, and entirely destitute of any appearance of savage

ferocity, Zarco and Vaz immediately returned to Portugal, where they made

a report of the incidents of their voyage; and to confirm their opinion

of the value of their discovery, they requested permission from Don Henry

to return for the purpose of establishing a settlement in Puerto Santo.

By this discovery an advanced and favourable station was secured towards

the south, whence any discoveries along the coast of Africa might be

prosecuted with greater ease and safety, and from whence the dangers of

the hitherto formidable cape Bojador might be avoided, by keeping a

southerly or S. W. course from Puerto Santo. From these considerations

Don Henry granted their request; and, yielding to the adventurous spirit

which this accidental discovery had excited, he permitted several persons

to join in a new projected voyage, among whom was Bartholomew Perestrello,

a nobleman of his household.

Three vessels were soon fitted out[4], which were placed under the

respective commands of Zarco, Vaz, and Perestrello. These commanders had

orders to colonize and cultivate the newly discovered island, and were

furnished with a considerable assortment of useful seeds and plants for

that purpose. They happened likewise to take with them a female rabbit

great with young, which littered during the voyage; and which being let

loose with her progeny, multiplied so rapidly, that, in two years, they

became so numerous as to occasion serious injury to the early attempts at

cultivation, and to baffle every hope of rendering Puerto Santo a place

of refreshment for the Portuguese navigators; insomuch that a resolution

was formed to abandon the newly established settlement. After having

landed the different animals and seeds which had been sent out by Don

Henry, and seeing them properly distributed, Perestrello returned into

Portugal to make a report to the prince, and Zarco and Vaz remained to

superintend the infant colony.

Soon after the departure of Perestrello, the attention of Zarco and Vaz

was strongly excited by observing certain clouds or vapours at a great

distance in the ocean, which continually presented the same aspect, and

preserved exactly the same bearing from Puerto Santo, and at length

occasioned a conjecture, that the appearance might proceed from land in

that quarter. Gonsalvo and Vaz accordingly put to sea and sailed towards

the suspected land, and soon discovered that the appearances which had

attracted their notice actually proceeded from a considerable island

entirely overgrown with wood, to which, on that account, they gave the

name of Madeira[5]. After bestowing considerable attention upon the soil

and other circumstances of this island, which was utterly destitute of

inhabitants, Gonzalvo and Vaz returned to Portugal with the welcome

intelligence, and gave so favourable a report of the extent, fertility,

and salubrity of Madeira, that Don Henry determined to colonize and

cultivate it. Accordingly, with the consent of the king of Portugal, the

island of Madeira was bestowed in hereditary property upon Zarco and Vaz;

one division named _Funchal_ being given to Zarco, and the other moiety,

named _Machico_, to Vaz.

In the year 1420 Zarco began the plantation of Madeira, and being much

impeded in his progress by the immense quantity of thick and tall trees,

with which it was then everywhere encumbered, he set the wood on fire to

facilitate the clearing of the surface for cultivation. The wood is

reported to have continued burning for seven years[6], and so great was

the devastation as to occasion great inconvenience to the colony for many

years afterwards, from the want of timber. Don Henry appears to have been

a prince of most uncommonly enlarged and liberal views; not only capable

of devising the means of making maritime discoveries, which had never

been thought of before his time, but of estimating their value when made,

and of applying them to purposes the most useful and important for his

country. Reflecting upon the reported fertility of the soil, and the

excellence of the climate of Madeira, and comparing both with the

judicious foresight of a philosopher, politician, and naturalist, in

reference to the most valuable productions of similar climates and soils,

he wisely conceived, and successfully executed the idea of introducing

the cultivation of sugar and wines into this new colony; For these

purposes, Portugal would readily supply him with vines; and with people

conversant in their management: But he had to procure sugar canes, and

persons experienced in their cultivation, and in the process of

manufacturing sugar from their juice, from the island of Sicily, into

which that article of culture had been introduced by the Arabs.

So great was the success of this new subject of industry in Madeira, that

the fifth part of the produce of one district only, little more than nine

miles in circumference, which proportion the prince reserved as the

patrimony of his military order, amounted, in some years, to 60,000

arobas of twenty-five pounds each; giving the entire acknowledged produce

of one district only, of the island at 7,500,000 pounds, or 2350 tons.

This, at the modern price of eightpence a-pound, amounts to the enormous

sum of L. 250,000 value of merchantable produce, from a district which

could not contain above 5760 English acres; or above the value of L. 43

of average yearly value from every acre of that district. This

astonishingly valuable produce was in the infancy of the sugar trade,

when that bland and wholesome condiment was still an article of luxury,

and not as now almost an indispensable necessary, even in the lowest

cottages of modern Europe. The sugars of Madeira were long famous; but

after the establishment of the sugar plantations in Brazil, and the

destructive ravages of a worm which infested the sugar canes of Madeira,

that article, of cultivation had to be abandoned, and the principal

attention of the islanders was transferred to the grape, which still

continues to supply Europe, America, and the East Indies with the justly

celebrated Madeira wine.

At the same time with the grant of Madeira to Zarco and Vaz, Perestrello

received a donation of the island of Puerto Santo, on condition of

colonizing it and bringing it into culture. But so great was the

multitude of rabbits, all said to have been produced from one doe

transmitted in a pregnant state from Portugal, that cultivation was

attended with peculiar difficulties occasioned by their ravages; insomuch,

that in one islet only, 3000 are reported to have been killed at one time.

SECTION III.

_Prosecution of Discovery in Africa, to Cape Branco_.

Partly diverted from the original object of prosecuting discoveries along

the African coast, by the attentions requisite for forming this first

establishment of modern colonization, but chiefly owing to the extreme

difficulties of the navigation in the infancy of that art, fifteen years

were passed from the first discovery of Cape Bojador before that

formidable obstacle could be surmounted. In all ages of the world,

ignorant and indolent men have represented new and unusual enterprises in

scientific pursuits as rash or improper deviations from the established

experience and vaunted wisdom of antiquity; and those who promoted them

have been held out as dangerous, or even impious innovators. It so fared

with Don Henry, who far outstripped the science, or ignorance rather, of

his day. At home, the discontented spirits, ignorant of his enlarged

views, perhaps envious of the reputation his very limited discoveries

had already attained, represented that the tempestuous seas, strong

currents, and whirlpools, which they fancied must prevail on the other

side of Cape Bajadore, would necessarily destroy every vessel which

should attempt to penetrate beyond that absolute limit of human

navigation; they alleged that all the country to the south of that cape

was utterly unfit for the habitation of mankind, sterile, burnt up, and

destitute of soil and water, like the sandy deserts of Lybia; and they

pretended to object on principles of patriotism, that the natives of

Portugal were improvidently wasted on idle discoveries, which, if at all

advisable, would have been undertaken by their former, wise sovereigns;

who, contented with the known world, did not, vainly seek for conquests

in the torrid zone, which was altogether unfit for the habitation of

mankind. They insinuated, that the expences which had been lavished upon

those fruitless and dangerous maritime expeditions, might lave been much

more profitably employed for the improvement of some of the more barren

parts of Portugal. Even the probable profits and advantages derivable

from the new colonies of Madeira and Puerto Santo, as they were only

eventual and contingent, did not satisfy the minds of those discontented

detractors from the merits and enlightened views of the prince. But Don

Henry despised those vain endeavours to misrepresent and counteract the

important enterprise in which he was engaged, and undismayed by the

natural difficulties which had hitherto retarded the progress of his

mariners, continued his laudable endeavours to extend his discoveries

along the coast of Africa. The people, likewise, whom he employed in his

service, frequently made predatory invasions on the coast, taking every

Moorish vessel which they were able to master, and made many slaves, by

the sale of which, the charges attending those maritime expeditions were

partly defrayed.

About the year 1433, one Gilianez, a native of Lagos, whom the prince had

entrusted with the command of a vessel, returned from an unsuccessful

attempt to conquer the invincible obstacles which obstructed the passage

round Cape Bojador. He had been driven by stress of weather into one of

the Canary islands, and had imprudently seized some of the inoffending

natives, whom he brought captives to Sagres. Don Henry was much offended

by this conduct of Gilianez, whom he received with much coldness and

reserve; insomuch that Gilianez, on purpose to retrieve the princes

favour, and to make ample amends for the fault he had committed, made a

vow, that if entrusted with a new expedition, he would perish rather than

return unsuccessful in the enterprize which the prince had so much at

heart. The date of the second expedition of Gilianez, in which he

surmounted the terrors and difficulties of Cape Bajador, is variously

referred by different authors to the years 1433 and 1434[7]. However this

may have been, he succeeded in this herculean labour, as it was then

esteemed, and returned with great exultation to Sagres, where he was

again received into the favour and confidence of Don Henry. Contrary to

the assertions, or suppositions rather, of the discontented opposers of

the patriotic and enlightened efforts of Don Henry, Gilianez reported

that the sea beyond Cape Bojador was perfectly susceptible of navigation,

and that the soil and climate were both excellent.

In the following year Gilianez again sailed for the coast of Africa,

accompanied by Alphonzo Gonzales Baldaya[8], cupbearer to the prince. The

weather continued favourable during the voyage, and they were able to

penetrate ninety miles to the south of Cape Bojador. On landing to take a

view of the country, and in search of inhabitants, they found the former

to consist for the most part of an extended desert plain, and they were

much disappointed in not being able to meet with any of the inhabitants,

though they saw evident traces of them in the sand. To the bay in which

they landed they gave the name of Angra dos Ruyvos, or Bay of Gurnets,

from the great abundance of fish resembling gurnets which were taken by

the seamen.

Gilianez and Baldaya were again ordered in the year 1435 to prosecute

their discoveries, with instructions to prolong their voyage, if possible,

till they should meet with inhabitants. Having proceeded about forty

miles to the southward of the Angra dos Ruyvos, without being able to see

a single inhabitant, they adopted an expedient which had been suggested

by Don Henry, and for which they were provided with the means. Two horses

were landed, and two youths named Hector Homen and Diego Lopez d'Almaida,

who had been educated in the household of Don Henry, and were scarcely

sixteen years of age, were directed to penetrate into the interior of the

country, that they might endeavour to ascertain whether it were inhabited.

They were directed to keep close together, and on no account to leave

their horses, and if possible to bring back some of the Moors; and lest

they should rashly expose themselves to unnecessary danger, they were

only allowed each a sword and spear, without any defensive armour. After

wandering almost a whole day in the barren sandy desert, they at length

descried nineteen Africans, armed with assagays or javelins, whom they

ventured to attack, though contrary to their orders. The natives

retreated into a cave where they were safe from the farther assaults of

the rash Portuguese youths; and as one of them had received a wound in

the foot, they thought it prudent to return to the shore, which they were

unable to reach before the next morning. Gilianez and Baldaya then

dispatched a stronger force to the cave in which the Africans had taken

shelter, where nothing was found but some weapons which had been left by

the fugitives. Owing to this event, the place where the two cavaliers

were landed was named Angra dos Cavallos, or the Bay of Horses; which is

in latitude 24° N.

The navigators proceeded along a rugged coast to the south of the Bay of

Horses, upon which the sea breaks with a terrible noise, and which, on

account of being entirely composed of a hilly shore, faced with rocks and

small rocky islands, is called _Otegado_, or the Rocky Place. At about

twelve leagues distance from the bay of Cavallos they entered the mouth

of a river, where they killed a number of sea wolves or seals, the skins

of which they took on board in defect of any other productions of the

country; these seals were found on an island at the mouth of this river,

on which the mariners are said to have seen at least 5000 asleep on the

shore. The voyage was continued to Punta de Gale, forming the western

head-land of the Rio de Ouro, immediately under the tropic, where a

fishing net was found constructed of twine, made from the inner bark of

some tree of the palm tribe, but no natives were met with; and as

provisions began to grow scarce, the adventurous mariners were

constrained to return into Portugal, after ranging for some time up and

down the rocky coast of Otegado, without making any important discovery.

About this period, or perhaps considerably earlier, Don Henry obtained a

bull from Pope Martin V. by which the sovereign pontiff made a perpetual

donation to the crown of Portugal, of all lands and islands which had

been or might be discovered between Cape Bojador and the East Indies,

inclusively, and granted a plenary indulgence for the souls of all who

might perish in the prosecution of the enterprize, and in achieving the

conquest of these extensive regions from the infidel and pagan enemies of

Christ and the church. In this measure, the philosophical genius and

enlarged political views of Don Henry are plainly evinced; and,

undismayed by the obstacles which had so long opposed his grand project

of discoveries, and the length of time which had been employed in making

so very small progress, he shewed himself to have looked steadily

forwards to the full accomplishment of his hopes of discovering the route

by sea from Europe to India, around the still unknown shores of Southern

Africa. The date of this papal grant does not certainly appear. De Barros

and Lafitau are of opinion that it must have been posterior to 1440;

Purchas places it in 1441; and de Guyon in 1444. But Martin V. died in

1431; and these writers seem to have confounded the original grant from

that pontiff, with subsequent confirmations by his successors Eugenius IV.

Nicholas V. and Sextus IV[9].

The gradual progress of these discoveries were interrupted for a time by

an unsuccessful attempt of Edward I. or _Duarte_, king of Portugal, to

gain possession of Tangier in the kingdom of Fez. But the history of this

war, in which the Portuguese arms suffered much misfortune and dishonour,

are quite irrelevant to the present subject. The plague likewise, which

raged at Lisbon in 1438, contributed to the suspension of the patriotic

enterprizes of Don Henry. At length, in 1440, Don Henry resumed his

project of maritime discovery, and dispatched two caravels from Sagres,

which were forced back by unfavourable weather, apparently without even

reaching the coast of Africa.

In 1441, a young officer named Antonio Gonzales made a voyage in a small

vessel, with a crew of twenty-one men, to the island where so great a

number of sea wolves had been seen in the former voyage of Alphonzo

Gonzales Baldaya in 1435. In this voyage Alphonzo Gotterez, a gentleman

of the bed-chamber to Don Henry, acted as secretary, and the two

adventurers were instructed to endeavour to obtain an account of the

country and its inhabitants, and to procure a cargo of the skins of the

seals or sea wolves, that the voyage might not be entirely destitute of

some commercial advantages. After accomplishing this part of his

instructions, Gonzales determined to use his utmost efforts for procuring

some of the inhabitants of the country to carry back with him to Sagres.

For this purpose, he landed at the beginning of the night with nine

associates, and having advanced about ten miles into the interior,

discovered a native following a camel. The sudden appearance of the

Portuguese rendered the astonished Moor perfectly motionless, and before

he could recover from his surprize he was seized by Gotterez. On their

return to the shore with their prisoner, they traced some recent

footsteps on the sand, which led them in view of about forty natives, who

withdrew to an adjoining hill, but the Portuguese secured a female Moor

who had strayed from the party. With these two prisoners they returned to

their vessel, not choosing to run any unnecessary risk, or to make any

needless attack upon the natives, which was contrary to the express

orders of Don Henry.

When preparing next morning to set sail on their return to Portugal,

another Portuguese ship arrived, which was commanded by Nuno Tristan, a

gentleman of the princes household. Encouraged by this reinforcement, a

second expedition into the interior was immediately resolved upon, in

which Nuno Tristan, Diego de Vigliadores, and Gonzales de Cintra, joined

with Alphonzo Gonzales and Alphonzo Gotterez. Advancing again under night,

they soon perceived a party of the natives whom they immediately attacked,

shouting out Portugal! Portugal! San Jago! San Jago! The Moors were at

first stupified with fear and surprise; but recovering from their panic,

a struggle ensued, in which three of the Moors were slain, and ten made

prisoners, the Portuguese being indebted for their safety to their

defensive armour. After endeavouring, in vain, to establish an

intercourse with the Moors for the redemption of the prisoners, Alphonzo

Gonzales returned to Sagres with a cargo of skins and the Moorish

prisoners, and was honourably rewarded by his discerning master. The

place of this exploit was named Puerto del Cavallero, or the Knights

Harbour, on occasion of Gonzales being there knighted by Nuno Tristan.

After careening his vessel, Nuno Tristan proceeded along the coast

according to his orders, and reached a cape in lat. 20° 50' N. to which

he gave the name of Cabo Branco, or the White Cape, on account of the

whiteness of its cliffs. He there landed and found some fishing nets on

the shore; but after repeated incursions into the country, being unable

to meet with any of the natives, he made a survey of the coast, and

returned to Portugal with an account of his proceedings.

Three of the prisoners carried to Portugal by Gonzales were Moors of some

rank and considerable opulence; who each promised to pay ransoms for

their safe return to their native country, and to give, besides, six or

seven slaves each to the captors. Don Henry, as grand master of the order

of Christ, was eager for the acquisition of so many converts from the

religion of Mahomet, and was in hopes that the favourable report which

the Moors might make on their return to Africa, would induce the natives

to enter into trade with his navigators; and that, among the slaves which

were to be given in exchange, some certain knowledge might be acquired of

the burning regions of Africa, about which such strange reports were then

prevalent. Antonio Gonzales was therefore dispatched on another voyage in

1442, accompanied by a German gentleman named Balthazar, who had

distinguished himself in the late unfortunate attempt on Tangier, and who

was anxious to carry home some account of the newly discovered countries.

After being forced to return to port, to repair the damages they had

sustained in a dreadful tempest, they again sailed, and reached the coast

where the Moors had been made prisoners. The principal Moor was landed,

and was received with great deference and respect by his countrymen; but

he forgot all his promises on regaining his liberty, and never returned

to pay the ransom he had bargained for. It would appear, however, that he

had informed the natives of the return of the other two chiefs; as at the

end of nine days, above an hundred natives appeared on the coast, and

entered into treaty for the ransom of their two countrymen who remained

captives, and for whom ten negroes, natives of different parts of Africa,

were given in exchange. During these transactions, the sight of a

considerable quantity of gold dust in the possession of the Moors,

excited the most lively emotions in the Portuguese, as being the first

intimation of that valuable commodity being procurable on the coast of

their new discoveries. From this circumstance, Gonzales gave the name of

_Rio del Ouro_, or Gold River, to the deep arm of the sea in which he now

lay, which penetrates about six leagues N. N. E. from the tropic of

Cancer.

SECTION IV.

_Continuation of Discovery to Cape de Verd_.

On the return from this voyage, the sight of gold placed the fame and

advantage of the enterprizes and discoveries of Don Henry beyond the

reach of prejudice and detraction, and the former murmurings and

discontents against his proceedings were changed into admiration and

applause. In 1443 Nuno Tristan was again sent out, with orders to

prosecute, the discovery of a coast which now seemed so likely to prove

advantageous to the commerce of Portugal. He now doubled Cape Blanco, or

Branco, which he had discovered in his former voyage, and, about ten

leagues farther to the south-east, fell in with an island, or rather

cluster of seven islands, called _Adeget_ by the natives, but which have

since, with the bay in which they lie, received the name of Arguim, or

Arguin. The small canoes which were used by the natives of this coast

were at first mistaken for some strange kind of birds, as the people sit

upon them astride, using their feet instead of paddles, to urge them

along. To one of the islands in this bay Tristan gave the name of _De

las_ Garças, on account of the seasonable supply which he there received.

From this place Nuno Tristan returned into Portugal, with some of the

natives of the country.

Don Henry, in 1444, made an exchange with Massiot de Betancour, lord of

the Canary Islands, for the islands of Lancerota, Fuertaventura, and

Ferro, giving him some possessions in the island of Madeira in their

stead; and immediately fitted out a powerful squadron, commanded by the

grand master of his household, Fernand de Castro, to take possession of

this new acquisition, and to subdue the remaining islands, Canaria, Palma,

Gratioso, Inferno, Alegrazze, Santa-Chiara, Rocca, and Lobos. But, as the

king of Castile afterwards laid claim to the Canaries, Don Henry resigned

his conquests, finding the value of these islands by no means answerable

to his expectation.

So greatly had the fame of the new discoveries extended in consequence of

the small quantity of gold which had been procured by Gonzales at the Rio

del Ouro, that several of the inhabitants of Lagos petitioned Don Henry,

in 1444, to be erected into a trading company, engaging to carry on the

discoveries along the coast of Africa at their own expence. The prince

granted their request, and a company was accordingly formed, the

prototype of those celebrated East India companies which have since

carried on trade to such vast amount. Among the partners were, Juan Diaz,

the ancestor of him who afterwards discovered and passed the Cape of Good

Hope, Gilianez, who had so boldly overcome the obstacles of Cape Bajador,

Lançerot, a gentleman of the household of Don Henry, Estevan Alfonso, and

Rodrigo Alvarez. A squadron of six caravels was fitted out under the

command of Lançerot, which sailed from Lagos in the year 1444, and

reached the isle of Garças, in the bay of Arguin, where they captivated

an hundred and fifty Africans, and returned to Lagos, after very slightly

extending their knowledge of the coast of Africa to the desart island of

Tider, in 19° 30' N.

In 1445, the subsequent voyage of Gonzales da Cintra, likewise a

gentleman in the household of Don Henry, in some measure expiated the

wanton outrage which had been committed in that of Lançerot. The merit of

Gonzales had raised him to the rank of a gentleman in the household of

Don Henry, and his character was held in much estimation; but his

confidence was obtained and betrayed by a moor of the Assanhaji tribe[10],

whom he had taken on board to serve as an interpreter with the natives on

the coast of Africa. Misled by this crafty African, who held out great

hopes of acquiring plunder, Gonzales steered for the island of Arguin,

and put into a creek or bay on the coast, in lat. 22° 48' N. about

fourteen leagues to the south of Rio del Ouro, and forty-five to the

north of Cape Branco. The Moor got leave to go on shore, under pretence

of visiting some relations, but escaped in the night with another of his

countrymen. Gonzales was much mortified at allowing himself to be

circumvented by the cunning of his interpreter, and rashly embarked in a

boat with only twelve men, with the intention of pursuing the fugitive.

Pressing onwards with too much eagerness, he neglected to attend to the

tide, which happened then to be on the ebb. His boat stuck fast, and when

the morning broke, he was surrounded by two hundred Moors. Unable to

extricate himself, or to contend against such mighty odds, Gonzales and

seven of his men were slain; the other five made their escape by swimming

to the ship, which immediately set sail for Lagos. The clumsy

denomination of _Angra de Gonzales da Cintra_, to this bay, still

commemorates the death of this commander.

In the subsequent year, 1446, Don Henry sent out a small squadron of

three caravels, under the command of Antonio Gonzales, assisted by Diego

Alfonso, and by Gomez Perez, the kings pilot. They were directed to

proceed for the Rio del Ouro, and were strictly enjoined to cultivate the

friendship of the natives by every possible means, to establish peace

with them and to use their utmost endeavours to convert them to the

Christian religion; among other instructions, they were urged to pass

unnoticed the insults or neglect of honour which they might experience

from the negroes. The Portuguese endeavoured, but ineffectually, to

conciliate the natives, and to remove the angry prejudices which they

entertained. They returned to Lagos with no other fruit from their voyage

except one negro whom they had received in ransom, and an aged Moor who

requested permission to accompany them to Portugal. One of their own

companions, Juan Fernandez, from an ardent desire to procure information

for the prince, got leave to remain among the Assanhaji Arabs.

Next year, 1447, Antonio Mendez was ordered to return in search of Juan

Fernandez, from whose inquisitive disposition much information was

expected. In this expedition he was accompanied by two other caravels,

commanded by Garcia Mendez and Diego Alfonso, but they were separated by

a storm in the early part of the voyage. Alfonso was the first who

reached the coast at Cape Branco, where he landed, and set up a wooden

cross as a signal to his consorts, and then proceeded to the islands of

Arguin, which afforded shelter from the tremenduous surf which breaks

continually on the coast of Africa. While waiting at Arguin for the other

ships, Alfonso paid many visits to the continent, where he made prisoners

of twenty-five of the natives. When the other two ships of the squadron

had joined, they went to the Rio del Ouro in search of their countryman,

Juan Fernandez, who had been several days anxiously looking out for a

vessel to carry him off.

After experiencing many hardships, Fernandez had succeeded in gaining the

friendship of a considerable person among the Moors, and was accompanied

to the shore by that mans slaves in a body. The natives exerted

themselves to procure the release of some of their countrymen who were

prisoners with the Portuguese, to whom they gave nine negroes and a

quantity of gold dust by way of ransom. To the place where this

transaction took place, the navigators gave the name of _Cabo do Resgati_,

or Cape Ransom; where likewise Fernam Tavares, an aged nobleman, received

the honour of knighthood, a distinction he had long been entitled to, but

which he would only receive upon the newly discovered coast. During the

homeward voyage, Gonzales touched at a village near Cape Branco, where he

increased his captives to ninety.

Juan Fernandez described the natives of the coast as wandering shepherds,

of the same race with the Moor who had been brought over to Portugal by

Antonio Gonzales in the former voyage. After he had been conveyed to a

considerable distance inland, he was stripped of all his clothes, and

even deprived of all the provisions he had taken on shore. A tattered

coarse rug, called an _alhaik_, was given him instead of the clothes he

had been deprived of. His food was principally a small farinaceous seed,

varied sometimes by the roots which he could find in the desert, or the

tender sprouts of wild plants. The inhabitants, among whom he lived as a

slave, unless when better supplied by means of the chase, fed on dried

lizards, and on a species of locust or grasshopper. Water was bad, or

scarce, and their chief drink was milk. They only killed some of their

cattle on certain great festivals; and, like the Tartars, they roamed

from place to place in quest of a precarious sustenance for their flocks

and herds. The whole country presented only extensive wastes of barren

sand, or an uncultivated heath, where a few Indian figs here and there

variegated the dreary and extensive inhospitable plain. A short time

before he rejoined his countrymen, Fernandez acquired the protection and

kindness of Huade Meimon, a Moor of distinction, who permitted him to

watch for the arrival of the ships, and even assigned him a guard for his

protection.

In the interval between these two voyages of Gonzales, Denis Fernandez, a

gentleman of Lisbon, who had belonged to the household of the late king,

fitted out a vessel for discovery under the patronage of Don Henry, with

a determination to endeavour to penetrate farther to the southwards than

any preceding navigator. He accordingly passed to the southwards of the

Senegal river, which divides the Azanhaji moors from the Jaloffs, or most

northern negroes, and fell in with some almadias or canoes, one of which

he captured, with four natives. Proceeding still farther on, without

stopping to satisfy his curiosity in visiting the coast, he at length

reached the most westerly promontory of Africa, to which he gave the name

of Cabo Verde, or the Green Cape, from the number of palm trees with

which it was covered. Alarmed by the breakers with which the shore was

everywhere guarded, Denis did not venture to proceed any farther,

especially as the season was already far advanced, but returned with his

captives to Portugal, where he met with a flattering reception from Don

Henry, both on account of his discovery of the Cape de Verd, and for the

natives he had procured from the newly discovered coast, without having

been traded for with the Moors.

SECTION V.

_Progress of Discovery from Cape de Verd to the Gambia_.

Soon after the return of Denis from the Cape de Verd, Gonzales Pachecos,

a wealthy officer belonging to the household of Don Henry, fitted out a

ship at his own expence, of which he gave the command to Dinisianez da

Gram, one of the princes equerries, who was accompanied by Alvaro Gil, an

essayer of the mint, and Mafaldo de Setubal. After touching at Cape

Branco, they steered along the coast for the isle of Arguin, making

descents in several places, where they made a considerable number of

captives from the Moors. At the isle _De las Garças_ they found another

caravel, commanded by Lourenço Dias, which formed part of a considerable

squadron that had been lately fitted out from Lagos. Two days afterwards,

the admiral of that squadron, Lançarot, and nine other caravels arrived.

Gram informed Lançarot of his success in making fifty prisoners, whom he

had dearly purchased by the loss of seven of his men, who had been

murdered by the Moors. Lançarot immediately sailed for Arguin, bent on

revenge, and sacrificed the lives of eight, and the liberty of four of

the natives, to the memory of Gonzales da Cintra and the mariners of Gram.

On this occasion two of the Portuguese officers were knighted on the

newly discovered coast, which seems then to have been a fashionable

ambition among them, no doubt arising from the prevailing zeal for

maritime discovery. From Arguin Lançarot passed over to the isle of Tider,

whence the inhabitants made their escape to the adjacent continent; but

the Portuguese soon followed, and the astonished Moors fled on all sides,

after a sharp skirmish, in which a good many of them were slain, and

sixty taken prisoners.

The fleet now separated, a part returning home by way of the Canaries,

while Lançarot, with several other caravels, advanced along the coast of

Africa southwards, till he got beyond what the Moors called the Çahara,

or Sahara, of the Assenaji. This Moorish nation is mentioned by Abulfeda

as the ruling tribe in Audagost, or Agadez, and as inhabiting the

southern part of Morocco. They are therefore to be considered as the

peculiar people of the great desert and its environs, at its western

extremity on the Atlantic. The latter part of their name, _aji_, or

rather aspirated _haji_, signifies a pilgrim, and is now the appropriate

title of one who has made the great pilgrimage of Mecca. In the present

case, the name of Assenaji probably signifies the _Wanderers of the

Desert_. The Sanhaga, or Assenaji tribe, is now placed at no great

distance from the African coast, between the rivers Nun and Senegal; and

this latter river has probably received its Portuguese name of Sanaga

from that tribe. Ptolemy likewise probably named Cape Verd _Arsinarium_,

from the same people, from which it may be inferred that they anciently

occupied both sides of the Senegal river, which is named _Dardalus_ by

that ancient geographer.

Twenty leagues beyond the southern boundary of the great desert, Lançarot

came to the mouth of a large river, which had been formerly seen by Denis

Fernandez, and named by him _Rio Portugues_, or the Portuguese river;

which was called _Ouedech_ by the natives, and afterwards got the name of

Canaga, Zanaga, Sanhaga, Sanaga, or Senega, now the Senegal. Lançarot

passed in safety over the bar of this river, and endeavoured to explore

its course upwards, but the weather became unfavourable, and forced him

again to sea, when he proceeded with part of his squadron to Cape Verd,

near which place he took in a supply of water and goats flesh. The fleet

was again dispersed by a second storm, and only three vessels remained

under the command of Lançarot. With these he made a descent on the island

of Tider, where he captured fifty-nine Moors; and with these, and some

natives he had made prisoners on the banks of the Senegal, he returned

into Portugal.

In the year 1447, Nuna Tristan made another voyage to the coast of Africa;

and, advancing beyond _Cabo dos Mastos_, or the Cape of Masts, so named

from some dead palms resembling masts, seen there by Lançarot, who made

this discovery in the former voyage, Nuna Tristan proceeded southwards

along the coast of Africa, 180 miles beyond Cape Verd, where he reached

the mouth of a river which he called Rio Grande, or the Large River,

since called Gamber, Gambra, or Gambia. Tristan came to anchor at the

mouth of this river, and went in his boat with twenty-two armed men on

purpose to explore its course. Having reached to a considerable distance

from his ship, he was environed by thirteen almadias or canoes, manned by

eighty negroes, who advanced with dreadful yells, and poured in continual

vollies of poisoned arrows, by which he, and almost every man in his boat

were wounded before they could regain the ship. Nuno Tristan and all the

wounded men died speedily of the effects of these poisoned weapons,

himself only living long enough to recount the nature of the terrible

disaster to the small remainder of the crew who had been left in charge

of the caravel; which was brought home by only four survivors, after

wandering for two months in the Atlantic, scarcely knowing which way to

steer their course.

There appears some difficulty and contradiction in regard to the river

discovered by Nuna Tristan, from the vague name of Rio Grande. Instead of

the Gambia, in lat. 13° 30' N. some of the Portuguese historians are

inclined to believe that this fatal event took place at another river, in

lat. 10° 15' N. at least 500 nautical miles beyond the Gambia, to the S.S.

E. which was afterwards called Rio de Nuno. This is scarcely probable,

as no notice whatever is taken of the great archipelago of shoals and

islands which extend from Cabo Rosso to beyond the mouth of that river

which is still called Rio Grande. Yet it must be acknowledged that our

remaining information respecting these early Portuguese voyages of

discovery, is unfortunately vague and unsatisfactory.

In the same year, 1447, Alvaro Fernando proceeded to the coast of Africa,

and is said to have advanced forty leagues beyond Tristan, having arrived

at the mouth of a river called Tabite[11], 100 miles to the south of Rio

Nuno. Notwithstanding the appearance of a determined opposition on the

part of the natives, who had manned five almadias, Alvaro resolved to

explore its course in his boat, and proceeded up the river for that

purpose, with the utmost circumspection. One of the almadias stood out

from the rest, and attacked his boat with great bravery, discharging a

number of poisoned arrows, by which Alvaro and several of his men were

wounded, which forced him to desist and return to his ship. Being,

however, provided with _theriac_ and other antidotes against the poison,

Alvaro and all his men recovered from their wounds. He resolved, after

leaving the river Tabite, to proceed along the coast, which he did to a

sandy point; and, apprehending no danger in so open a situation, was

preparing to land, when he was suddenly assailed by a flight of poisoned

arrows, from 120 negroes who started up from a concealment. Alvaro,

therefore, desisted from any farther attempt to explore the coast, and

returned to Lagos to give an account of his proceedings.

In the same year, ten caravels sailed from Lagos for Madeira, the

Canaries, and the coast of Africa, but returned without making any

progress in discovering the coast. Under this year likewise, 1447, the

Antilles, or Caribbee islands, are pretended to have been discovered by a

Portuguese ship driven, thither by a storm. But the fact rests only on

the authority, of Galvano, a Portuguese historian, and is not at all

credible. Indeed the story is an absolute fable; as the inhabitants are

said to have spoken the Portuguese language, and to have had _seven

cities_ in their island. In the same year, Gomez Perez went with two

caravels to Rio del Ouro, whence he carried eighty Moors to Lagos as

prisoners.

About this period the progress of discovery was arrested by political

disputes in Portugal, which ended in a civil war between Don Pedro, Duke

of Coimbra, and King Alphonso V. his nephew and son-in-law, in the course

of which Don Pedro was slain. Don Henry appears to have taken no share in

these disputes, except by endeavouring to mediate between his nephew and

brother; and, after the unhappy catastrophe of Don Pedro, Don Henry

returned to Sagres, where he resumed the superintendence of his maritime

discoveries.

[1] Explained by the celebrated Dr Johnson, as "so named from its

progression into the ocean, and the circuit by which it must be

doubled." Introduct. to the World Displayed.--Clarke.

[2] Cape Bojador is imagined to have been the _Canarea_ of Ptolemy.--

Clarke I. 15

[3] The _barcha_ is a sort of brig with topsails, having all its yards on

one long pole without sliding masts, as still used by tartans and

settees. The _barcha longa_ is a kind of small galley, with one mast

and oars.--Clarke, I. p. 153.

[4] Clarke says in the same year 1418. But this could not well be, as the

Discovery of Puerto Santo was made so late as the 1st of November of

that year. The truth is, that only very general accounts of these

early voyages remain in the Portuguese historians.--E.

[5] Such is the simple and probable account of the discovery of Madeira in

Purchas. Clarke has chosen to embellish it with a variety of very

extraordinary circumstances, which being utterly unworthy of credit,

we do not think necessary to be inserted in this place. See Progress

of Maritime Discovery, I. 157.--E.

[6] In the Introduction to the World Displayed, Dr Johnson remarks on this

story, that "green wood is not very apt to burn; and the heavy rains

which fall in these countries must surely have extinguished the

conflagration were it ever so violent." Yet in 1800 Radnor forest

presented a conflagration of nearly twenty miles circumference, which

continued to spread for a considerable time, in spite of every effort

to arrest its progress.--E.

[7] De Barros; Lafitan; Vincent, in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea;

Meikle, in his translation of the Lusiad. Harris, in his Collection,

Vol. I. p. 663, postpones this discovery to the year 1439.--Clarke.

[8] In Purchas this person is named Antonio Gonsalvo; but the authority of

Clarke, I. 188, is here preferred.--E.

[9] Progr. of Nav. Disc. I. 184.

[10] This tribe of Assenhaji, or Azanaghi, are the Zenhaga of our maps,

and the Sanhagae of Edrisi and Abulfeda. They are at present

represented as inhabiting at no great distance from the coast of

Africa, between the rivers Nun and Senegal.--Cl.

[11] No such name occurs in the best modern charts, neither is there a

river of any consequence on the coast which answers to the distance.

The first large river to the south of the Nuno is the Mitomba, or

river of Sierra Liona, distant about 130 maritime miles.--E.

SECTION VI.

_Discovery and Settlement of the Açores_[1].

These nine islands, called the Açores, Terceras, or Western islands, are

situated in the Atlantic, 900 miles west from Portugal, at an almost

equal distance from Europe, Africa, and America. The Flemings pretend

that they were discovered by a navigator of their nation, John Vanderberg,

who sailed from Lisbon in 1445 or 1449. Santa Maria, one of these islands,

250 leagues west from Cape St Vincent, was first seen on the 15th August

1432, by Cabral, who sailed under the orders of Don Henry. San Miguel was

taken possession of by the same navigator on the 8th May 1444; and Ponta

Delgada its capital, received its charter from Emanuel in 1449. Tercera

was given to Jacome de Brujes in 1450, by Don Henry, in which year St

George was discovered. Pico and Gracioso were discovered about the same

time. Perhaps Fayal may actually have been first explored, as many of the

inhabitants are of Flemish descent, under the command and protection of

the Portuguese. Flores and Corvo, which lie seventy leagues west from

Tercera, are not reckoned among the Açores by some writers. In this

latter island, the Portuguese pretend that there was discovered an

equestrian statue made from one block of stone. The head of the man was

bare, his left hand rested on the mane of his horse, and his right

pointed towards the _west_, as if indicating the situation of another

continent. In addition to all this, an inscription appeared to have been

traced on a rock beneath the statue, but in a language which the

Portuguese did not understand.

In the slow progress of discovery, the perils endured by the officers and

men employed by Don Henry, from the Moors and Negroes, frequently

occasioned murmurs against his plans of discovery; but the several

clusters of islands, the Madeiras, Cape Verd, and Açores, formed a

succession of maritime and commercial colonies, and nurseries for seamen,

which took off from the general obloquy attending the tedious and

hitherto unsuccessful attempts to penetrate farther into the southern

hemisphere, and afforded a perpetual supply of navigators, and a stimulus

to enterprize. The original prejudices against the possibility of

navigating or existing in the torrid zone still subsisted, and although

the navigators of Don Henry had gradually penetrated to within ten

degrees of the equator, yet the last successive discovery was always held

forth by the supporters of ignorant prejudice, as that which had been

placed by nature as an insurmountable barrier to farther progress in the

Atlantic. In this situation, the settlement of the Açores was of

considerable importance. In 1457, Don Henry procured the grant of many

valuable privileges to this favourite colony, the principal of which was

the exemption of the inhabitants from any duties on their commerce to the

ports of Portugal and even of Spain.

In 1461, a fort was erected in the isle of Arguin on the African coast of

the Moors, to protect the trade carried on there for gold and negro

slaves. Next year, 1462, Antonio de Noli, a Genoese, sent by the republic

to Portugal, entered into the service of Don Henry, and in a voyage to

the coast of Africa, discovered the islands which are known by the name

of the Cape de Verd Islands, though they lie 100 leagues to the westward

of that Cape. In the same year Pedro de Cintra, and Suera de Costa,

penetrated a little farther along the coast of Africa, and discovered the

river or Bay of Sierra Liona or Mitomba, in lat. 8° 30' N. This

constituted the last of the Portuguese discoveries, carried on under the

direct influence and authority of Don Henry, the founder and father of

modern maritime discovery, as he died next year, 1463, at Sagres, in the

sixty-seventh year of his age; and, for a time, the maritime enterprise

of the Portuguese nation was palsied by his death.

Thus, during a long period of fifty-two years, this patriotic prince

devoted almost his whole attention, and the ample revenues which he

enjoyed as Duke of Viseo end grand master of the military order of Christ,

in extending the maritime knowledge, and consequently the commercial

prosperity of his country. The incidents of the last seven years of the

life of this distinguished prince, are involved in uncertainty, and we

know very little with regard to the progress of his maritime discoveries

from 1456, the date of the second of the voyages of Cada Mosto, of which

we propose to give a separate account, till the year of his death, 1463.

From the year 1412, when he began his operations, at which time he could

scarcely exceed fifteen years of age, the navigators who had been formed

under his auspices and direction, and often instructed by himself in the

theory of navigation and cosmography, gradually explored the western

coast of Africa, from Cape Nam or Non, in lat. 28° 15', certainly to Rio

Grande, in lat. 11° N. or rather to Rio de Nuno, not quite a degree

farther south; but it is highly probable that the southern limit of

discovery in his time extended to Cabo Verga, in lat. 10° N. the northern

boundary of the country usually called the Sierra Liona, or the Ridge of

Lions, perhaps to the gulf of Mitomba, or bay of Sierra Liona, in lat. 8°

30' N. an extent of 29° 15' of latitude, or 1185 nautical miles; a mere

nothing certainly when compared with modern navigation, but a wonderful

effort in the infancy of the science, when even coasting voyages of any

extent along well known shores, and in frequented seas, were looked upon

as considerable efforts. No brilliant discovery, indeed, rewarded the

perseverance of Don Henry, and the courage of his servants; but an

indestructible foundation of useful knowledge was laid, for overthrowing

the ignorant prejudices of the age, and by which, not long afterwards,

his plans were perfected by completing the circumnavigation of Africa,

and by the discovery of the _New_ World. Dr Vincent, the learned editor

and commentator of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, is disposed to

limit the discoveries of Don Henry to Cape Verd[2], but Ramusio believed

that the Island of St Thomas was settled in his time; and the ingenious

translator of the Lusiad of Camoens is of opinion that some of his

commanders passed beyond the equator[3]. According to Mickle, it was the

custom of his navigators to leave his motto, _Talent de bien faire_,

wherever they came; and in 1525 Loaya, a Spanish captain, found that

device carved on the bark of a tree in the island of St Matthew, or

Anabon, in the _second_ degree of southern latitude. But this proof is

quite inconclusive, as the navigators long reared in the school of this

great prince might naturally enough continue his impress upon the

countries they visited, even after his lamented death.

About seven years before the decease of Don Henry, two voyages were made

to the African coast by Alvise da Cada Mosto, a Venetian navigator, under

the auspices of the Duke of Viseo; but which we have chosen to separate

from the historical deduction of the Portuguese discoveries, principally

because they contain the oldest nautical journal extant, except those

already given in our First Part from the pen of the great Alfred, and are

therefore peculiarly valuable in a work of this nature. Their

considerable length, likewise, and because they were not particularly

conducive to the grand object of extending the maritime discoveries, have

induced us to detach them from the foregoing narrative, that we might

carry it down unbroken to the death of the great Don Henry. These voyages,

likewise, give us an early picture of the state of population,

civilization, and manners of the Africans, not to be met with elsewhere.

To this we subjoin an abstract of the narrative of a voyage made by Pedro

de Cintra, a Portuguese captain, to the coast of Africa, drawn up for

Cada Mosto, at Lagos, by a young Portuguese who had been his secretary,

and who had accompanied Cintra in his voyage. The exact date of this

voyage is nowhere given; but as the death of Don Henry is mentioned in

the narrative, it probably took place in that year, 1463.

[1] So called from the number of hawks which were seen on these islands

when first discovered, _Açor_ signifying a hawk in the Portuguese

language; hence Açores or Açoras, pronounced Azores, signifies the

Islands of Hawks.--Clarke.

[2] Peripl. of the Erythr. Sea, 193.

[3] Hist. of the Disc. of India, prefixed to the translation of the Lusiad,

I. 158.

CHAPTER IV.

ORIGINAL JOURNALS OF THE VOYAGES OF CADA MOSTO, AND PIEDRO DE CINTRA TO

THE COAST OF AFRICA; THE FORMER IN THE YEARS 1455 AND 1456, AND THE

LATTER SOON AFTERWARDS[1].

INTRODUCTION.

Alvise Da Cada Mosto, a Venetian, in the service of Don Henry of Portugal,

informs us in his preface, that he was the first navigator from the

_noble city of Venice_, who had sailed on the ocean beyond the Straits of

Gibraltar, to the southern parts of Negroland, and Lower Ethiopia. These

voyages at Cada Mosto are the oldest extant in the form of a regular

journal, and were originally composed in Italian, and first printed at

Venice in 1507. This first edition is now exceedingly scarce, but there

is a copy in the kings library, and another in the valuable collection

made by Mr Dalrymple. These voyages were afterward published by Ramusio

in 1613, and by Grynæus in Latin. The latter was misled in regard to the

date; which he has inadvertently placed in 1504, after the death of

Prince Henry, and even subsequent to the discovery of the Cape of Good

Hope by Bernal Diaz. Even Ramusio, in his introduction to the voyages of

Cada Mosto, has made a mistake in saying that they were undertaken by the

orders of John king of Portugal, who died in 1433.

Ramusio imagined that the discoveries of Cada Mosto might tend to great

importance, as he considered the rivers Senegal and Rio Grande to be

branches of the Niger, by which means the Europeans might open a trade

with the rich kingdoms of Tombuto and Melli on that river, and thus bring

gold from the countries of the Negroes, by an easier, safer, and more

expeditious manner, than as conveyed by the Moors of Barbary by land,

over the vast and dangerous deserts that intervene between the country on

the Niger and Senegal rivers, and Barbary. As, by the account of Leo,

salt is the most valuable commodity throughout the countries of the

Negroes, Ramusio proposed that the ships should take in cargoes of salt

at the island of _Sal_, one of the Cape de Verds, and thence supply the

countries on the Niger, which was reported to be navigable for 500 miles

into the interior; and that they should bring back gold and slaves in

return; the latter to be brought to market at St Jago, another of the

Cape de Verd islands, where they would be immediately bought up for the

West Indies. All this fine speculation, however, rested on mistaken

foundations; as the Niger is altogether an inland river, running to the

east, and has no communication with the Senegal and Gambia, which run

west into the Atlantic. Yet time, and the civilization of the natives on

the Senegal and Gambia, may hereafter realize this scheme of a valuable

traffic into the interior of Africa; but it is fervently to be hoped,

that the trade in slaves may never be revived.

In his preface, after an apology for his performance, and making a

declaration of his strict adherence to truth in all the particulars he

relates, Cada Mosto gives some account of the infant Don Henriquez, or

Henry, of Portugal, the great author and promoter of maritime discoveries.

He praises him, as a prince of a great soul and sublime genius, and of

great skill in astronomy; and adds, that he applied himself entirely to

the service of Christ, by making war against the Moors. While on death-

bed, in 1432, Don John, king of Portugal, exhorted his son Don Henry to

pursue his laudable and holy purpose, of _persecuting_ the enemies of the

Christian faith, which he promised to perform; and, accordingly, with the

assistance of his brother Don Duarte, or Edward, who succeeded to the

throne of Portugal, he made war in Fez with success for many years.

Afterwards, the more effectually to harass the Moors, he used to send his

caravels, or ships of war, annually, to scour the coasts of Azafi, or Al

Saffi, and Messa, on the coast of Africa, without the Mediteranean, by

which he did them much damage. But, having in view to make discoveries

along that western coast, he ordered them every year to advance farther

towards the south. They accordingly proceeded till they came to a great

cape, which put a stop to their progress southwards for several years,

being afraid to go beyond it; whence it took the name it still retains of

Cape Non[2]; meaning, that such as went beyond should never return. Don

Henry, however, was of a different opinion, and adding three other

caravels to those which had been at the cape, sent them again next year

to make the attempt. They accordingly penetrated about 100 miles beyond

that cape, where they found only a sandy coast with no habitations, and

returned back to Portugal.

Encouraged by this commencement of successful progress, Don Henry sent

the same fleet back next year, with orders to extend their discoveries

150 miles farther to the south, and even more if they found it proper;

and promised to enrich all who should embark in this navigation. They

went again; and, although they obeyed the instructions of the prince,

they could not improve the discoveries. Yet, firmly persuaded by the

strength of his own judgment, that people and habitations would certainly

be found at length, Don Henry continued to send out his caravels from

time to time, and they came at length to certain coasts frequented by the

Arabs of the desert, and to the habitations of the Azanaghi, a tawny race.

Thus the countries of the negroes were discovered; and different nations

afterwards, which will be mentioned in the following relation.

Thus far the preface of Cada Mosto, as given in the collection of Astley,

from the edition of Ramusio, with which we must be satisfied in this work,

as that in the royal library is inaccessible for our use. The present

version has been carefully formed, by a comparison of Astley, with the

original in Ramusio, and with the summary by the Reverend James Stanier

Clarke, in his curious work on the progress of maritime discoveries,

which only gives a selection of what he considered to be its most

material parts. In this edition, the narrative style of Cada Mosto, in

his own person, is restored as much as possible. It may be noticed, that

Alvise is the Portuguese form of the name Louis, or Lewis.

In addition to the two voyages of Cada Mosto himself, there is a third

voyage included in the present chapter, performed by Piedro de Cintra to

the same coast, the narrative of which was communicated to Cada Mosto by

one who had accompanied Cintra, and had been clerk to Cada Mosto in the

two former voyages.

[1] Astley, Col. of Voy. and Trav. I. 573. Clarke, Prog. of Marit. Disc.

I. 235.

[2] According to De Faria, as already mentioned in Chap. II. Sect. I Cape

Non was doubled, and Cape Bojador discovered in 1415, many years

before the death of King John. The present recapitulation by Cada

Mosto has been left in his own words, without insisting on the

exactness of his chronology.--Astley.

SECTION I.

_Voyage of Cada Mosto from Venice to Cape St Vincent: He enters into the

service of Don Henry, and sets out for the New Discoveries: Relation of

the Voyage to Madeira and the Canaries; with some Account of these

islands, and their Inhabitants_.

I, Alvise Da Cada Mosto, after visiting many parts of our Mediterranean

Sea, being in our city of Venice in the year 1454, at which time I was

about twenty-two years of age, determined to return into Flanders, a

country which I had formerly visited as a merchant; for my constant

attention was, in the first place to acquire wealth, and secondly to

procure fame. On the 8th of August in that year 1454, I embarked in one

of the gallies belonging to the republic, commanded by Marco Zen, a

Venetian cavalier. Contrary winds detained us for some days off Cape St

Vincent; during which, I learnt that Don Henry, the infant of Portugal,

resided in the adjoining village of Reposera, or Sagres, to which he had

retired in order to pursue his studies without interruption from the

tumult of the world. Hearing of our arrival, the prince sent on board of

our galley Antonio Gonzales his secretary, accompanied by Patricio de

Conti[1], a Venetian, who was consul for the republic in Portugal, as

appeared by his commission, and who also received a salary or pension

from Don Henry. These gentlemen brought on board, and exhibited to us

samples of Madeira sugar, dragons blood, and other commodities of the

countries and islands belonging to the prince, which had been discovered

under his patronage. They asked us many questions, and informed us that

the prince had caused some lately discovered and uninhabited islands to

be settled and cultivated, as a proof of which, they had shewn us the

before-mentioned valuable productions; adding, that all this was next to

nothing, in comparison of the great things which Don Henry had performed;

as he had discovered seas which had never been navigated before, and the

countries of divers strange, and hitherto unknown nations, where many

wonderful things were found. They told us farther, that the Portuguese

who had been in these remote parts, had reaped great advantages by

trading with the inhabitants; having gained as high as 700 or even 1000

per cent, on the capitals employed. We were all much astonished at these

things; and I Cada Mosto in particular, being inflamed with the desire of

visiting these newly discovered regions, inquired if the prince permitted

any person who might be so inclined to embark for these places? To this

they answered in the affirmative; and they likewise stated to me the

conditions on which any one would be allowed to make the adventure. These

were, either to be at the whole expence of fitting out and freighting a

vessel; or at the expence of the freight only, the prince providing a

vessel. In the former case, the adventurer had to allow on his return one

quarter of his cargo, as duty to the prince, the rest remaining his own

entire propriety; in the latter case, the homeward cargo was to be

equally divided between the prince and the adventurer. In case of no

returns, the prince was at the entire expence of the voyage; but that it

was hardly possible to make the voyage without great profit. They added,

that the prince would be much pleased to have any Venetian in his service,

and would shew him great favour, being of opinion that spices and other

rich merchandise might be found in these parts, and knowing that the

Venetians understood these commodities better than any other nation.

Influenced by all this, I accompanied the secretary and consul on shore,

and waited on the prince, who confirmed all those things which they had

said, and encouraged me to embark in the voyage to his new countries, by

promises of honour and profit. Being young, and of a constitution to

endure fatigue, and desirous to visit those parts of the world which had

never been even known to any Venetian, and likewise in hopes to advance

my fortune, I accepted of the invitation. Having, therefore, procured

information respecting the commodities which it was proper to carry with

me on such a voyage, I returned to the gallies, where I disposed of all

the goods I had shipped for the low countries, and carried to land such

things as were necessary for my intended expedition; and leaving the

gallies to pursue their voyage to Flanders, I landed in Portugal. The

prince evinced much satisfaction at my resolution, and entertained me

handsomely at Sagres for a considerable time. At length he ordered me to

fit out a new caravel, of about ninety tons burden, of which Vincent Diaz,

a native of Lagos, about sixteen miles from Sagres, was commander. The

caravel being in readiness, and furnished with every thing necessary for

the voyage, we set sail on the 22d of March 1455, having a favourable

wind at north-east, and by north[2], and steered our course for the

island of Madeira. On the 25th of that month we came to the island of

_Puerto Santo_, which is about 600 miles southward from Cape St Vincent,

whence we took our departure.

Puerto Santo was discovered by the Portuguese on All Saints day, about

the year 1418[3], and Don Henry first sent inhabitants to settle there

under Bartholomew Perestrello, whom he appointed governor. It is about

fifteen miles in circuit[4]. It bears good bread corn, and a sufficiency

of oats for its own use; and abounds with cattle and wild hogs, and

innumerable rabbits[5]. Among other trees, it produces the drago or

dragon tree, the sap or juice of which is drawn out only at certain

seasons of the year, when it issues from cuts or clefts, made with an axe

near the bottom of the tree in the preceding year. These clefts are found

full of a kind of gum; which, decocted and depurated, is the dragons-

blood of the apothecaries[6]. The tree bears a yellow fruit, round like

like a cherry, and well tasted. This island produces the best honey and

wax in the world, but not in any quantity. It has no harbour, but a good

road in which vessels may moor in safety, being well sheltered on all

sides, except the quarters between the south and east, all of which winds

make it unsafe to ride here at anchor. There is plenty of excellent fish

on its shores; such as dentili, gilded fish, and others.

From Puerto Santo, which was discovered twenty-seven years before, we

sailed on the 28th of March, and came the same day to _Monchrico_ or

Machico, one of the ports of the island of Madeira, forty miles distant

from Puerto Santo. In fair weather these islands may be seen from each

other. This latter island was only inhabited within the last twenty-four

years, when the prince appointed two of his gentlemen to be its governors.

Tristan Vaz having the government of that half of the island in which the

port of Monchrico is situated; and the other district of the island, in

which Fonzal, Fonchial, or Funchal stands, is under the government of

John Gonzales Zarcho. The island of Madeira is inhabited in four several

places: Monchrico, Santa Cruz, Fonzal, and Camera-di-Lupi, which are its

principal places, though there are other minor establishments; and is

able to muster about 800 men able to bear arms, of whom an hundred are

horse. There are about eight rivers, which pervade the island in

different places; by means of which they have many saw-mills, from which

Portugal and other places are supplied with boards of many different

sorts. Of these boards, two sorts are in particular estimation, and turn

most to account. The one is cedar, which has a strong odoriferous smell,

and resembles the cypress tree; of this they make fine, large, and long

boards or deals, which they employ for building houses, and for various

other purposes. The other, called nasso[7], is of a red-rose colour, and

extremely beautiful; of which they make excellent and very beautiful bows

and cross-bows, which are sent into the west. In order to clear the land,

the first settlers set fire to the woods, and the fire spread with such

fury, that several persons, with their families, and Gonzales Zarcho

among the rest, were forced to take shelter in the sea to save themselves

from the flames, where they stood up to their necks for two days and two

nights without sustenance. Though this island is mountainous, its soil is

rich and fertile, and it produces yearly 30,000 Venetian _staras_[8] of

bread corn. At first, the newly cultivated land yielded seventy for one,

but has since been reduced to thirty or forty, for want of good husbandry.

Owing to the excellence of its soil and climate, and the abundance of

springs and rivers, Prince Henry procured sugar canes from Sicily, which

he sent to this island, where they have yielded abundant produce;

insomuch, that 400 cantaros of sugar, each containing 112 pounds large

weight of Venice, have been made at one boiling, and the quantity was

likely to increase[9]. They have likewise good wines, considering how

shortly this culture has been introduced; and in such abundance, that

large quantities are exported. Among other kinds of vines, Don Henry sent

thither _Malvasia_ plants, procured from the island of Candia, which have

succeeded well. The soil has turned out so favourable for the vine, that

in general there are more grapes than leaves, and the bundles are very

large, even from two to four spans long. They have likewise the black

_Pergola_ grape, without stones, in great perfection; and so well is the

climate adapted to this culture, that they begin their vintage about

Easter, or at least by the octave after.

We sailed from Madeira, following a southerly course, and arrived at the

Canary islands, which are at the distance of about 320 miles from Madeira.

There are seven of these islands in all, four of which have been settled

by the Christians, Lançerotta, Fuerteventura, Gomera, and Ferro; over

which Herrera[10], a Spanish gentleman, is lord. Large quantities of an

herb called _Oricello_ or Orchel[11], are annually sent from these

islands to Cadiz and Seville, which is used in dying, and is sent from

these places to all parts of Europe. Great quantities of excellent goat

skins are exported from these islands, which likewise produce abundance

of tallow, and good cheese. The original inhabitants of the four islands

that are subject to the Christians, are _Canarians_[12], who speak

various languages or dialects, not well understood between the different

tribes. These people have only open villages, without any fortifications;

except on the mountains, which are exceedingly high, and there they have

a kind of rude walls or redoubts, to flee to in case of need. The passes

of these mountains are so difficult of access, that a few resolute men

might defend them against an army. The other three islands of this group,

Grand Canaria, Teneriffe, and Palma, which are larger and better peopled

than the other four, are still unsubdued and possessed by the aboriginal

idolaters. Grand Canaria has between eight and nine thousand souls, and

Teneriffe, which is the largest of all these islands, is said to contain

fourteen or fifteen thousand, and is divided into nine separate lordships.

Palma, however, has very few inhabitants, yet it appears to be a very

beautiful island. Every lordship seems to have its own mode of religious

worship; as in Teneriffe, there were no less than nine different kinds of

idolatry; some worshipping the sun, others the moon, and so forth. They

practise polygamy, and the lords have the jus primae noctis, which is

considered as conferring great honour. On the accession of any new lord,

it is customary for some persons to offer themselves to die as a

sacrifice to his honour. On this occasion, the lord holds a great

festival on his accession day; when all who are willing to give this

cruel proof of their attachment, are attended to the summit of a high

cliff in a certain valley, where, after some peculiar ceremonies, and

certain words muttered over them, the victims precipitate themselves from

the cliff, and are dashed to pieces. In reward of this sanguinary homage,

the lords consider themselves bound to heap extraordinary honours and

rewards on the parents of the victims.

Teneriffe, which is the largest of these islands, and the best inhabited,

is one of highest islands in the world, and is seen in clear weather from

a great distance; insomuch, that I was informed by some mariners, that it

had been descried at the distance of between sixty and seventy Spanish

leagues, which make about 250 Italian miles. In the middle of the island,

there is a prodigiously high peaked mountain, shaped like a diamond,

which is always burning. I received this account from some Christians,

who had been prisoners in the island, who affirmed that it was fifteen

Portuguese leagues, or sixty Italian miles, from the bottom of the

mountain to the top of the peak.

They have nine lords on this island, who are called dukes, and who do not

succeed by inheritance or descent, but by force; on which account they

have perpetual civil wars among themselves, in which they commit great

slaughter. Their only weapons are stones, maces or clubs, and darts or

lances, some of which are pointed with horn, and others have their points

hardened in the fire. They all go naked, except a few who wear goat skins

before and behind. They anoint their skins with goats tallow, mixed up

with the juice of certain herbs, which thickens the skin, and defends

them against the cold, of which they complain much, although their

country is so far to the south. They have neither walled, nor thatched

houses, but dwell in grottos and caverns of the mountains. They feed on

barley, flesh, and goats milk, of which they have abundance, and some

fruits, particularly figs. As the country is very hot, they reap their

corn in April and May.

We learnt all these things from the Christians of the four settled

islands, who sometimes go over by night to the three other islands, and

make prisoners of the natives, whom they send into Spain to be sold as

slaves. Sometimes the Spaniards are themselves made prisoners on these

expeditions, on which occasions the natives do not put them to death, but

employ them to kill and flea their goats, and to cure the flesh, which

they look upon as a vile employment, and therefore condemn their

Christian prisoners to that labour in contempt. The native Canarians are

very active and nimble, and are exceedingly agile in running and leaping,

being accustomed to traverse the cliffs of their rugged mountains. They

skip barefooted from rock to rock like goats, and sometimes take leaps of

most surprising extent and danger, which are scarcely to be believed.

They throw stones with great strength and wonderful exactness, so as to

hit whatever they aim at with almost perfect certainty, and almost with

the force of a bullet from a musket; insomuch that a few stones thrown by

them will break a buckler to pieces. I once saw a native Canarian, who

had become a Christian, who offered to give three persons twelve oranges

a-piece, and taking twelve to himself, engaged, at eight or ten paces

distance, to strike his antagonists with every one of his oranges, and at

the same time to parry all theirs, so that they should hit no part of him

but his hands. But no one would take up the wager, as they all knew he

could perform even better than he mentioned. I was on land in Gomera and

Ferro, and touched also at the island of Palma, but did not land there.

[1] In Grynaeus, this person is called a patrician or nobleman of Venice,

and his surname is omitted.--Astley.

[2] _Con Veuto da greco et tramantana in poppe_; literally, having a Greek,

and _beyond the mountain_ wind in the poop. The points of the compass,

in Italian maps, are thus named, N. _Tramontana_. N. E. _Greco_. E.

_Levante_ S. E. _Sirocco_. S. _Mezzoni_. S. W. _Libeccio_. W.

_Ponente_. N. W. _Maestro_.--Clarke.

[3] This date ought to have been 1413.--Astl.

[4] Barbot says eight leagues; other authors say more, and some less. It

is about twelve leagues to the north-east of Madeira.--Astl.

[5] When Sir Amias Preston took this island in 1595, it abounded in corn,

wine, and oil, and had good store of sheep, asses, goats, and kine.

There was also plenty of fowl, fish, and fruits.--Astl.

[6] From this account it seems to be an inspissated juice.--Astley. This

tree has probably received its name from the bark being like the

scales of a serpent. About the full of the moon it exudes a vermilion

coloured gum. That which grows on the islands and coasts of Africa is

more astringent than what comes from Goa. It is found on high rocky

land. Bartholomew Stibbs met with it on the banks of the Gambia river,

and describes it under the name of _Par de Sangoe_, or blood-wood tree.

The gum is a red, inodorous, and insipid resin, soluble in alcohol and

oils; and when dissolved by the former, is used for staining marble.

--Clarke.

[7] The woods of Madeira are cedar, vigniatico, laurus Indicus, which has

a considerable resemblance to mahogany, barbuzano, chesnut, and the

beautiful mirmulano, and paobranco.--Clark.

[8] This measure is said to weigh about thirty-three English pounds, so

that the quantity mentioned in the text amounts to 1850 quarters

English measure.--Astl.

[9] I suppose he means at one crop. The quantity in the text, reduced to

avoirdupois weight, amounts to twenty-eight hogsheads, at sixteen

hundred weight each.--Astl.

[10] In Clarke, this person is named Ferrero; perhaps the right name of

this person was Fernando Pereira, who subdued Gomera and Ferro.--E.

[11] A species of moss, or lichen rather, that grows on the rocks, and is

used by dyers.--Clarke.

[12] Other authors call the natives of the Canaries _Guanchos_.--E.