CHAPTER LXII.

THE BATTLE OF THE ATBARA.

1898.

The struggle for supremacy in Egypt was far from being finally settled

at Tel-el-Kebir. With the voice of discontent, bursting now and again

into open revolt, with that potent influence, fanaticism, always at

work, small wonder that the Soudan was the scene of perpetual conflict,

and at length matters reached a crisis at the end of 1897.

The voice of rumour, growing louder and ever nearer, at length brought

warning to Sir Herbert Kitchener, the Sirdar of the Anglo-Egyptian

army, of threatening movements of a dervish force near Berber, and

Anglo-Egyptian reinforcements were promptly hurried to the front to

stem the tide of what promised to be a formidable revolt. The Egyptian

army was at this time in a very complete state of organisation, thanks

to the great brain which day and night watched ever its growth and

prepared it against all eventualities, and now the time had come for

action the ultimate issue of events was confidently awaited in Britain.

General Sir Herbert Kitchener had had fifteen years’ experience of

Egypt. He had been Intelligence Officer in Sir Garnet Wolseley’s

campaign, commander at Suakim, fought with success again and again

against Osman Digna, and finally succeeded Sir Francis Grenfell

as commander-in-chief in Egypt. No man was better acquainted with

the Egyptian question, and none knew better how to meet the coming

difficulty.

The dervish forces were under the leadership of Mahmud and Osman

Digna, and were reported to be marching steadily northward, with an

ever-growing army, to attack the British force.

That force was now rapidly set in motion. With such men as Kitchener,

Hunter, Macdonald, and Gatacre, to name but a few, no loss of time or

energy took place, and in a few short weeks a formidable British force,

admirably equipped in all arms and perfectly organised, was marching

southward.

By March 1, the reinforcements were at Berber, some 25 miles from the

junction of the Nile and the Atbara rivers, near which place it was

rumoured that the dervish army, instead of advancing to the attack,

were strongly entrenching themselves against our force. By this time

the British army in the field numbered some 12,000 to 13,000 men.

They were divided into four brigades. Three of these were Egyptian,

under the chief command of General Hunter. The fourth was British.

The first brigade, under General Macdonald, comprised the 9th, 10th

and 11th Soudanese, and the 2nd Egyptian, and it is not too much to

say that never had any troops, British or native, more confidence in

their sturdy leader. General Macdonald had risen from the ranks, after

conspicuous and repeated gallantry in Afghanistan. He had been taken

prisoner in the Boer war at Majuba, and fought gallantly with his

Soudanese at Gemaizeh, Tooki, and Afafit, and it is safe to say his

devoted troops would have followed him wherever he might be pleased

to lead them. These troops were at Berber. The second brigade, of

similar constitution, three Soudanese regiments, the 12th, 13th, and

14th, together with the 8th Egyptian, was under the command of Colonel

Maxwell, and quartered half way between Berber and Atbara, while at the

latter place, and not far removed from the enemy’s outposts, was the

third, or Egyptian, brigade, under Colonel Lewis.

The total strength of the Egyptian army was thus brought up to some

10,000 men, with 46 guns, while three gunboats operated on the Nile

from Atbara. The fourth, or British, brigade, was under the charge of

General Gatacre, and, after a forced and memorable march to Berber,

in the first part of which the admirably constructed Egyptian railway

played a valuable part, had encamped in the neighbourhood of the second

brigade at Debeika. The Lincolnshire (10th), the Cameron Highlanders

(79th), and the Warwickshire made up the force, while the 1st Seaforth

Highlanders, under Colonel Murray, were daily expected. A maxim battery

completed their equipment. Thus the total force under the Sirdar’s

supreme command may be estimated at 14,000 men, with 52 guns in all.

The precise strength of the enemy was unknown, but it has been

variously estimated at 15,000 to 20,000. The Arab spy is notoriously

indifferent to accuracy, and thus precise particulars were almost

unobtainable, in spite of the most strenuous efforts of Colonel

Wingate, the chief of our Intelligence Department.

By the 16th March the whole Anglo-Egyptian force was concentrated at

Kemir, some seven miles from Fort Atbara, and the men of all ranks

and regiments, in the pink of condition, were keen and eager for the

fight. Some days, however, were now spent in reconnoitring the enemy’s

position, and in this connection invaluable services were rendered

by the gunboats which patrolled the river. Almost daily did these

seek a brush with the enemy’s outposts, and both loot and invaluable

information were brought back to camp by the enterprising naval

commanders.

Says the late G. W. Steevens, in his famous work on the campaign:--

“You may imagine that the officers of Her Majesty’s navy did not

confine their work to looking on. A day or two ago, Mahmud had been

transferring his war material in barges from Metemmeh to Shendi

(a point some hundred miles up the Nile). Knowing the ways of ‘the

devils,’ as they amiably call the gunboats, he had entrenched a couple

of hundred riflemen to cover the crossing. But one gunboat steamed

cheerfully up to the bank and turned on the maxims, while the other

sunk one ‘nuggar’ and captured two.”

With minor engagements of this nature, and in the camp hard drill and

busy preparation, the days passed by, till at length, on the morning of

Sunday, March 20th, the force moved out of Kemir, southwards, in the

direction from which the enemy were known to be advancing. Two days

previously the long-expected Seaforths had arrived in camp, and met

with a warm reception from their British and Egyptian comrades. They

arrived “smiling all over, from colonel to private, to find they were

in time.”

Great was the joy of all ranks when it was at length announced that

Mahmud’s force was on the Atbara river, and almost certain to give

battle. Rumours were rife at this time, the most credible being that

Mahmud had seized the Hudi ford, a few miles south of Fort Atbara, but

on reaching here on March 20th and 21st, not a dervish was to be seen.

The same day, however, as Hudi was reached, the cavalry had a brush

with a party of advanced dervish horse, and succeeded in chasing them

off into the bush. Our men, however, lost seven troopers killed, the

first casualties of the campaign.

By this time the sand and dust of the desert had been exchanged for

the thickly-grown, low-lying land of the Atbara, and the change was a

welcome one in many ways, though indeed the scrub afforded ample cover

for the enemy. The day following this a stronger reconnoitring force

encountered some more dervish cavalry, and shots were exchanged, which

brought the whole army to the front hot foot, but with the emptying of

a few Dervish saddles the incident terminated. Everything, however,

tended to show that a general engagement could not be long delayed. And

for our officers and men, the sooner it came the better, for though

food was plentiful, the camp equipments were scanty, and comfort almost

unknown.

Says Mr. Steevens at this stage:--“Though the Soudan can be live coals

by day, it can be aching ice by night. Officers and men came alike with

one blanket and no overcoat, for you must remember that we left Kemir

with the intention of fighting the next day or the next.”

The Egyptian army were better off than their British comrades. Knowing

the Soudan, an Egyptian officer summed up the difference of the

equipments of the two armies in a single sentence:--“I’ve been in

this country five years, so when I was told to bring two days’ kit, I

brought a fortnight’s.”

The British, however, unprepared for the long delay, had to make the

best of things, and these discomforts, added to the eagerness of the

men, made a general engagement the one prayer of all. On the 27th

March, Haig’s reconnaissance of the Atbara river took place, but for

a distance of 18 miles not a sign of Mahmud was to be seen, only “the

impenetrable, flesh-tearing jungle of mimosa spears and halfa grass,

through which no army in the world could possibly attack.”

On the morning of the 27th, the 15th Egyptian, with some friendly

Yadin, who had many old scores to settle with Mahmud, arrived at Shendi

in three gunboats, and, surprising a large party of the enemy, captured

nearly 700 prisoners, mostly women, and killed 160 of the Baggara

warriors. The captives were brought down to Fort Atbara, where they

“are now probably the wives of such black soldiers as are allowed to

marry.”

This important encounter, the result of the Sirdar’s carefully laid

plans, almost certainly forced the engagement. For, distressed at the

loss of their women, and now unable to retreat to Shendi, the fighting

men of Mahmud’s army must be distracted at all costs. A fight with

the British must occur without delay if the Khalifa’s enterprise is

to succeed. As yet the precise position of the enemy’s main force was

unknown, but at last, on March 30th, General Hunter’s reconnaissance

located them, and the joyful news went round the camp like wildfire.

Nakheila, 18 miles away, on the Atbara, formed the stronghold of

Mahmud. The General “had gone on until he came to it,” says Steevens.

“He had ridden up to within 300 yards of it and looked in. The position

faced the open desert, and went right back through the scrub to the

river. Round it ran a tremendous zareba.” For a few days speculation

was rife in camp as to the next move. Here was the enemy at last, not

attacking as expected, but waiting to be driven from his entrenched

position either by bayonet or hunger. What means would be adopted to

accomplish a successful issue?

The decision was not long in coming. By April 3rd, the camp was at

Abadar, on the 5th at Umdabieh--nearer, ever nearer to the enemy. A

brush here and there was of daily occurrence now, and raiding became

part of the routine. The description by Mr. Steevens of the scene of

one such raid gives a vivid picture of the state of affairs at this

juncture.

He was returning with the camel corps convoy from Fort Atbara, whither

during the days of waiting they had ridden for supplies, when “suddenly

one of the men discerned cases lying opened on the sand about a

hundred yards off the trampled road. Anything for an incident. We

rode listlessly up and looked. A couple of broken packing-cases, two

tins of sardines, a tin of biscuits half empty, a small case of empty

soda bottles with Sirdar stencilled on it, and a couple of empty

bottles of whisky. Among them lay a cigarette box, a needle and reel

of cotton, and a badge--A.S.C.--such as the Army Service Corps wear on

their shoulder-straps. We were on the scene of last evening’s raid.

Two camels, we remembered, had been cut off and their loads lost.”

With such incidents as these, and another reconnaissance in force by

Hunter, terminating in a miniature battle with seventeen casualties,

the evening of the 7th April arrived. In the early morning of the 8th,

Good Friday, the long-expected battle was to be fought.

Dawn was the hour fixed for the attack. Unlike the approach to

Tel-el-Kebir, the night of the march immediately preceding the battle

on the Atbara was conspicuous for its brilliant moonlight. At six the

force moved out of Umdabieh. At seven a halt was called, and till

nearly one o’clock the troops rested. Some ate, some slept, but all

were at last assured of the certainty of the morrow’s action. At one

o’clock the march was resumed, and, under the guidance of Bunbashi

Fitton of the Egyptian army, the dervish zareba was cautiously, but

surely, approached by the Anglo-Egyptian squares. Between four and

five another halt took place, and the prospective battle was discussed

in low tones in the prevailing cold. Some slept once more, others

shivered, waiting for the dawn. At length the sun rose and disclosed

the enemy’s position right in front and the serried ranks of Britain

ready to give battle.

Says Mr. Steevens:--“The word came, and the men sprang up. The squares

shifted into the fighting formations, and at one impulse, in one superb

sweep, nearly 12,000 men moved forward towards the enemy.... The awful

war machine went forward into action.”

Twenty-four guns, under Colonel Long, were on the right flank, and 12

maxims were divided among the right and left flanks and the centre.

Crash! broke out the roar of artillery, and in an instant the front of

Mahmud’s camp was raked from end to end. The puffs of smoke floated

lazily across the foreground as the iron hail tore its way into the

quick-set hedge of the zareba, and here and there flames sprang out

where the rockets compassed their work of relentless destruction. Once

during the awful cannonade the dervish cavalry formed up on the extreme

left of the position, emerging from the bush in handfuls, but a heavy

maxim fire soon drove them back. For fully half an hour the enemy made

no reply, and then, after this interval, the bullets began to whistle

over the heads of the Anglo-Egyptian force. As at Tel-el-Kebir, the

fire of the dervishes was aimed too high, and little damage was done.

At 7.30 the “Cease Fire!” sounded, and the infantry moved forward to

the attack. The commanding officers of the various regiments made

stirring speeches to their men. Colonel Murray, addressing the Seaforth

Highlanders, said:--“The news of victory must be in London to-night.”

General Gatacre’s words were to the point, “there was to be no question

about this, they were to go right through the zareba and drive the

dervishes into the river.” The moment had arrived. The bugles sounded

the “Advance!” the pipes screamed out “The March of the Cameron Men”

with that voice of glorious memories and lust for battle which the

pipes convey when heard in war, and the force swept forward on the foe.

Upon the Camerons fell a prominent part. They were to clear the front

with a hot rifle fire, and while some were doing this others were to

tear opens in the zareba or surmount it by scaling ladders. Next behind

them followed the Lincolns, the Seaforths, and the Warwickshires. For

a few moments as the force rushed forward, the enemy made never a

sound. Then suddenly, as the Camerons reached the crest of the ridge

overlooking the zareba, the murderous fire broke out. Fortunately, as

always in the Soudanese campaigns, the fire was for a great part too

high, and the casualties, though heavy, were not so great as might have

been expected. Meanwhile, General Macdonald’s brigade advanced, and

only about a minute elapsed from the time the combined force crowned

the rise of the hill till the Camerons and Soudanese had torn down the

zareba and made way for the main body of the army.

“General Gatacre, accompanied by Private Cross, was actually the

first at the zareba,” says an eye-witness. “Cross, of the Camerons,

bayoneted a big dervish who was aiming point blank at the General.” The

simultaneous right attack by the Egyptians and Soudanese was also a

fine spectacle. General Hunter himself, helmet in hand, led his men on

to the zareba, but thirty yards from it was a strong stockade, backed

by entrenchments, and this too had to be stormed. It was a thrilling

quarter of an hour, and nothing could be finer than the way these

almost insurmountable obstacles were tackled by our troops, and that in

the face of the hottest fire imaginable from the dervish defenders.

Inside the zareba, from behind stockades, and from holes in the ground

swarmed the black, half-naked dervishes, running everywhere, turning

now and again to fire at their assailants, but making ever for the

river. Scores of them lay stretched upon the ground. The slaughter was

awful. Gradually the ground grew clearer. The maxims had galloped right

up to the stockade and poured their merciless fire into the living

contents of the zareba. The Warwicks “were volleying off the blacks as

your beard comes off under a keen razor.” Death and destruction reigned

on every side.

But the British had lost heavily. Captains Findlay and Urquhart of the

Camerons had been killed storming the zareba. Lieutenant Gore of the

Seaforths fell in the same place, and, indeed, most of our casualties

were sustained at this place. “Never mind me, lads; go on!” called

Captain Urquhart as he fell stricken; and go on they did, killing and

slaying at every step. Piper Stewart of the Camerons was killed leading

the way.

The fight was now practically over. Only the pursuit remained. On

stumbled our men over the broken ground till suddenly there “came a

clear drop under foot--the river. And across the trickle of water

the quarter mile of dry sandbed was a flypaper with scrambling spots

of black. The pursuers thronged the bank in double line,” says Mr.

Steevens, “and in two minutes the paper was still black spotted, only

the spots scrambled no more.” “Now that,” panted the most pessimistic

senior captain in the brigade, “now I call that a very good fight!”

Shortly after this the “Cease Fire!” sounded, and only the cavalry

pursuit remained.

Nearly 4000 prisoners had been taken, including Mahmud himself, who

was found hiding beneath a native litter. Zeki, formerly Governor of

Berber, was killed. Osman Digna, wily to the last, had again escaped,

but all the other important dervish emirs were among the dead. The

former, with his horsemen, at an early period of the action got into

the river bed and made off in the direction of Damara. They were

pursued by General Lewis’s cavalry, but the jungle on the river banks

was so dense that the pursuit had to be abandoned. Colonel Broadwood,

however, chased a large party of dervishes into the desert, where he

captured a number of prisoners.

The British casualties were three officers and 18 men killed, with

88 wounded. Four British officers and two British non-commissioned

officers belonging to the Egyptian and Soudanese brigades, and 14

native officers were wounded, while the native regiments lost 50 killed

and 319 wounded.

Other accounts put the total Anglo-Egyptian loss at 81 killed and

493 wounded, out of the 12,000 men in action. The dervish dead

alone numbered 3000, and Mahmud’s ten guns and hordes of prisoners

showed the significance of the crushing victory at the Atbara. The

jubilation among the British force was great, and loud cheers marked

the termination of the battle. After the engagement, the Sirdar, who

had been under fire all the morning, rode over the battlefield. He was

received with enthusiastic cheers by every regiment of the British

brigade, which he thanked individually for their gallant victory. He

also received an ovation from the Egyptian and Soudanese, among whose

trophies were a great number of standards, spears, and drums, in

recognition of the signal gallantly shown by the native troops.

The Sirdar provisionally promoted on the field a sergeant-major of

each native battalion which crossed the zareba, to subaltern rank. In

conversation with Colonel Money, whose helmet had been traversed by a

bullet, the Sirdar, referring to the slow and steady advance of the

Camerons under a withering fire when attacking the zareba, said:--“It

was one of the finest feats performed for many years. You ought to be

proud of such a regiment.” Colonel Money replied that he was “right

proud of it.”

In the afternoon the three British officers killed and the 18 British

soldiers who fell in the action were buried on the gravelly slope near

the zareba where they met their fate, and the graves were afterwards

covered with a zareba to prevent their desecration. “The burial

service,” says an eye-witness, “was most impressive. It was attended by

the Sirdar, Generals Hunter and Gatacre and their respective staffs,

by every officer off duty, and by detachments of all the regiments. No

farewell shots were fired, but a firing party presented arms, and the

band of the 11th Soudanese and the Highland pipers played laments.”

Inside the zareba, visited after the fight, the dervishes lay dead in

scores, choking the rifle pits and entrenchments, and “it was curious,”

says one who was present at this exploration of the late battlefield,

“to see the Soudanese soldiers filling their water-bottles from a pool

containing dead dervishes.” About an hour after sunset, the wearied

troops returned to their camp at Umbadieh, which they reached about

three o’clock on the Saturday morning. The wounded started an hour or

two later.

The captive Mahmud attracted much attention, and all were eager

to catch a glimpse of the famous Arab leader. To the Sirdar, who

interviewed him, he said little but that the campaign had been

conducted at the Khalifa’s orders. He preserved a stoical silence on

all other subjects, and seemed indifferent as to his fate. He was

described by those who saw him as a remarkable-looking man, of grand

physique and good features. “He has,” says one of these, “a dignified

presence, and a quite natural haughty disregard of the common herd. He

looks intelligent and strong-willed. He is being well treated. In his

captured stronghold were found six heads fixed on poles, and one body,

dreadfully mutilated.”

On the Sunday following the battle, when the camp had been moved from

Umbadieh to Abadar, a great church parade was held, and a thanksgiving

service for victory conducted by the chaplains of all denominations

present with the forces. At its conclusion the British Brigade was

formed up in square, and the Sirdar, advancing to the centre, read a

telegram from the Queen, which filled the heart of every listener with

pride. “I greatly rejoice,” said Her Majesty, “at brilliant victory.”

And then, with her infallible consideration and womanly sympathy, “I

desire to be fully informed as to the state of the wounded.” Needless

to say, the reading of this message provoked the wildest enthusiasm,

and at the call of the Sirdar three hearty cheers for the Queen rent

the stifling desert air. Other congratulations were to follow. From

the Khedive, Mr. Balfour on behalf of the Government, Lord Lansdowne,

Lord Cromer, and others too numerous to mention heartfelt expressions

of joy and pride kept pouring in, and “In short,” said the Sirdar, in

conclusion, “everyone is extremely proud of the conduct of the army in

the field.”

It is impossible to take leave of the battle of the Atbara without

quoting somewhat extensively from the narrative of a soldier who was

through the fight. Corporal Inglis, of the Cameron Highlanders, gives a

vivid picture of the great engagement:--

“As we approached the enemy’s position,” writes this gallant

non-commissioned officer, “my feelings got a bit of a shock. I was

thinking of home, and wondering if that day was to finish my existence,

when a large flock of vultures came swooping down, and settled right in

front of us. I had often read about them, but never saw them before.

Some instinct surely tells them of a coming battle. It made a lot of

our fellows feel queer for a bit, as the big brutes kept walking up and

down, looking at us. We moved on till within 500 yards of the enemy’s

front. We could see all was bustle and excitement within the camp. We

halted, charged magazines with several rounds, and sat down with fixed

bayonets, and for the next hour were interested spectators of the

Egyptian artillery shelling the enemy.... Just as the advance sounded,

one of our men was shot through the head. We ran under a heavy fire

till within one hundred yards of the zareba, when we got on the knee

and poured in five terrible volleys. What a terrific noise! We could

see the enemy looking over their zareba and laughing in our faces, all

the while keeping up a heavy fire upon us. We ran till close to the

zareba. I was in the front rank, and another chap and I caught hold of

a branch, and, turning, hauled it clean away, leaving the palms of our

hands badly torn and bleeding. Men at other parts did the same, and as

soon as the dervishes saw their protection giving way, they jumped out

of the pits (in which they were lying), fired a volley into our midst,

and eventually turned tail. Clutching my rifle in my hand, the fearful

work now began of bayoneting the dervishes in the pits. Lots of them

could not get out, and they fought in desperate fashion.”

The treachery of the dervishes is well shown by the same graphic

narrator:--

“One lance-corporal was running up the hill through their huts when

three of them made for him. He shot one, bayoneted another, and then

the third man threw down his spear and held up his hands (in token

of surrender). The lad pointed to the rear, allowing his captive the

way to take for safety, and was in the act of running after the enemy

again, when the man he had spared picked up a rifle and blew the

lance-corporal’s brains out. General Gatacre was running up behind,

and, seeing the incident, gave the dervish such a blow with his sword

that he nearly severed his head from his body. After that the order was

given to show no mercy. It was not easy to distinguish the men from

the women. A woman was on the point of being stabbed, when the fellow

discovered his mistake and, laughing, turned away, when she immediately

ran a spear clean through him. In an instant four bayonets pierced

her body. On ceasing fire I found myself alone, wondering how I had

escaped, and a fervent ‘thank God!’ escaped my lips.”

With such stirring tales as this the battle of the Atbara was brought

to a successful issue, and crushing was its effect upon the forces of

the Khalifa. Not until September were the dervish forces able once more

to confront the arms of Britain, and then for the last time.

The battles of the British Army · 第 62 / 66 章