CHAPTER LIV.

THE BATTLES AT THE TAKU FORTS.

1860.

It is one thing to make a treaty with the wily Celestial, but quite

another to see that that treaty is enforced.

The causes which led to the Chinese war of 1860 are soon told. Together

with France, her old ally of 1858, Britain had determined to strictly

enforce the stipulations of the treaty of Tientsin, which followed on

the fall of Canton, but when a British envoy was entering the Peiho

river for the purpose of obtaining the formal ratification of the

treaty, fire was opened upon the squadron from the forts at the mouth

of the river.

Thus it was that a British army of about 10,000 men, and a French force

of 7000 men were despatched to China. Our army, the bulk of which came

from India, was collected at Hong-Kong during March and the beginning

of April. It comprised two infantry divisions, a cavalry brigade, and a

small siege train. The 1st Division, consisting of the 1st Royal Scots,

the 2nd (Queen’s), the 31st, and the 60th (Rifles) regiments of British

soldiers, the 15th Punjaub Infantry, and the Loodianah regiments

of native Indian troops, with batteries of the Royal Artillery and

a company of Engineers, was under the command of Major-General Sir

John Michel, K.C.B. The 2nd Division, composed of the 3rd (Buffs),

the 44th, the 67th, and the 99th (Lanarkshire) regiments, the 8th

and 19th Punjaub infantry, with similar equipment of artillery and

engineers, was under the command of Major-General Sir Robert Napier,

K.C.B. The cavalry brigade was made up of the 1st Dragoon Guards, one

of our crack regiments, and Probyn’s and Fane’s regiments of irregular

native cavalry, which, under their dashing leaders, had gained a great

reputation during the mutiny.

The French force, sent direct from France, assembled at Shanghai. It

was under the command of General de Montaubon, a typical “beau sabreur”

of the army of the Emperor.

Lieutenant-General Sir Hope Grant, of Indian fame, was in command of

the whole expeditionary force.

The British and French commanders were at Shanghai when the reply

to the joint ultimatum of the allies was received by Mr. Bruce, the

British representative there. It was, as Sir Hope himself expressed

it, “cheeky in the extreme.” The following extract shows this

clearly:--“For the future,” ran the official communication, “the

British minister must not be so wanting in decorum. It will behove him

not to adhere obstinately to his own opinion, for by so doing he will

give cause for much trouble hereafter.”

It was decided on receipt of this extraordinary document, early in

April, to commence operations at once. Towards the end of May all

preparations for the campaign in the north were completed, and by the

end of July the combined French and British fleets of warships and

transports stood off the mouth of the Peiho river, and the troops were

able to discern in the distance the boasted Taku Forts, at which a

British admiral had been previously repulsed, and which it was their

immediate objective to take by assault.

The forts were situated two on each bank of the Peiho, several miles

distant from the mouth, the strongest being the larger one. They were

built on the extremity of the firm ground, in front of them being a

great expanse of deep and sticky mud, to land on which and to storm the

forts would have been an impossibility. It was therefore decided to

land at Pehtang, a town and forts standing on the river of that name to

the north of the Peiho, and advance from this direction to the assault

of the Taku forts.

It was rumoured throughout the fleet that the Emperor of China had

sent a message to General Grant, informing him that a picket of

40,000 Tartars was lying in wait at Pehtang forts, “with a force of

200,000 under the commander-in-chief, Sang-ko-lin-sin, between that

and Tientsin.” He therefore recommended the General to go away, if he

valued the lives of himself and his people.

The disembarkation of the troops at about 2000 yards from the Pehtang

forts, on the afternoon of the 1st August, was accomplished.

During the night an officer penetrated into the town, and discovered it

had been abandoned by the Chinese soldiers, and that most of the guns

in the town were only wooden dummies.

At length, on the 12th August, the general advance commenced, ten

thousand British and five thousand French participating. The first

British division, with the French, moved along the causeway, to attack

the Chinese entrenched position at Sinho, while the 2nd Division and

the cavalry diverged to the right, to cut off the retreat of the enemy.

The march of these latter troops was laborious in the extreme, the mud

being knee-deep, but, after four miles, harder ground was reached, and

the troops found themselves faced by an extended line of Tartar cavalry.

Our new Armstrong guns, then for the first time tested in actual

warfare, began to create great havoc among the enemy, whose wretched

gingals and small field guns were absolutely ineffective at the long

range. For a time, however, the Tartars bore this destructive fire

well, and finally succeeded in effecting a well-directed charge in

spite of it. Our cavalry, however, speedily put them to the rout, and

the exhausted state of our horses alone prevented a lengthy pursuit and

a heavier loss to the enemy.

Meanwhile, on the causeway, the 1st Division was engaged in bombarding

the enemy’s entrenched position, and after twenty-five minutes the

latter found their position untenable. Here, as elsewhere, our cavalry

were too exhausted to pursue, and the field guns were hurried forward

to pour their deadly volleys into the masses of retreating Tartars.

By the afternoon the battle of Sinho was virtually over, though

individual skirmishes still took place. Our loss was only two killed

and some dozen wounded, and the French casualty list was equally light.

The loss of the enemy, however, was very heavy, the plain being dotted

with Tartar corpses for a long distance, while dead bodies in heaps lay

within the enemy’s entrenchments. Considering, however, that the allied

troops outnumbered the enemy by two to one, it must be admitted, with

General Napier, that the enemy “had behaved with courageous endurance.”

At the conclusion of the engagement at Sinho, it was discovered by the

allied commanders that the force there encountered was but a strong

outpost, the main body of the enemy being located behind entrenchments

at Tang-ku, some three miles further along the causeway.

Accordingly, Sir Hope Grant decided to postpone the forthcoming action

until the morrow, the remainder of the day and night being spent in

pushing forward our heavy guns up to the Chinese position and in

digging pits for our riflemen. At half-past five in the morning the 1st

Division pushed forward to storm the Chinese position, the 2nd Division

being held in reserve. The contest was sharp and short, the Chinese

replying with spirit to our fire, which from our 42 heavy guns was

destructive in the extreme.

Some explanation of the tenacity with which they stood to their guns

was afterwards forthcoming, when it was found that many of the wretched

gunners had been tied to the pieces of ordnance which they served!

After the enemy’s fire had been silenced, our infantry dashed forward,

and the foremost of our men, the Rifles, found themselves just in time

to bayonet some of the last of the Tartar defenders. The fugitives

could be seen streaming out of the village towards a bridge of boats

spanning the Peiho, by which they reached the village of Taku upon the

further bank of the river. Though no precise estimate of the enemy’s

dead could be obtained, dozens of them lay amongst the guns, dozens

more in the ditches, scores had been swept down the river in junks or

borne off by comrades, and numbers had crawled down to the village

to die. The full opposing force was estimated at 6000. The allies’

casualties amounted to 15 wounded, not a man having been killed.

The way was now clear for an attack upon the Taku forts. Some

disagreement arose as to which of the four should be the first object

of the allied attack. The French were in favour of first assaulting

the larger southern fort, the strongest of the four, but Sir Hope

Grant, observing that the nearer of the northern forts, though small,

commanded all the others, decided, in spite of the French protest, to

make this the object of attack. Several days were spent in preparation,

road-making, and the like, and during the night of the 20th August,

after a hard night’s labour, everything was found to be in order

for the attack. Bridges had been thrown over the principal canals,

intersecting the country, batteries had been erected near the forts,

and twenty heavy guns and three mortars were mounted, four British and

four French gunboats moved up the river to join in the attack, and a

storming party of 2500 British, consisting of a wing of the 44th, a

wing of the 67th, and two detachments of marines, together with 1000

French, mustered under Brigadier Reeves for what was to prove the

hardest fight of the campaign.

At daybreak our batteries and gunboats opened fire, the fort replying

briskly, and the engagement was begun. Hotter and hotter grew the

cannonade, and after an hour had passed and our storming party was in

momentary expectation of receiving orders to advance, suddenly a tall

black pillar of smoke was seen to shoot up from the fort in front, and

immediately afterwards to burst at a great height like a rocket. The

earth shook for many miles. A magazine had blown up. The enemy’s fire

ceased for a moment, but the garrison seemed to be determined to serve

their guns so long as one of them remained, and manfully reopened fire.

Half an hour later a similar explosion occurred in the second northern

fort, having apparently been caused by a stray shell from the gunboats.

By seven o’clock, the large guns of the enemy having been silenced, and

a small breach made in the wall, the storming party received orders to

advance.

As the men went forward into the open, they were assailed by a hail of

bullets by the Chinese, and many wounded began to drop in the line of

advance. The British portion of the force was sadly hampered by the

necessity of carrying sections of the pontoon bridge by which it was

intended to span the two ditches which ran round the front of the fort.

After all their exertions, however, the bridge proved useless, a round

shot in one instant completely smashing one section, and knocking over

the fifteen men who carried it. The French, on the other hand, carried

light bamboo ladders, which proved sufficiently effective to enable

them to cross the ditch, whilst our men had to swim or struggle over as

best they could.

The first ditch crossed, a formidable obstacle presented itself. The

intervening twenty feet of ground between the ditches had been thickly

planted with sharp-pointed bamboo stakes, over which it was almost

impossible to walk. It was here that our greatest loss occurred.

Missiles of all descriptions rained down upon our troops halted before

this formidable obstruction. Arrows, handfuls of slugs, pots of lime,

and round shot thrown by hand constituted the enemy’s ammunition, and

now and again the defenders leapt upon the walls to take more careful

aim at the attacking force.

At length, a few men succeeded in reaching the walls, and while the

French were fruitlessly endeavouring to plant their scaling ladders,

Colonel Mann and Major Anson, perceiving the drawbridge tied up with

rope, cut it free with their swords. The bridge fell with a crash, and

was totally wrecked by its fall. Eventually, however, a long beam was

thrown across, and one by one our men advanced across it to the walls.

The progress was slow, a considerable number of the men being unable to

perform this feat with success, and numbers of them fell into the muddy

ditch below, among the hilarious laughter of their comrades, which even

the near presence of death failed to damp.

By this time ladders had been dragged over by the French in

considerable numbers, and planted here and there against the walls,

only to be thrown back by the active defenders. The British meanwhile

running round the walls, eagerly sought a scaleable place.

At last a French soldier holding aloft the tricolour, with a wild cheer

on his lips, succeeded in placing his foot upon the parapet for a

moment before falling back dead. His comrades were immediately in his

place.

Almost simultaneously young Chaplin, an ensign of the 67th, holding

high the Queen’s colours of his regiment, half scrambled and was half

pushed up the wall, and, amid the wild hurrahs of his men, planted

his flag upon the parapet, where it fluttered in the breeze. A sharp

conflict took place the instant after at the nearest battery upon the

wall, and before the enemy were driven off young Chaplin received

several severe wounds.

Already a number of British had penetrated through a small breach in

the wall, and, entering the streets below, had come to a hand-to-hand

encounter with the garrison. Headed by their stalwart commander, the

Chinese with unwonted courage presented a bold front to our advancing

troops, and for a moment a desperate struggle ensued. Then, as their

leader, who proved to be the commander of the forces, fighting in

the front rank, and refusing to submit, fell dead, they turned and

fled pell-mell through the streets. Unhappily for them, the same

obstructions which had so hampered the advance of our troops, now lay

in their line of retreat, and as they endeavoured to struggle through

the ditch and over the staked ground, a great slaughter took place.

“Never,” said Colonel Wolseley, “did the interior of any place testify

more plainly to the noble manner in which it had been defended. The

garrison had evidently determined to fall beneath its ruins, or to the

last had been so confident that they had never contemplated retreat.

Probably the stoutness of the resistance was due to the example of the

Chinese commander, an exceedingly rare one, it being proverbial among

the Chinese that the officers are almost always the first to bolt when

defeat seems probable.”

Preparations were immediately made for an advance on the second

northern fort, when suddenly a white flag was hoisted on the principal

fort on the southern bank, and a mandarin was rowed over in a boat to

treat for terms. He could not, however, give any definite assurance

of capitulation, and he was told that if the second fort was not

surrendered in two hours it would be taken by storm.

The allotted time passed, and our men advanced to the attack. Not a

shot was fired on them, nor any sign of resistance made, and suddenly,

to the astonishment of all, down went the flags of the fort. The troops

entered and found the garrison of 2000 all huddled together in one

place like so many sheep. It was a sudden transformation, since they

had thrown away their arms and evidently expected nothing less than

massacre, being much astonished when they were sent over to the other

side in boats, and allowed to go where they pleased.

The Chinese were evidently completely cowed, and, after some of the

usual shilly-shallying, the mandarin in command of the southern forts

delivered them into our hands, “together with the unconditional

surrender of the whole country on the banks of the Peiho, as far as

Tientsin.”

This struggle cost the British 67 men killed and 22 officers and 161

men wounded. The casualties of the French numbered 130. The Chinese

dead lay everywhere, within and without the forts, and their loss must

have exceeded 2000 killed.

Thus, with the capture of the Taku forts, boasted as impregnable

throughout the Chinese Empire, ended the first stage of the war. The

gunboats cleared the way of the rows of iron stakes and ponderous booms

which obstructed the passage of the river, and by the first week of

September the allied troops, with the exception of the Buffs, left to

garrison Taku, and a wing of the 44th regiment sent to Shanghai, which

was at that time threatened by the Taiping rebels, were in quarters at

Tientsin.

For a time it appeared that the war was ended. The Chinese Government

professed great anxiety for peace, and Lord Elgin, our ambassador, who

accompanied the troops, was in daily communication with its emissaries.

Treachery, however, was feared, and the Chinese duplicity being well

known, the advance on Pekin was decided on.

On the 8th September the 1st British Division and half the French force

moved out of Tientsin, the remainder being left in the town owing to

inadequate means of transport. When, on the 13th inst., the allies

reached the village of Hu-see-wu, it was arranged in response to the

urgent entreaties of the Chinese that the army should halt within a

mile and a half of the old walled city of Chang-dia-wan, and that Lord

Elgin, with 1000 of an escort, should proceed to Tung-chow, to sign a

convention with the Imperial Commissioners there, and then to proceed

with the same escort to Pekin for its ratification.

Mr. Parkes, Lord Elgin’s secretary, with some officers and an escort,

set out in advance to arrange preliminaries, and while the main body

were on their march upon the 18th, they were horrified to hear the

sounds of distant firing, and shortly afterwards a few of Mr. Parkes’s

party galloped up. They had had to fight their way through the Chinese,

who had set upon them suddenly, and the remainder of the party had been

captured.

Sir Hope Grant immediately prepared for battle. In front were at least

30,000 men, while the allies numbered 3500 in all, but there was no

question of retreat. Seeing the allies coming, the Chinese opened

fire from skilfully-concealed batteries, which defended their five

entrenched camps. For two hours the contest raged hotly, and, at the

end of that time, the French troops on the left had carried the works

in front of them, while Fane’s Horse, dashing through the village

street on their flanks, completed the enemy’s rout. In the centre our

artillery speedily silenced the enemy’s guns, and the Tartar cavalry on

the right were put to flight by the Dragoons and Probyn’s horse.

Our casualties did not amount to 40 in this engagement, while hundreds

of the enemy were cut down by the cavalry in the long pursuit.

Seventy-four pieces of cannon fell into our hands.

After halting for some days until the 2nd Division and the siege guns

had come up, Sir Hope Grant on the 2nd October commenced the final

march to Pekin. All overtures of peace were in the meantime rejected,

until the captives should be delivered up to Lord Elgin. Progress

through the dense country was slow, and numerous isolated skirmishes

took place. On the 7th October the French wing reached Yenn-ming-yenn,

the famous summer palaces of the Emperors of China, and here a halt

took place for several days, while the French gave themselves over to

indiscriminate plunder and wanton destruction.

The army ran riot in the sacred precincts of the Imperial residences.

Every French soldier had in his possession stores of gold watches,

strings of pearls, and other treasures, while many of the officers

amassed fortunes. The British, however, were prohibited from

individual plundering, although a large number of the officers seized

the opportunity of the halt to pay a visit to the palaces, and returned

laden with booty.

So great was the amount of treasure brought back by these that when, on

the instructions of Sir Hope Grant, the whole of the loot thus obtained

was disposed of at a public auction which lasted over two days, and was

certainly one of the most singular scenes ever witnessed, the share of

each private soldier was not less than £4 sterling. Sir Hope Grant and

his two generals of division renounced their own large shares of the

booty, thereby sensibly increasing the gains of the private soldiery.

By the 12th of October the allied armies assembled before the Au-ting

gate of Pekin, and demanded its surrender. On the 8th, Mr. Parkes and

some of his party had been released, the Chinese alleging that these

were all the prisoners they had in their possession; but we had reason

to suppose that others remained in their hands. Accordingly, a battery

was erected in front of the gate, and the enemy were given till noon to

surrender the gate.

At five minutes to twelve General Napier stood watch in hand, and was

about to give the order to fire when it was intimated that the gate

had been surrendered. It was immediately taken possession of by our

infantry, while the French marched with tricolours flying and drums

beating. But though the gate was in our hands, the remaining prisoners

had not yet been delivered up, and our guns were still pointing

threateningly from the city gate, when in the afternoon eight Sikhs and

some Frenchmen in an emaciated condition came into our camp.

On the 18th, the fate of the remaining prisoners was discovered,

Colonel Wolseley coming on a cart containing coffins. These were

opened, and from the clothing they were proved undoubtedly to be

the missing men. It was found that they had been most cruelly done

to death, and the rage of the troops at this discovery was near

exceeding all bounds. Sir Hope, however, had given his word that the

city should be spared, but as the Summer Palace had been the scene of

these atrocities it was by Lord Elgin’s orders razed to the ground. An

indemnity of £100,000 was paid as compensation to the relatives of the

murdered men.

Further preparations were made for a complete bombardment of Pekin,

when, on the 24th October, peace was declared.

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